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Vol XXIX. 



PHILADELPHIA: 
PUBLICATION FUND OF 

THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF PENNSYLVANIA, 

No. 1300 LOCUST STREET. 
1905. 



X 697970 



CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXIX. 



PACK 



"The Congress Voting Independence." A Painting by Robert Edge 
Pine and Edward Savage in the Hall of The Historical Society 
of Pennsylvania. By Charles Henry Hart. (Frontispiece.) . 1 
Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush . . . .15 

Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. By James H. 

Watmough, U.S.N. . . ... .31, 180, 206 

The Lack of Civic Pride in Pennsylvania. By James M. Swank . 44 
Some Revolutionary Correspondence of Dr. James McHenry. By 

Bernard C. Steiner 53, 826 

Some London Broadsides and Issues on Pennsylvania. By Worth- 

ington Chauncey Ford . . . . . . . .65 

Some Letters from William Hamilton, of The Woodlands, to His Pri- 
vate Secretary. By Benjamin II Smith . . 70, 143, 257 
David Edwin, Engraver. By Mantle Fielding . .. 79,320 
Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. By Lothrop Witkingipn, 89, 207, 310 
Notes and Queries ....... 102, 244, 359, 483 

Book Notices . . . . . -.'"-. 124, 253, 380, 50S 

Gustavus Hesselius. The Earliest Painter and Organ- Builder in 

America. (Frontispiece.) . . . . . . .129 

Extracts from Diary of John B. Longacre ..... 134 

Bishop J. C. F. Cammerhoff's Narrative of a Journey to Shamokin, 

Penna., in the Winter of 1748. By John W. Jordan . .160 

Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. By Miss J. C. Wylie 191 
Letters of Hon. Alexander Hamilton and Rev. William Smith, D.D., 

to Hon. James Wilson, 1780. By Israel W. Morris . .210 
Genealogical Records copied from the Bible of Thomas Say . .216 
Four Letters Addressed to John Dickinson ..... 224 

Two Petitions of Citizens of Philadelphia County to the Governor of 
the Province, for Protection against Indian Incursions, 172S. 

(Frontispiece.) 228 

Letter of Robert Proud, the Historian, 1778 . . . . . .229 

Selected Letters of Michael Hillegas, Treasurer of the United States. 232 
A Bit of Local Gossip of 1740. By Francis von A. Cabeen . . 240 



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iv Contents of Volume XXIX. 

PAGE 

The Log of Dr. Joseph Hinchman, Surgeon of the Privateer Brig 

Prince George, 1757. By Willia?n M. Mervine , . . 268 

The Early Years of the University Barge Club, of Philadelphia. By 

the late John B. Thayer 282 

Genealogical Records of the Marshall Family, of Lewes, Delaware, 

1737-1839. By Rev. C. H. B. Turner 331 

Letters of John PaulJones, 1780 334 

Willbank Family Records . . 539 

Rev. John Martin Mack's Narrative of a Visit to Onondaga in 1752. 

By John W. Jordan . . .843 

Washington's. Household Account Book, 1793-1797. {To be Con- 
tinued.) 385 

The Narrative of Marie LeRoy and Barbara Leininger, for Three 

Years Captives among the Indians ...... 407 

A List of the Freeholders for the City and County of Burlington, and 
in each Respective Township, taken this 15th Day of April, 
1745. By Dr. Carlos E. Godfrey, M.D 421 

Register of St. Michael's Parish, Talbot County, Maryland, 1672- 

1704. By M. Atherton Leach 427 

The Quaker : A Drama in one Act. By August von Kotzebue, 

Translated by Amelia M. Gurnmere . . . . . 433 

Some Selections from the "Peters Papers,'* in the Library of The 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania. By Miss J. C. Wylie, 
Custodian . ..•....., 451 

Delaware Bible Records. By Rev. C. H. B. Turner . . .467 

Orderly Book, Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion, Col. Anthony Wayne, 

1776. (To be Continued.) 470 

How the Site of Carlisle, Cumberland County, Penna., was Pur- 
chased 479 

Officers of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania .... 613 

Index 517 



■ 



" : ' L. 



THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 

OF 

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 

Vol. XXIX. 1905. No. 1. 



"THE" CONGRESS VOTING INDEPENDENCE." 

A Painting by Robert Edge Pine and Edward Savage in the Hall of The 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

BY CHARLES HENRY HART. 

No picture of an American historical event is better 
known than John Trumbull's Declaration of Independence. 
The crude colossal painting covers considerable wall space, 
twelve by eighteen feet, in the rotunda of the Capitol at 
Washington, while the beautifully painted small original 
canvas, only twenty by thirty inches, adorns the Trum- 
bull Gallery-, in New Haven, and may readily be accepted as 
the artist's masterpiece, with its exquisite miniature portraits, 
several of them, says Mr. John Durand, in his monograph on 
Trumbull, " comparable to the finest limning of Meissouier." 
It was engraved in line by Asher Brown Durand, in 1820, 
the first large and important plate artistically executed in 
this country, which has been copied large and small, far and 
wide, until, with John Randolph's witty, but senseless, sou- 
briquet of " the shin piece" tacked to it, it is as generally 
familiar as Stuart's Athenaeum portrait of Washington. 

The great value of this picture is as a human document, 
preserving as it does the portraits of forty-eight persons 
connected with the most momentous event in the world's 
history next to Magna Charta. Thirty-six of the portraits 

VOL. XXIX. — 1 ( 1 ) 



2 " The Congress Voting Independence." 

were painted by Trumbull from life, nine are copied from 
life-portraits by others, and two, Whipple and Harrison, 
were painted from memory and description. Five of the 
persons in the picture were not signers, one being Charles 
Thomson, the Secretary of Congressjand Willing and Dick- 
inson, of Pennsylvania, and George Clinton and Robert 
R. Livingston, of New York, who were members on July 4th, 
when the Declaration was adopted, but not in the following 
August when, the engrossed copy was ready for signature. 
Of the remaining thirteen signers no portraits were known 
in 1818, when Trumbull finished the original picture. 

Until a decade and a half ago the fact that the same great 
scene, as had animated TrumbulPs brush, had several years 
earlier inspired another painter, had been so entirely lost 
sight of as to have been virtually unknown, when, in a dark 
corner of the old Boston Museum, on Tremont Street, the 
writer discovered the painting of The Congress Voting Inde- 
pendence y begun by Robert Edge Pine and finished by Edward 
Savage, now in the hall of the Historical Society of Penn- 
sylvania. Upon comparing the Pine and Trumbull pictures 
there can be but little doubt that Trumbull received some- 
thing more than mere suggestion, from Pine's earlier com- 
position, for the arrangement of his later picture. Both 
pictures are remarkably well composed and while Trum- 
bull ! s may have more stately dignity, Pine's is unquestionably 
the most realistic and natural. But in the very important 
feature of the architecture of the room in which the im- 
mortal act was consummated, Trumbull did not follow Pine 
and that feature makes the Pine picture of far greater 
historical value and importance than that by Trumbull, as 
Pine reproduces the chamber as it was at the time the 
Declaration was adopted, for, as our story will show, it was 
unquestionably painted within its very walls. The history 
of the picture and of its painters is both interesting and 
important and deserves to be preserved and perpetuated for 
future students. 

Robert Edge Pine was born in London, according to 



" The Congress Voting Independence" 3 

Nagler, in 1730, while Bryan, Redgrave, and others give 
the year 1742. If the earlier date is not correct, the later 
one seems impossible from the fact that, in 1760, Pine 
gained the first prize of £100 from the Society for the 
Encouragement of Arts, for the best historical picture that 
was offered, The Surrender of Callais, with figures as large as 
life, a hardly possible achievement for a lad of eighteen. 
He was the son of John Pine, who published (1733-37) the 
beautiful edition of Horace, with vignettes and text 
engraved throughout by himself and whose portrait by 
Hogarth, in the style of Rembrandt, is familiar to students 
of that artist's work. From whom the son gleaned his art 
education is not known, but doubtless the rudiments were 
instilled by his father. In 1762 he again took a first prize 
for his picture of Canute Reproving his Courtiers. Both of 
these prize pictures have been engraved, which is a distinc- 
tion that would hardly have been accorded to the works of 
a youth of eighteen and twenty. Between these two dates 
he had for a pupil that erratic genius John Hamilton Morti- 
mer (1741-79), which would, also scarcely have been the 
case had he himself been born only in 1742. l 

Pine devoted himself to historical composition and por- 
traiture, but his chief success was in the latter branch of 
art. The most familiar portraits of John "Wilkes, whose 
principles he espoused, and of David Garrick, whose friend- 
ship he possessed, are from his easel and have been re- 
peatedly engraved, one of the former being lettered, Patri- 
cius Pine humanarum figurarum jpictor pinxit. He painted at 
least four different portraits of Garrick ; the most important 
for size and composition, Garrick seated at a table reading 
Macbeth, is in the National Portrait Gallery, London, while 

1 There is a mezzotint by McArdell, published in 1752, of "Mr. Lowe 
and Mrs. Chambers in the characters of Captain Macheath and Polly,'' 
after a painting by "K. Pine," which conclusively negatives this date. 
1730, is adopted in Leslie Stephens' Dictionary of National Biography, 
following the writer's article in Appleton's Cyclopedia of American 
Biography, vol. v. p. 23. 



4 " The Congress Voting Independence." 

what is doubtless the original life study for the head in this 
picture is In Philadelphia. Another portrait of Garrick, 
by Pine, is in the Lenox G-allery, New York, and, a genera- 
tion ago, was the subject of an entertaining monograph, by 
the late Gulian C. Verplanck. From 1760 to 1784, Pine 
exhibited fifty portraits at the different exhibitions of the 
Society of Artists and of the Royal Academy. In 1771 he 
angrily withdrew from the Spring Gardens Incorporated 
Society of Artists, of which he was a member, on the ground 
of an insult by the President and removed from London to 
Bath. Here he painted portraits for eight years, when he 
returned to London and in 1782 held an exhibition of a 
collection of Shakespearean pictures that he had painted, 
some of which were afterwards engraved and published in 
Boy dell's Shakespeare. 

In 1784 Pine carried out his often-expressed wish to 
settle in America, by bringing his family to Philadelphia. 
His object is shown in two letters written respectively to 
Messrs. John and Samuel Vaughan, preserved in the Dreer 
Collection of Autographs in the Pennsylvania Historical 
Society; and their date fixes his coming at least a year later 
than that usually given. 

London, Cork Street., Burlington Gardens 

29th April, 1784. 

Sir:— 

I had the favour of yours dated the 4th of Feb. last 
and am greatly oblig'd to you for your kind attention to the 
disposal of my prints, but hope, soon after this, to have the 
happy opportunity of thanking you in person at Philadel- 
phia, having resolv'd to endulge myself in visiting the Place 
and People whom I have most respected. I purpose bringing 
with me the original Allegorical Picture of America, with 
many Historical Pictures and others and doubt not the kind 
assistance of Mr. Vaughan, and the Ladies, towards pro- 
curing me a favourable reception. I hope to be able to 
leave England in about a Month, and am now greatly 



" The Congress Voting Independence" 5 

employ 'd in making preparation. My best respects attend 
on Mr. Vaughan and Ladies and am Dr. Sir 

Your oblig'd and faithful Serv. 

E. E. Pine 
To John Vaughan, Esq., Philadelphia. 

Cork Street, Burlington Gardens. 

May 2nd 1784. 
Dear Sir : — 

In my letter to Mr. John Vaughan in reply to his favour 
concerning the Prints he obliged me with the care of, I 
communicated my intention of immediately visiting your 
happy Country, but I now find that I shall not be able to 
compleat the business I have in hand, in proper time 'for 
the Voyage. I therefore must necessarily postpone for a 
Bhort time the gratification of a wish and hope I have for 
some years entertain'd — by which delay I hope I may be 
favoured with your opinion of the present state of the coun- 
try, with respect to the disposition and ability of its inhab- 
itants for giving encouragement to Painting, either at Por- 
traits or in perpetuating to Posterity the many glorious Acts 
which honours the name of an American. I think I could 
pass the latter part of my life happier in a Country where 
the noblest Principles have been defended and establish'd, 
than with the People who have endeavored to subdue them. 
I therefore hope you'll be able to satisfy e me, that in so 
doing I do not hazard the rendering myself the less able 
to provide for my Family. Your kind attention to this and 
a speedy reply will be very important to me and add to the 
many services with which you have favour'd my dear Sir 

Your much oblig'd and faithfull hum'll serv 

R. E. Pine 

To Sam '11 Vaughan, Esq., Philadelphia. 

P. S. Mrs Pine and daughters joyn with me in best 
regards to Your Self and the Ladies. 

The exact date of Pine's coming to Philadelphia is unim- 
portant, but an advertisement in The Pennsylvania Packet for 
November 15, 1784, shows that he was then here and 



6 " The Congress Voting Independence." 

affords au item of information of the first importance in 
connection with the picture under consideration. It reads : 

Mr. PPN T E, 
being honoured with the use of a commodious apartment 
in the State-house, for the purpose of painting the most 
illustrious scenes in the late revolution, hopes that those 
who are desirous of seeing his pictures, will not disapprove 
of contributing one quarter of a dollar on entrance, in order 
to be accommodated with proper attendance, fires and de- 
scriptive catalogues of the paintings. 

X. B. Attendance will be given at the side door of the 
Congress chamber, every morning, except Sundays at 11 
o'clock. To open to-morrow. 

On December 1st, in the same paper, he announces that 

" The Sessions of the Supreme Court being over Mr. 

Pine's Pictures are replacing in the Congress Chamber at 

the State House and may be seen to-morrow (after the hour 

of eleven) as usual." 

And among the Etting Papers in The Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania will be found A Descriptive catalogue of Pictures 
Painted by Bobert Edge Pine. 17 8i. Philadelphia; Printed 
by Francis Bailey, at Yonick's Head, in Market Street. It 
contains twenty-seven pictures chiefly from Shakespeare, 
although Xo. 1 shows the sentiment that brought the 
painter to this country : — " Allegorical Piece, representing 
America, after having suffered the several evils of the late 
American "War is lamentin°; the deaths of those brave oifi- 
cers who fell in the glorious cause of Freedom." This is 
of course the picture mentioned in the letter to John 
Vaughan. It was painted as early as 1778 and was en- 
graved on copper, in stipple, by Joseph Strutt, in 1781, 
and dedicated " To those who wish to sheathe the deso- 
lating sword of War and to restore the blessings of Peace 
and Amity to a divided people." A framed copy of this 
engraving is in the gallery of The Historical Society; and 
in the Inventory of Pine's estate, hereafter to be more 



" Thz Congress Voting Independence" 7 

particularly mentioned, there appears the original copper 
plate with one hundred and sixty-eight prints. There is 
a very rare print of this picture, also in stipple, bearing 
the name of .4. Doolittle sculp. New Haven. I have not had 
the opportunity to compare the Strutt and Doolittle prints to 
determine whether Doolittle actually re-engraved the Strutt 
print upon the copper or obtained the original Strutt plate 
from Pine's estate and inserted his own name as engraver, 
a not uncommon practice with some followers of the burin. 

The object Pine had in view he sought to fulfill by paint- 
ing portraits of the eminent men of the revolutionary period, 
with the intention of representing in several large paintings 
the principal events of the war, but it is doubtful if any of 
these pictures were completed. That he began their com- 
position we know from the inventory of his estate, on file 
in the Register's ofiice, at Philadelphia (Xo. 146 of 1789), 
which enumerates among other items, unfinished pictures 
representing The American Congress Voting Independence, Cap- 
ture of Lord Cornwallis and the Colors laid before Congress, 
General Washington Resigning his Commission to Congress, 
General Washington under the Character of Fortitude, four por- 
traits of Washington, and the allegory of America Suffering 
the Evils of War. 

The first portrait Pine is said to have painted after his 
arrival here is the well-known one of Francis Hopkinson, 
now in the gallery of The Pennsylvania Historical Society, 
and it was a letter from this gentleman to Washington, that 
drew forth the famous reply from Washington beginning 
" In for a penny in for a pound is an old adage." This letter 
is as " hackneyed" as Washington complained he was " to 
the touches of the painter's pencil ;" but the Hopkinson let- 
ter has never been printed, so I give it from the original in 
the Emmet Collection in the New York Public Library. 

Dear Sir* Philada. 1 9th April 1785. 

Encouraged by the friendly notice with which you have 
upon every occasion been pleased to honor me, I take the 



8 " The Congress Voting Independence." 

liberty of recommending to your kind attention my friend 
Mr. Pine, an artist of acknowledged eminence, and who 
has given the World many pleasing and forcible speci- 
mens of Genius. Zeal for the American Cause has brought 
him over from England, to secure whilst it is yet possible, 
faithful representations of some of the most interesting 
Events of the late War — not ideal pictures but real Por- 
traits of the Persons and places concerned. You will 
easily discover the tendency of this letter and of Mr. Pine's 
visit. Scenes, wherein you were so conspicuous a Part, can- 
not be faithfully represented if you are omitted. I know 
you have already suffered much persecution under the 
painter's pencil and verily believe that you would rather 
fight a battle, on a just occasion, than sit for a Picture, be- 
cause there is Life and Vigour in Fortitude, and Patience is 
but a dull Virtue. I would not insinuate that you have 
not much Patience but am very sure you have a great deal 
of good nature and on this we depend on the present oc- 
casion. It would be no compliment to Mr. Pine to say he 
is the most eminent artist, in his way, we have ever had in 
this country. But his own pencil will display his abilities 
in much better Terms than my pen, and I have no doubt 
but you will find him worthy of your notice in every respect. 
Mrs. Iiopkinson joins me in most respectful Kegards to your 
good Lady. With sincerest wishes for your Health and pros- 
perity, I am, Dear Sir Your ever affectionate friend and 

faithful humble Servant, 
Gexl. Washington. Eras. Hopkixson. 

Pine's likeness of Washington is feeble and unsatisfactory 
as are many of the portraits that he painted in this country. 
At Pine's death he left four portraits of Washington, de- 
scribed in the Inventory as " Kitt-cat," which is unquestion- 
ably an error in size for half-length, as the three portraits 
of him by Pine, now known, are of this size. 

Pine was generously patronized by people of considera- 
tion, doubtless owing to his friendly disposition toward the 



" The Congress Voting Independence." 9 

land of his adoption, and Robert Morris, whose best known 
portrait he painted, built a house for him in Philadelphia 
which was adapted for the exhibition of his pictures and 
the prosecution of his painting. He visited Washington, at 
Mount Vernon in April of 1785, 1 and on his journeyings 
thither and back he painted a number of pictures in Mary- 
land which survive, including family pictures of the Carroll 
and of the Caton families. Pine died suddenly of apoplexy 
in Philadelphia, November 19, 1788, but I have been unable 
to learn where he was buried. He is described by Joseph 
Hopkinson as a " very small man, morbidly irritable. His 
wife and daughters were also very diminutive; they were 
indeed a family of pigmies." After his death his wife, who 
kept a school for girls in Philadelphia, petitioned the Legis- 
lature of Pennsylvania to be allowed to dispose of her hus- 
band's pictures by lottery, which request was granted ; but 
the project was not successful, and only a few were disposed 
of in that way ; the greater number being purchased by 
Daniel Bowen, 2 proprietor, with Edward Savage, of Savage 
and Bowen's New York Museum, " a mingled establish- 
ment, half painting-gallery, half museum'* 3 which Washing- 
ton visited September 14, 1789, when located at 74 Water 
Street, 4 Later it was " in Greenwich Street, in a building 
once used as a circus." 5 Just when the sale to Bowen and 
Savage took place I do not know, but it must have been 
subsequent to January 7, 1794, on which date James Kent 
writes from Philadelphia, " I visited also Pine's Cabinet of 
Paintings. The colors were coarse, but some of the pict- 

1 "April 28. — To Dinner M r Pine a pretty eminent Portrait & His- 
torical Painter arrived in order to take my picture from the life & to 
plan it in the Historical pieces he was about to draw. This Gentleman 
stands in good estimation as a Painter in England ; — comes recommended 
to me from Col Fairfax — M r Morris — Gov r Dickenson — M r Hopkinson 
& others. " — Washington's Diary, 1785. 

2 Daniel Bowen died in Philadelphia, February 29, 1856, aged 96. 

3 Dunlap, History of the Art of Design, vol. ii. p. 261. 

4 Penna. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., vol. xix. p. 441. 

5 Dunlap, vol. i. p. 321. 



10 " The Congress Voting Independence" 

ures striking, particularly the allegorical piece representing 
America." 1 In 1795 theXew York Museum was removed 
to Boston and called the Columbian Museum. It was lo- 
cated at the Head of the Mall, and a broadside descriptive 
catalogue of its contents, in the possession of the writer, 
enumerates one hundred and twenty-three finished pictures 
on exhibition, chiefly painted by Pine, beginning with No. 1. 
An Allegorical Piece, representing America, etc., and ending 
with The original drawing of America. The two prize paint- 
ings of 1760 and 1762, were respectively IS^os. 15 and 16, of 
the catalogue, which contains also the paintings exhibited 
in Philadelphia, in 1784, paintings of Mr. Lowndes and Fam- 
ily of Maryland, Mr. Sterrett and Family of Maryland, and 
Mr. Hanson and Family of Maryland ; portraits of Charles 
Thomson, Ei chard Henry Lee, Charles Carroll of Carroll- 
ton, Samuel Chase, General Washington, and many others 
not pertinent to our present inquiry. 2 

The museum, with the greater portion of its collections, 
was destroyed by fire January 15, 1803. In 1806, Eowen and 
W. M. S. Doyle, an indifferent portrait painter, erected the 
museum building on Tremont Street, which, the next year, 
was burned, rebuilt, and kept up until 1825, when the Colum- 
bian Museum passed to the Xew England Museum. Fifteen 
years later the Xew England Museum became the property 
of Moses Kimball, who maintained it, as the Boston Museum, 
for more than half a century. Mr. Kimball died February 
21, 1895, aged eighty-nine years. In the fall of 1892, he be- 
gan the dispersal of the museum collection by the sale of 
Savage's painting of The Washington Family, well known 
from engravings, now owned by The Democratic Club, 
!N~ew York, and soon afterwards the writer acquired the 
painting of The Congress Voting Independence, now under 
consideration. 

Exactly what portions of the painting of The Congress 

1 Kent's Life of Chancellor Kent, Boston, 1898, p. 60. 
s A very interesting cabinet portrait of Alexander Hamilton, by Pine, 
has recently come into the possession of Doctor Wier Mitchell. 



" The Congress Voting Independence" 11 

Voting Independence, were by Pine and what by Savage, it is 
of course impossible exactly to determine. We know that 
the picture was left by Pine unfinished when he died, and 
we know that it afterward came into the possession of 
Savage. We know that Pine's painting room was the Congress 
Chamber in the State House. We know that the portraits of 
Francis Hopkinson, sitting at the President's table, writing; 
of Charles Carroll, seated to the right of Franklin, talking 
with Stephen Hopkins, the figure to the extreme right, 
wearing a hat; of George Read, he between Carroll and 
Hopkins, and of William Paca, the centre of the standing 
group of three, on extreme left, talking to Doctor Rush, are 
all from known originals by Pine. We know further that 
Pine was an educated and accomplished history painter and 
that this picture, with its thirty-two figures, is remarkably 
well composed and drawn in a manner far superior to what 
any of the works of Savage would lead us to assume that 
he was competent to do. Indeed, the difference in ability 
of the two men is shown in this very work. The group of 
four standing before the table, with the senile figure of 
Franklin, seated near, with legs crossed, is beautiful and 
most artistic and in strong contrast with the awkward, 
seated figure of Robert Morris, in front of the table to the 
left, with walking-stick in hand, which is unquestionably by 
Savage, as the original of this portrait of Morris, by Savage, 
is in the possession of the writer. Savage also certainly 
painted the portraits of John Adams and of Robert Treat 
Paine on extreme left to front, and he must have limned the 
benign but characterless profile of Jefferson, who presents 
the Declaration to Hancock, as Jefferson did not return from 
France, after an absence of five years, until Pine had been 
a year in his grave. We know by the Columbian Museum 
catalogue that Pine had painted portraits of Charles Thom- 
son, seated at the table beside Hancock; of Richard Henry 
Lee, and of Samuel Chase, but which are Lee and Chase 
in the picture, I cannot determine. He also painted a 
portrait of Thomas Stone, but I cannot identify it in the 



12 " The Ccmgress Voting Independence." 

picture. Of the central group, the figure in profile, with 
glasses and big wig, facing Adams and Sherman, puzzles 
me exceedingly. The others being plainly Jefferson, Slier- 
man, John Adams, and Franklin, the fifth should be Robert 
R. Livingston, the other member of the Committee, but it 
in no wise resembles him in face, figure, costume, or age. 
I am inclined to the opinion that it is William Ellery, as 
he, with Franklin and James "Wilson, is the only " signer" 
always represented wearing spectacles, and it is not Wilson 
as he sits writing at the table to the rear, on the left of the 
picture ; but why Ellery should be given such a prominent 
position I cannot surmise. The most interesting piece of 
portraiture in the painting is undoubtedly the central figure 
of Franklin. It shows his figure and profile in old age as 
we have them preserved no where else, and it is an ex- 
tremely characteristic bit of portrait work, unquestionably 
from the hand of Pine. 1 

It is my opinion therefore that the composition and de- 
tails of the picture are entirely by Robert Edge Pine, 
painted in. the very room in which the event sought to be commem- 
orated teas enacted, which in Pine's time had not been 
changed or altered, from what it was in 1776, and giving 
its lines with the exactness of an architectural drawing. The 
last point is of the first importance, and this painting was 
according-lv made use of in the recent restoration of Inde- 
pendence Hall to its original condition. That Savage fin- 
ished Pine's picture of The Congress Voting Independence, is 
shown not only inherently, but also by the old Museum Cat- 
alogues in the Public Library at Boston. He did more. 
He essayed the engraving of it upon copper the same size 
as the painting, twenty-six inches by nineteen inches, and 
the unfinished copper plate to-day is in the cabinet of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, as the work of an unknown 
engraver. 2 It was reserved for the writer to discover that 

1 Franklin died April 17, 1790, and Savage did not visit Philadelphia 
until after this date. 

* Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Society, 1858-60, p. 391. 



" The Congress Voting Independence." 13 

this plate was also the work of Edward Savage. At the 
auction sale of the papers of Colonel Trumbull, in this 
city, a few years ago, I chanced upon a letter that told the 
story. It was dated " Boston April 11, 1818," from Edward 
Savage, son of the painter, to John Trumbull, offering to sell 
to the latter the plate and paper of the " print of Congress 
'76 wich my Farther (late Edward Savage) had nerely com- 
pleated," stating that " the plate is now in a situation that it 
may be finished in a few weeks." Trumbull drafted his reply 
upon the letter he had received, as was his custom, in which 
.he declines the offer, stating that " my painting of the sub- 
ject was begun more than thirty years ago and all the heads 
were soon after secured." Trumbull's given period for be- 
ginning his picture of The . Declaration of Independence, the 
year of Pine's death, adds strength to my thought that he 
received something more than " mere suggestion" for his 
picture from Pine's earlier work. This view is further for- 
tified by the fact that Trumbull did not actually begin his 
picture until 1791, as he wrote to Jefferson, a few months 
earlier than his letter to Savage. 

Edward Savage was born in Princeton, Massachusetts, No- 
vember 26, 1761, and died there July 6, 1817. He was 
originally a goldsmith, but subsequently turned his attention 
to painting and engraving. Towards the close of 1789 he 
left Massachusetts for New York, armed with a letter from 
President Willard, of Harvard College, to President Wash- 
ington, requesting him to sit to Savage for a portrait which 
the painter desired to present to the university. Washington 
complied with the request and gave Savage a first sitting on 
December 21 " from ten to one o'clock" * Washington sat 
again a week later " all the forenoon," and on January 6, 
1790, " from half after eight o'clock till ten, for the por- 
trait painter Mr. Savage to finish the picture of me which 
he had begun for the University of Cambridge." This por- 
trait is on canvas, twenty-five by thirty inches, and Josiah 
Quincv, for many years President of Harvard, declared it 

1 Washington's Diary, 1789-91. New York, 1860. 



14 " The Congress Voting Independence." 

to be the best likeness he had ever seen of "Washington, 
" though its merits as a work of art were but small." 

Savage subsequently removed to Philadelphia, the seat of 
government, and in 1791 went to London, where he is said 
to have studied under West, and afterwards to have visited 
Italy. While in London he engraved and published, after his 
own paintings, bust portraits, in stipple, of General Knox 
(December 7, 1791), and of Washington (February 7, 1792), 
and his well-known three-quarter length portrait of the 
President, in mezzotint (June 25, 1793), his first work in 
that style. 1 When he returned to this country he settled in 
Philadelphia, where his brother, John Savage, was engaged 
as a publisher, and there issued mezzotint portraits, also from 
his own paintings, of Anthony Wayne (June 1,1796), Doc- 
tor Rush (February 6, 1800), and Jefferson (June 1, 1800), 
and folio plates in stipple of Liberty (June 1, 1796), and 
of The Washington Family (March 10, 1798). These plates 
show Savage to have been a much better engraver than 
painter as his plates both in stipple and in mezzotint are 
skilfully and pleasingly executed. The stories promulgated 
by Dunlap, and very commonly adopted and repeated, that 
Edwin engraved the plates bearing Savage's name are absurd 
on their face and disproved by dates. 

This survey of the entire subject, with the abundant 
data I have been able to adduce in support of my view, I 
feel must be accepted without question as fixing the author- 
ship of the painting of The Congress Voting Independence, 
owned by The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, upon 
Robert Edge Pine, who left the work unfinished at his 
death, and the unfinished canvas coming into the possession 
of Edward Savage, was completed by him. 2 

1 For other engravings after Savage'3 portraits of Washington, see 
"Catalogue of the Engraved Portraits of Washington, By Charles 
Henry Hart. New York, The Grolier Club. 1904." 

1 For an account of Edward Savage Painter and Engraver and his 
unfinished copper-plate of The Congress Voting Independence, by the present 
writer, see Proc. of Mass. Historical Society for January, 1905. 



Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush. 15 



EXCERPTS FKOM THE PAPERS OF DR. BENJAMIN 

RUSH. 

Madam. 

I sit down with great pleasure to acknowledge the receipt 
of a letter from Mr. Adams, dated Feby 8., with a postscript 
from you, which thro' a mistake or neglect in some of the 
post offices did not reach me 'till the 10th of this instant. 
I hope it is not too late to thank you for them both. The 
remedies you have demanded from me to relieve the anguish 
of your mind, occasioned by parting with your dear Mr. 
Adams, have now become unnecessary from my hand. 
You have drawn a hundred resources of comfort from 
other quarters since he left his native Shores. You have 
heard of his safe arrival in France, of the marks of respect 
with which he was introduced into that country, and above 
all, of his zeal, and industry in promoting the liberties, 
and adding to the Stability of the independance of the 
United States. Give me leave to congratulate you upon 
each of these events. To greive at the Absence of a hus- 
band thus honoured, & thus employed, partakes of the 
weakness of those who bewail the premature translation of 
a friend from the humble pursuits of earth to the active & 
beneficent employments of the kingdom of heaven. 

I am led by the many amiable traits I have received of 
your character from Mr. Adams, to call upon you to rejoice 
in the happy changes that have taken place in the appearance 
of our Affairs, since my correspondence commenced with 
Mr. Adams. An alliance has been formed with the first mon- 
archy in Europe, the haughty court of Britain has been 
forced to sue her once insulted colonies for peace, the cap- 
ital of Pennsylvania, the Object of the expenses & blood of 
a whole campaign has been evacuated, the flower of the 
British army has been defeated, and above all, a French 
fleet hovers over our coasts. These Madam, are great, and 
unexpected events, and call for the gratitude of our country 



16 Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Bash. 

to the great arbiter of human Affairs. When the Duke 
D'Avignon saw his last Ship perish in a Storm, the war 
before last, at Halifax, after having witnessed the destruction 
of a whole army by Sickness, he cried out, " God is resolved 
to have all the honor of conquering us to himself." In 
like manner heaven seems resolved to have all the glory of 
our deliverance to itself. The wisdom of our counsels was 
often foolishness, & the Strength of our Arms was too often 
Weakness. Even the capture of Burgoyne was the effect 
of a mistake in Congress. By recalling Genl. Gates from 
Ticonderoga, they gave the enemy a post which afterwards 
led them into the heart of our country. The restoring 
Genl. Gates to his command was not the effect of the 
wisdom of the Congress, but the result of the clamors & 
Spirit of the people. 

Soon after my last letter to Mr. Adams, I was forced to 
resign my commission of Physician-General to the army, 
having no prospect of being supported in doing my duty, 
either by the Congress, or principal Officers in the army. 
This prepared the way for my returning to Phil ad a. as soon 
as the enemy left it, where I am now settled with my family 
in the business of my profession. Our city has undergone 
some purification, but it still resembles too much the ark 
which preserved not only the clean but unclean animals 
from the deluge which overwhelmed the old world. 

I heg you would present Miss Adams with the little book 
wch. accompanies this letter. It was written by Dr. Greg- 
ory, one of my Masters, a worthy & eminent physician in 
the city of Edinburgh. 

My Dr. Mrs. Rush joins in best compts. to you and your 
little family, with Madam your most 

Obedient 
Hble 

Servant 

B. Rush. 

Sepr. 3. 1778 
Mrs Adams 



Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rusk. 17 

My dear friend. 

Your letter written a few days before your embarkation 
for France, lays me under an Obligation to renew my 
correspondence with you. You are pleased to say, my 
letters give you pleasure. This is eno' for me. Happy 
shall I esteem myself, if thro' your eminent & useful Station, 
I can convey a single idea that will add a mite to the happi- 
ness of our beloved country. 

Many new events have happened in our military & politi- 
cal World since you left us, which have opened a new 
system of thinking k acting among us. The Success of the 
army in extorting half pay for seven years from the Con- 
gress, has led them to extend their Views to all the emolu- 
ments of a Standing Army. It is treason to oppose the 
Scheme in a company of Officers — many of our citizens 
defend it — and the idea once so horrid in the ears of an 
American is tollerated even among our rulers. The great 
Object of our Affection now is Indepcndance , — the only Ob- 
jects of our fears and resentments are British Commissioners, 
now too contemptible to excite Anger. We. have forgotten 
that we drew the Sword in defence of freedom, and we 
have not a single suspicion that the destruction of our 
republic can originate only from causes within ourselves. 

The Eastern States still retain their republican Spirit. 
But Alas ! there is a de^eneracv even amon? them of re- 
publican virtue k manners. But the States to the West- 
ward of Hudson's river, are nearly as aristoeratical & 
monarchical as they were seven years ago. We hear as 
much of honor among them, as you do at the court of 
France. We even advertise Accts. of Duels. It is true we 
hate our late Soveriegn on the British throne, but we have 
substituted an idol in the room of him, and we derive all 
the blessings of our present glorious revolution from his 
Arm alone. We say in contempt of the very genius of 
republicanism, which Supposes as many Servants of the 
public as there are freemen, that no man but our Com- 
mander-in-chief could have kept our Army together, and 

VOL. XJCIX. — 2 



18 Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush. 

that his fall would be the extinction of our liberty. We 
have lost but few men in battle, and yet every campaign 
has wasted an Army for us. You know already my Opinion 
of the cause of the misfortunes which have befallen our 
troops, and that I have always ascribed them to Other 
Sources than the nefrliirence of Officers, or the wickedness 
of Commissaries & Quarter Masters General. 

Characters appear in One age, and are only to be known 
in another. General Conway, who was the nerves ; Mifflin, 
who was the Spirit; & Lee, who was the Soul of our army, 
have all been banished from Head-Quarters. The last has 
been most unjustly condemned by a Court Martial for 
saving our army at Monmouth on the 28th of last June. 
Genl. Washington was his accuser. The Congress I believe 
disapprove of the Sentence, but are so much afraid of the 
workmanship of their own hands, that they are afraid to 
reverse it. I blush for my Country when I tell you that 
several Members of Congress leave the house when the affair 
is bro't on the carpet. 

Adieu, my dear friend. Cease not to love, and serve our 
dear country. I expect (to speak in the puritanical phrase- 
ology of our Ancestors) to see a republican Spirit yet 
poured out upon us. Adieu. Yours — 

Yours — Yours, 

B. Eush. 

Phil ada. 

Octobr 27. 1778. 

John Adams Esqr. — 

Commissioner from the Ud. States of Ama. 
to tlve Court of France. 

Philada Novr 5th 1778. 
My dear Friend. 

I am much Obliged to you for opening a correspondence 
between Dr Garden and me. I beg you would thank the 
Doctor in my name for his polite letter, and tell him I shall 



Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush. 19 

not fail of answering it as soon as I meet with any thing in 
the line of our profession worthy of his Attention. 

Many thanks to you for your Oration. It is pregnant 
with Sentiment, and breathes a Spirit of freedom which 
cannot be counterfitted. Some trifling Alterations, I think, 
might have been made in the Stile. My great partiality to 
Swift, Hume, Bolingbroke, and Sir Win Temple, as Models 
of fine writing, leads me to prefer Simplicity to every thing 
in composition. I do not wonder that Mr. Pope, speaks of 
the " Majesty," and Lord Shaftebury, of the " divineness" 
of Simplicity in writing. In my Opinion it is the perfec- 
tion of Stile, and is generally a very late Attainment of 
Writers. 

I hear with great pleasure of your progress in reputation 
& in the esteem of your fellow citizens. I anticipate your 
rising on some future day to the first honors of your State. 
In your career towards political fame and importance, you 
will soon lose sight of your old friend. I have detached 
myself wholly from public business, & live only for the 
benefit of an amiable wife, and promising boy, & my circle 
of patients. This mode of life is the effect of choice no less 
than of necessity, for the power which now rules in our 
State is composed of my particular friends, from whom I 
could ask nothing in vain. Our new Government is de- 
molishing, & those furious patriots who have half ruined 
our State, are now sinking into Obscurity & contempt. We 
expect soon to see a convention called which will restore 
to us (with a few necessary Alterations) our old constitution 
under which Pensylvania became the first spot, not only 
in America, but upon the Surface of the earth. 

I cannot help calling upon you to offer up your thanks to 
God with mine, that your friend Eush, is now in the land 
of the living. On the 12th of last September, I was seized 
with a most malignant bilious fever (caught from One of my 
patients), which reduced me to the brink of the grave. My 
physicians Redman, Kuhn k Morgan, shook their heads as 
they went out of my room. My friends could do little 



20 Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush. 

more than weep at my bedside. I made my will, and took 
leave of life. But in the extremity of my danger, it pleased 
God (on the 11th day) to break the violence of my disease, 
& I am now thro' divine goodness so perfectly recovered as 
to be able to do business as usual. 

General Lee's tryal is the common subject of conversation 
in this place. The sentence of the court-martial is now 
before Congress. They dare not confirm it, for the pro- 
ceedings of the court, which are printed, not only shew that 
Lee is innocent of the charges brought against him, but 
that he saved our Army, & country on the 28th of June. 
They dare not reverse it, for this would impeach the veracity 
and candor of our commander-in-chief, & he possesses nearly 
as much influence over the resolutions of our Congress as the 
king of Britain does over the Acts of the British parliament. 
DeWit & Barnevelt were sacrificed to the excessive influence 
& popularity of a Stadholder. They suffered Death. We 
refine upon the cruelty of the mob of Amsterdam. We 
destroy reputation, which is dearer to a military man than 
life itself. Conway, Mifflin, & Lee were sacrificed to the 
excessive influence & popularity of One Man. They were 
the first characters in the army, & are all honest men. 
Where is the republican Spirit of our country ? For my 
part, I 'wish to see something like the Ostracism of the 
Athenians introduced among us. Monarchies are illumi- 
nated by a Sun\ but republics should be illuminated only by 
constellations of great Men. 

Adieu, my Dr. Sir, and believe me to be your sincere 
friend & 

Hble Servt 

B. Rush. 

Philada. 

Noyr. 6th. 1778. 

Dr David Ramsay 

Charlestown South Carolina. 



Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush. 21 

Dear Sir. 

It gave me great pleasure to find from your last letter 
that your feelings & Opinions accord so exactly with mine 
on the present state of our Affairs. The time is now past, 
when the least danger is to he apprehended to our liberties 
from the power of Britain, the Arts of commissioners, or 
the machinations of tories. Tyranny can now enter our 
country only in the shape of a Whig. All our jealousy 
Should he of ourselves. All our fears, Should he of our 
great men, whether in civil or military authority. Our 
Congress "begin already to talk of the State Necessity, and of 
making justice yield in some cases to policy. This: was the 
apology, I was told, for confirming the unjust Sentence that 
was passed upon General Lee. Gordon tells us that in Eng- 
land, the Whigs in power are always tories, and the tories 
out of power are always Whigs. I think I have discovered 
Something of the same kind already in our country. In my 
opinion, we have more to dread from the Ambition, ava- 
rice, craft & dissolute Manners of our Whigs than we have 
from a host of Governor Robinsons, Dr Berkenhouts, Hutch- 
insons or Galloways. Yirtue, Virtue, alone my dear friend, 
is the basis of a republic. "Fiat justitia, mat coelum," 
was my maxim during the short time I acted for the pub- 
lic. I had no political Ambition to gratify. I neither 
feared nor courted any party. I loved liberty for its own 
Sake, k I both loved & pitied human nature too much to 
flatter it. But what was the consequence ? my political race 
was Short. I thank my countrymen for dismissing me from 
their Service. I want no Offices nor honors from them. 
My temper & my business render me alike independent of 
the world. But still I will love them, & watch for their 
happiness. I long to see the image of God restored to the 
human mind. I long to see Virtue & religion supported & 
vice & irreligion banished from Society by wise & equitable 
governments. I long to see an Asylum prepared for the 
persecuted & oppressed of all countries, & a door opened 
for the progress of knowledge, literature, the Arts, & .the 



22 Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush. 

Gospel of Jesus Christ, to the ends of the earth. And these 
great events are only to be accomplished by establishing k 
perpetuating liberty in our country. ! best of blessings ! 
Who would not follow thee blindfold? "Who would not 
defend thee from the treachery of friends as well as from 
the malice of enemies ? But I must stop. "When liberty, 
the liberty we loved, and contended for in the years 1774 & 
1775 is my Subject, I know not where to begin, nor where 
to end. ! come ccelestial stranger k dwell in this our 
laud. Let not our ignorance, our Venality, our luxury, our 
idolatry to individuals, & our Other antirepublican Vices, 
provoke thee to forsake the temple our Ancestors prepared 
for thee. Put us not off with Great Britain's acknowledg- 
ing our independance. Alas ! the great Ultimatum of our 
modern patriots. It is liberty alone that can make us 
happy. And without it the memorable 4th of July 1776, 
will be execrated by posterity as the day in which Pandora's 
box was opened in this country. 

I am impatient to see your history. How many Chapters 
or Volumes have you allotted for the blunders of our Con- 
gress, k generals ? Weak minds begin already to ascribe 
our deliverance to them. Had not heaven defeated their 
counsels in a thousand instances, we should have been 
hewers of wood & drawers of water to the Subjects of the 
king of Britain. 

With compts. to Mrs Gordon kc. I 

am yours sincerely, 

B. Rush. 

Deer 10th 1778. 

Reyd Mr. Gordon, at Roxbury, near Boston. 

April 20, 1780 
Dr Sir. 

This letter will be handed to you by Dr John Foulke, a 
young Gentleman of a respectable Quaker family, who goes 
to France to finish his Studies in medicine. He is a youth 
of a fair character k promising Abilities, k wt. I know will 



Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Jiush. 23 

add to his merit wth you, he is friendly to the liberties of 
our country. 

It gave me great pleasure to hear of your safe arrival & 
favourable reception in Spain. We long to hear of your 
entering upon the business of your embassy. I envy your 
children the happiness of calling that man father, who after 
contributing his Share towards giving liberty and indepen- 
dance, will finally restore peace to the United States of 
America. 

Our Affairs wear their usual checkered aspect. Our 
governments increase daily in Strength & reputation. Our 
army (which I saw a few Weeks ago at Morristown), is now 
inferior to few of the armies of Europe in Order and dis- 
cipline. The number of our soldiers is small, owing, not to 
a decay of the miliy or Whiggish Spirit among us, but to a 
want of money to purchase recruits. The new Scheme of 
Congress for calling in the circul'g money at 40 to 1 will I 
believe be adopted with some alterations by the States. 
This will, we hope, restore the vigor of 1775 to our coun- 
sels k arms. 

The French Alliance is not less dear to the true Whigs 
than Independance itself. Even the tories have conformed 
in some degree to it. The Chev. de la Luzerne, has made 
them by his politeness & liberality, almost forget the mis- 
chianzas of their once beloved friends the British. 

Charlestown is in Jeopardy. But we believe all things 
will work together for Good for us. Commerce & Agri- 
culture flourish. 

Adieu, Yours &c 

B. Rush. 

Honble. John Adams 

at the Court of Versailles. 

Conversations with Dr Franklin. 

1785.— Dined with the Dr. with Dr. Ramsay, Mr. Rittin- 
house, Mr. Littlepage, * Littlepage's Salutation,' &c. He 
Baid the foundation of the American revolution was laid in 



24 Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Bash. 

1733, by a clause in a bill to subject the Colonies to being 
gov'd by Royal instructions which was rejected. He said 
in 175G, when he went to England, lie bad a long conversa- 
tion with Mr. Pratt (afterwards Lord Camden) who told 
him that. Britain would drive the colonies to independance. 
This lie said first led him to realise its occurring shortly. 

1786 Augt. — I waited on the Dr. with a Dr. Minto. He 
said he believed that Tobacco would in a few years go out 
of use. That, about 30 years ago, when he went to Eng- 
land, Smoaking was universal in taverns, eoffe-houses, & pri- 
vate families, but that it was now generally laid aside, that 
the use of Snuff, from being universal in France, was be- 
come unfashionable among genteel people, no person of 
fashion under 30 years of age now snuffed in France. He 
added that, Sir Jno Pringle k he had observed that tremors 
of the hands were more frequent in France than elsewhere, 
k probably from the excessive use of Snuff. They once saw 
in a company of 16 but two persons who had not these 
tremors at a table in France. He said Sir John was cured 
of a tremor by leaving off Snuff. He concluded that there 
was no great advantage in using Tobacco in any w r ay, for 
that he had kept company with persons who used it all his 
life, k no one had ever advised him to use it. The Dr. in 
the 81st year of his age declared he had never snuffed, 
chewed, or smoked. 

Septem'r 23rd. — Three persons who don't care how little 
they get for their money, waited upon the Dr. with Mr Bee. 
He said he believed the Accts. of the plague in Turkey 
were exaggerated. He once conversed with a Dr MaeKensie 
who had resided 38 years at Constantinople, who told him 
there were five, plagues in that town. The plague of the 
drugger-men or interpreters, who spread false stories of the 
prevalence of the plague in Order to drive foreign ministers 
into the country, in order that they might enjoy a' little 
leisure. 2. The plague of debtors, who when dunned, 
looked out of their windows, and told their creditors, not 
to come in for the plague is in their houses. 3. The plague 



Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Hush. 25 

of the Doctors, for as they are never paid for their At- 
tendance on such patients as die, Unless it be with the 
plague, they make most of fetal diseases the plague. The 
Dr forgot the other two. lie added that Dr MacKensie 
upon hearing that 660 dead with the plague, were carried 
out of one of the gates daily, had the curiosity to stand by 
that gate for one whole day, k counted only 66. 

17SG Sepr. — Waited upon the Dr. with Mr R. Stockton, 
he told us that in 1723, people went to market with cut 
silver, those who had it not, procured provisions by taking 
the country people to two Stalls in the market, & giving 
them goods for them, which goods were charged to their 
Acct's. & paid for once or twice a year. He added that, it 
would be an advantage to our country for the Europeans to 
be the carriers of our produce for many years, for as they 
could not afford to lye long in our ports, they must always 
sell 10 %h cent, lower & buy 10 ^. cent, higher than our 
own merchants, product of German Industry. 

Octbr 1. — Dined with the Dr., with Mr. Bee, Dr. Minto, 
Dr. Kuhn, &c. He said interest was 3 ^ cent ^. month, 
for 10 months in China, or 30 ^ cent. ^ anm., which pro- 
moted industry, kept down the price of land, & made free- 
holds more common. Upon another occasion he said that 
Q'edit produced Idleness & vice, & he wished that all debts 
should like debts of honor or game Debts be irrecoverable 
by law. He added this day that in the last 30 years of his 
life, he had never enjoyed better health, than at present. 

Oetobr 12. — Waited on him with Dr Xisbet. He observed 
that by raising the ear with his hand, he heard better than 
without it, & still better if he formed a concave w T ith his 
hand round his ear. He spoke in high terms of the game 
of Chess. 

1787 May 3rd. — Drank tea with Dr. F., he spoke in high 
terms ag'st. negro Slavery, & said he printed a book 40 
years ago written by Ben. Lay ag'st. it, w'ch. tho' confused, 
contained just tho'ts & good sense, but in bad order. 

April. — Dined with Dr. He spoke of the talkativeness of 



26 JEJxcerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush. 

the French nation, & told a story of the Abbe Raynal, who 
was a great talker, who came into a company where a 
French man talked so long & so incessantly that, he conld 
not get in a word. At last he cried out " il e pendu, si il 
crache" " He is lost, if he spits." His grandson told another 
story of a Frenchman, who was dining, complaining to his 
companions that their noise kept him from tasting his 
Victuals. 

1788 April 19th.— Spent half an hour wth Dr. F. in his 
library. " He observed that a man lost 10 *$ cent, on the 
value, by lending his books ; that he once knew a man who 
never returned a borrowed book, because no one ever re- 
turned books borrowed from him." He condemned the 
foreign commerce of the United States, and observed that 
the greatest part of the trade of the World, was carried on 
for Luxuries most of which were really injurious to health 
or Society, such as tea, tobacco, Bum, Sugar, and negro 
Slaves. He added, " when I read the advertisements in our 
papers of imported goods for sale, I think of the Speech of 
a philosopher upon walking thro' a fair, " how happy am I 
that I want none of these things." 

Sepr 22. — Waited upon Dr. Franklin with Doctor Thibou, 
of Antigua. The Dr. said few but quacks ever made money 
by physic, k that no bill drawn upon the credulity of the 
people of London by quacks, was ever protested. He 
ascribed the success of quacks partly to patients extolling 
the efficacy of the remedies they took from them, rather 
than confess their ignorance & credulity, hence it was justly 
said, " quacks were the greatest lyers in the world, except 
their patients." He told two stories, the one of a Jew who 
had peculated in the French army, being told when under 
confinement that he would be hanged, to wch. the Jew 
answered, " who ever heard of a man being hanged worth 
200,000 livres," k he accordingly escaped. The Judges in 
Mexico being ordered to prosecute a man for peculation, 
found him innocent, for wch. they said, " they were sorry 
both for his own, k their sakes." 



Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush. 27 

British Commissary. Story of ears more faithful than 
eyes (?) He added further, that in riding thro' New Eng'd. 
he overtook a post Rider that was once a shoemaker, & 
fell into consumption, but upon riding two years as a post 
in all weathers, between New York, & Connecticut river 
(140 miles), he recovered perfectly, upon which he returned 
to hie old business, but upon finding a return of his con- 
sumption, he rode post again, in which business he con- 
tinued in good health 30 years. He said that he could have 
purchased the indepen dance of America at 1/10 of the money 
expended in defending it; such was the venality of the 
British Court. (?) 

JNorr. — Spend half an hour with Dr. in company with the 
Revd. Mr. Bisset & Mr. Goldsborough. He said Sir Jno 
Pringle once told him 92 fevers out of 100 cured themselves, 
4 were cured by Art, & 4 proved fatal. 

About the end of this month, I saw him alone. He 
talked of Climates ; I borrowed some hints from this Con- 
versation for the essay on Climates. 

17S9. June 12th. — Had a long conversation with him 
on the Latin and Greek languages. He called them the 
" quackery of literature". He spent only abt. a year at 
a Latin School, when between 8 & 9 years of Age. At 33, 
he learned French, after this Italian & Spanish wch. led him 
to learn Latin wch. he acquired with great ease. He highly 
approved of learning Geography in early life, & said that he 
had taught himself it, when a boy, while his father was at 
prayers, by looking over four large maps which hung in 
his father's parlour. 

Time misspent, & time spending itself. 

Conversations in London in 1768 & 9. 

Four ways of wunding up conversations, by Stories of 
robbers, Duels, murders, & in America of Snakes. 

The ministry read history not to avoid blunders, but to 
adopt & imitate them. 

" So, (said Mr. Gerard), Sir Wm. Howe has taken Phila- 



28 Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Hush. 

delphia." " You mean Sir, Philadelphia has taken Sir 
Win. Howe." 

" Why do you wear that old coat to day," said Mr Dean 
to Dr F on their way to sign the treaty with the United 
States. " To give it a little revenge. I wore this Coat on 
the day Widderburn abused me at Whitehall," said the 
Doctor. He had great influence at the court of France. 

A letter from to Mr Carmichrel said, " he seldom goe3 

to court, but when he does, every thing he says flies by the 
next post to every part of the kingdom." 

His method of improving a bad hand; he learnt to write 
a good hand after he was 30 years of age. 

Maryland. 

Samuel Chase , a bold declaim er with slender reasoning 
powers. His person & manner were very acceptable, and 
to these, he owed much of his success in political life. He 
was an advocate for paper money in the Maryland Assembly 
in the year 1786. He was believed by some, & suspected by 
most of his fellow citizens to have wanted 

Wni Paca, a good tempered, worthy man, with a sound 
understanding, which he was too indolent to exercise. "He 
therefore gave himself up to be directed both in his political 
opinions k conduct by Sam Chase, who had been the friend 
of his youth, k for whom he retained a regard in every stage 
of his life. 

Anecdotes, Facts, Characters, gc. 

The first motion to build, or to arm vessels to cruise 
against the trade of Britain, was made in Congress in 1776, 
towards the close of the year. It w T as ridiculed from every 
part of the house. It w T as thought the height of madness 
to think of opposing Britain on the ocean. The motion was 
notwithstanding seconded & carried. Four vessels w T ere 
fitted out in Philadelphia, two of which reduced & plun- 
dered the Island of Providence, & afterwards fought a 
British Ship of war called the Glasgow. In 1779, the 



Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush. 29 

United States had 7 frigates completely manned, and were 
nearly mistresses of the American Coast. 

The Scotch people in Pennsylvania were generally in 
favor of the American cause. But they still retained their 
National Character. They attached themselves strongly to 
the new powers that were formed upon the ruins of the Old 
Ones. They were always in favor of every civil or military 
Administration, however unwisely, or arbitrarily it was 
exercised. 

The Jews were generally Whig3, in every Stage of the 
revolution. 

I sat next to Dr. Franklin in Congress when he was 
chosen Commissioner to go to France, in Octobr 1776. He 
was then upwards of 70 years of age. Upon my congratu- 
lating him upon his appointment, he said, " I am now like 
the remnant of a piece of cloath, the. Shopkeepers, you 
know, generally say when they sell it, you may have it for 
what you please. Just so my country may command my 
Services in any way they chuse." 

The character of Dr. Franklin has been lessened in the 
opinion of some people, by a supposition that he had a 
share in forming the constitution of Pennsylvania. It is 
true, he assented to it, but it is equally true, in a letter to 
general Wayne, & in a conversation with Mr. John Morton, 
& myself, he strongly reprobated that part of the consti- 
tution which places the Supreme power of the state in the 
hands of a Single legislature. There is a pamphlet of the 
Doctor's printed in the year 1763, in which he supposes 
three branches preferable to two. 

Mr. John Dickinson possessed great political integrity in 
every stage of the controversy, but w T anted political forti- 
tude. In the debates upon the Declaration of Indepen- 
dance Mr. John Adams began a Speech by invoking the 
God of Eloquence to inspire him upon such a copious Sub- 
ject. Mr. Dickinson began a reply to Mr. Adams's Speech 
in the following words. " The gentleman who spoke last, 
began by invoking a heathen God. I shall introduce what 



30 Excerpts from the Papers of Dr. Benjamin Rush. 

I have to say, by humbly invoking the God of heaven & 
earth to inspire me with the knowledge & love of truth, 
and if what I am about to say in opposition to the Declara- 
tion of Independence should be injurious in any degree to 
my country, I pray God to overrule my Arguments, and to 
direct us to such a decision upon this weighty question as 
shall be most for the interest & happiness of the people 
committed to our care." " I know," added he further, 
" that the tide of the prejudices & passions of the people at 
large is strongly in favor of Independence. I know too, 
that I have acquired a character, and some popularity with 
them, both of which I shall risk by opposing this favorite 
measure. But I had rather risk both, than speak, or vote 
contrary to the dictates of my judgement and conscience." 



Letters of James II. Watmough to his Wife, 1785, 31 



LETTEKS OF JAMES H. WATMOUGH TO HIS WIFE, 

17S5. 

BY JAMES H. WATMOUGH U.S.N. 

[Jaines Horatio Watmough, son of Captain Edmund and Marie Ellis 
Watmough, was born in 1754, at Halifax, Xova Scotia. His father 
served in the British army during the French and Indian wars. At 
eight years of age he was sent to England to be educated. Subsequently 
he entered the office of his cousin Henry Hope, the Banker of Amster- 
dam, where he continued until 1782, when he returned to Philadelphia 
and engaged in a mercantile business. He died in 1812, leaving two 
sons and two daughters, John G. ; Edmund ; Margaretta, wife of John 
Sergeant, and Maria, who married Joseph Reed.] 

Arrived in Cove on Saturday evening the 30 September 
1786, after a very short and agreeable passage— anchored at 
about 7 o'clock in the evening — a Brigg sailing out of the 
Harbour, Cap* Bull for iSTew York, and wrote a few lines to 
Mrs. "Watmough. 

Sunday, l d October. — Dined on board — forwarded the 
letters per post transmitted to my care — went on shore in 
the afternoon and took a walk — found the Town very 
disagreeable and dirty — the Captain taken ill — I stayed with 
him — his sickness obliged me to attend him all night. 



Monday, 2 d Oct. — Went on board and dined — after dinner 
got Cap 4 Gilpin into lodgings — his illness prevented his 
going to Cork — slept on board. 

Tuesday, 3 d Oct. — Went to Cork on horseback about 
Cap* Gilpin's business, which accordingly did — went to the 
Coffee House — met my old friend And r O'Shea Esq — dined 
at Mr. Anderson's the Agent for the vessel. Mr. A. was 
in Britain — his lady a most amiable Lady, to whose kind 
civilities I shall ever be grateful. Returned to Cove in the 
evening — the ride from Cove to Cork is very agreeable, the 
land highly cultivated, several elegant seats, particularly 
Maryborough, the seat of M r Xewenham — passage is a 



32 Letters of James II. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 

small dirty Town opposite to which the shipping in general 
lay. On my return found Cap 1 Gilpin rather better; in 
consequence of my ride caught a violent cough ; slept on 
board. 

Wednesday, 4- th Oct r , remained on board to nurse myself. 

Ihursday, 5 th — In the afternoon went on shore with Mr. 
Mory, took a pleasant walk in the Country, drank Tea at 
a Tavern, and returned on board. 

Friday, 6 th — Mr. O'Shea hearing I was sick came down 
and took me to Town; arrived at his House in the evening, 
was introduced to his amiable wife. Spent the evening en 
famille. 

Saturday 7 th — Took a walk about the Town; it having 
rained the Streets were dirty not a little. The Town of 
Cork is built on 18 small Islands; the form is circular; the 
Streets in general are narrow^ and close, except some few 
that the canals are filled up. The Houses in General are 
good — and some elegant for the major part of them, the 
inside far surpass the outside; they are elegantly furnished. 
On the parade is an elegant equestrian Statue of George 
the 2 nd in Bronze, by no means ill executed. The Play 
House is a small neat building and the prospective of the 
seats are very judicious — the ornaments not extraordinary. 
The public assembly room is beautifull, about 80 feet by 
40 feet, covered in stucco, about 40 feet high; the Glasses 
are well displayed the Branches and chandeliers elegant, 
in short the room is elegant in simplicity. The Card- 
room, 30 feet by 40 feet; the Tea room ditto, and three 
email drawing rooms 18 feet by 18 for the convenience of 
the Company. The Exchange is a small but elegant build- 
ing, but is hid in a narrow street. The Mansion House of 
the Mayor is a noble building but rather heavy ; the 
Bishop's palace is a beautifull building, and commands a 
grand view of the Town. The Barracks are noble and 
spacious ; the County and City Court Houses are miserable 
buildings and very inconvenient; the Jails are shocking, 
the buildings are good but too small, and in a confined part 



Letters of James II. Watmougk to his Wife, 1785. 33 

of the City. The Churches are neat and exceeding well 
kept, so are the church yards. The Cathedral of St. 
Barry's is a pretty building, hut the avenues to it are shock- 
ing. The Custom house is a neat building, but as they 
are sroinsr to build a bridge across the River to make it 
more convenient for the intercourse of Travellers and the 
inhabitants, £30,000 is voted to build a new Custom house 
as Ihey also intend to build a new Jail, — and the County 
and City join therein, just out of the City, on an emi- 
nence — to pull down the old ones, and open the Streets 
and by filling up the Canals, the City bids fair to be much 
beautified in a few years. St. Patrick street is at present 
elegant. To the West of the Town is a beautiful publick 
walk about a mile and J long, near the side of the River, 
and on the same is a double row of Trees. Several Tea 
Houses are situated near the River, to which much com- 
pany resort. I took a most delightfull excursion down the 
country to a seat of Mr. Peter Grant called Mirtle Villa, it 
is near the entrance of the Harbour. The country through 
which I rode was elegant and in the highest state of culti- 

CD O 

vation and improvement; the Houses of the Gentry are 
large and elegant, but the p>oor peasantry live exceeding ill, 
their Houses are built of mud and straw and thatched roofs, 
very few of them have any place to convey the smoke out 
but through the door, which of course being generally open 
their Hogs etc. have full liberty to walk in and out. Of 
course the peasantry must be very dirty, however they look 
healthy and must be very laborious in order to bring up 
their rents. Their living is very mean, Potatoes and milk, 
some may afford to live better; the laborage is exceeding 
low, from 4 d to 9 d per day — that is 6 oclock a.m. to 6 p.m. 
The Country Gentry live exceeding well, and the hospitality 
and Politeness of them to strangers will ever be remembered 
by rne. 

The major part of the farms are inclosed with substantial 
stone walls and rough casted. The estate of a Mr. Hodder, 
near Cross-haven, has a wall round it about 9 feet high : his 
vol. xxix. — 3 



34 Letters of James 11. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 

estate is about 900 acres in his own bands, improved in this 
manner — I looked with astonishment at improvements of 
this kind. My friend Mr. T's place is small, but from the 
elegance of its situation, being sheltered from all bleak 
winds and still commands a view of all the shipping coming 
to and going from Cove to sea, it is about 13 miles from 
Cork. This Mr. T. is brother to Mr. T. T. you remember 
in America last year. On the North side of the river the 
Country is far better improved than on the S. Side. I rode 
out with a couple of amiable young Ladies and some Gentle- 
men, — we went to a place of a Mr. Rodgers called Loto, on 
the River side, commanding a most beautiful and extensive 
prospect. Nature could not be more bountiful, nor art 
more beautifully displayed; the ground is not naturally 
rich, rather a thin gravelly soil. He has 600 acres, which 
about 70 years ago his family took on a lease, no less than 
9999 years, at an annual rent of £36 per annum. The 
spot was then a barren heath, but at present is as elegant 
an improved place as any in Europe. The House is about 
60 feet Square, with two wings 30 feet each, built of hewn 
stone; the architecture thereof is neat and simple and 
appears so light, that it does honor to the Architect. The 
House is on an eminence ; the Hill has a most enchanting 
6lope and the number of deer grazing round the same and 
the woods diversifyed in a most elegant manner makes the 
spot appear enchanting. Mr. Rodgers though unknown to 
any of us, ordered his Horse out and with amazing polite- 
ness drove us all round his grounds, which are elegant beyond 
description and laid out to profit as well as pleasure. From 
a Hill planted elegantly with timber a lawn opens and the 
view terminates by a view on the beautifull little village of 
Glanmire, in which a new Church has lately been built, 
which does honor and Credit to the Gentry. This place of 

Mr. R. is by the improvements he has made, worth 

about £1200, an immense rise in so short a period, owing 
merely to the attention of this Gentleman and his family. 
His enclosures are all stone walls, which prevents hunts- 



t 



/c: c 



byV9?0 



inters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 35 

men from committing depredations to his Tenants. This 
place is about 3 miles from Cork. We extended our ride 
about 9 miles, through one continued scene of variety and 
elegance in improved and refined agriculture; in short I 
must confess that I do not know a City in the world which 
affords more variety and beautifull rides or scenes of inter- 
esting pleasure for the eye of a traveller than Cork does 
around it. However, when a person enters the City he 
must be impressed with a very despicable idea thereof, as 
all the out skirts of the Town are filled with Paltry dirty 
Cabbins, the abode of indigence and poverty. The Ladies 
in Cork are generally handsome, agreeable and affable in 
their conversation ; the society is good, the public amuse- 
ments are few, — the play House is only open about 3 months 
in the year. During the -winter season they have public 
assemblies once a week, and occasionally a Concert. I was 
at one the other evening given by a Mr. Weichell, the music 
was elegant. W. is one of the first performers of the age. 
After the concert there was a ball ; the company was bril- 
liant: the Ladies in general beautiful and their dresses ele- 
gant, in full fashion, but none outre in it, which is much to 
their honor and does credit to their taste. Apropos of the 
Mansion House in Cork. I went to ;see it; I was only in 
the public rooms. The drawing room, which serves for an 
assembly, is 60 feet by 30 elegantly decorated, though by 
no means tawdry. At one end is an elegant statue in Bronze 
of King William ; the piers are handsome, and the work is 
highly finished with the composite etablature ; the dining 
room is the same size with the drawing room ; nothing 
remarkable. On the Staircase in a Niche is an elegant 
Marble Statue of the Late Lord Chathm as a Eoman Sen- 
ator ; it is well executed. 

They dine late (at least to us in America), their enter- 
tainments are by no means magnificent, but good and I am 
happy to find that the bottle is by no means pushed about 
to excess, as was formerly the case when there was no such 
thing as dining with them without coming away drunk. 



36 Letters of James II. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 

I have now been in Cork 5 weeks, dined in Company and 
large parties every day and have not seen a person be dis- 
ordered. The evening societies are very agreeable; a man 
may either play cards, ("Whist, Quadrille and lanskinet 
are their favorite games) or enter into conversation, for as 
their Drums are o-enerallv lar£>;e, some are always disensraired 
at play. The women in general are well informed. There 
was an Historical Tale written by a Young lady of this City, 
a Miss Fuller, (I was in company with her at my friend Mr. 
Jameson's); it really has a great share of merit; she made 
me a present of a copy thereof, which I shall send you by 
Capt. Gilpin. I doubt not you will be pleased with it, being 
founded on an Historical fact. They play rather high in 
Cork and the Ladies in general seem fond of sporting a 
little. Their Drums break np about 12 o'clock, but at 
Suppers, a person can seldom get away before one or two ; 
sometimes cards are introduced after supper. Before I 
leave Cork, My Dearest Anna, I must do justice to my 
friends. First then let me pay due tribute to my worthy 
friends M r and M ra Shea — Your kindness to me shall 
ever be remembered with the greatest esteem, may it some 
day lay in my power to repay in part the obligations 
you and your amiable Lady have laid me under. My 
Dearest Anna! I was acquainted with this Gentleman some 
years ago in Rotterdam ; I then had it in my power to serve 
him. He introduced me to the best Roman Catholick 
families in Cork; his wife is an amiable little woman, a 
sister to Mr. Th° Trant, who you must remember. To my 
worthy friend E. Jameson Esq., let the voice of gratitude 
speak, your friendship is unparalleled. I cannot say enough 
on your subject; you will ever be remembered by me with 
love. Mrs. Jameson is one of the most pleasing, open 
hearted women I ever met with. I was at home in their 
House, and though I lodged at M r Shea's my time was 
chiefly at M r J' 8 as he is a very leading man, and by his 
introduction I became acquainted with all the nobility and 
Gentry in those parts. You was often the subject of our 



Letters of James II. Watmough to hfs Wife, 17 So. 37 

conversation. M™ J. wished much to have you under her 
roof; she said that had you been with me, she would make 
you like Cork — and then she would keep us both near them. 
I hope to make you acquainted by correspondence before I 
return. They have a fine family of Children. I was at 
the play several times and saw M r3 Abington perform sev- 
eral characters ; she pleased me much in that of Lady Teazle, 
in the School for Scandal. M™ A. is a fine woman and 
much admired ; she is old but still is the criterion of taste 
with respect to dress, and am informed she is copied by the 
Ladies of the bonton. She is the exact figure of Mis3 
Vining, and had I met her in America, I should have spoken 
to her as Miss V., their voices are alike. I wrote you My 
Dearest Anna! the 18 October, via New York, per the 
Sally, Cap n Chevers, under cover to Mr. Footman ; once 
the 25 October per the Brothers, Cap. Sinnott, for Phila- 
delphia, under cover to John Willcocks Esq. which I hope 
you have received. 

The wind came round to North on Friday 3 Inst for a few 
hours. Cap u Gilpin, I do not know from what cause put 
to sea and left me behind and took mv ba^a^e with him. 
You can easily imagine the trouble this must occasion me ; 
I had only four shirts two stocks and three pairs of stockings. 
His conduct was very cruel on the occasion and I really 
believe he must have been in liquor. A few hours after he 
sailed the wind came against him from the East, even at 
North the wind was contrary ; — the other vessels all re- 
turned. I presume he has run into some out-port, where 
he must still be laying. Being tired of staying, no appear- 
ance of the winds changing, M r Jameson procured me a 
fellow traveller, a Cap n Mac Car thy, and we took leave of 
Cork on Saturday morning at 8 o'clock (the 4 Nov.). We 
travelled in a Post chaise through a fine Country, but very 
hilly, we arrived about noon at Rathcormick, a Borough 
of Lord Eivinsdale, a neat pretty Town. Lord R. has a 
most beautiful seat there. We left Rathcormick after taking 
a Relish, and proceeded on to Mitchell's Town, through a 



38 Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 17S5. 

Country highly cultivated. This Town was built by the 
present Lord Kingsborough, a son to the Earl of Kingston, 
in England. His Lordship has £20,000 per annum ; lives 
on his Estates, and his greatest satisfaction is in improving 
them. The village is elegant, the major part forms one 
large Square, the Houses built uniform, with a neat taste. 
His Lordship's palace is elegant, situated on an eminence 
that commands a view on one side over his Town, where 
you see happiness and industry in Unison, and from the 
other side it commands a most pleasing and extensive view 
over a highly cultivated Country. As I got acquainted 
with his Lordship in Cork, I would have paid him a visit, 
but wanting to get forward I proceeded though evening on 
to Cahair, where I got at nine o'clock at night. Thus in 
the course of this day, only made 42 miles, which is about 
50 of our miles. Cahair is a pretty inland Town, in which 
is nothing remarkable except the ruins of an old Castle. 
Lord Cahair being a Roman Catholic, resides in France; 
his palace is not much better than a common House. This 
Town is in the County of Tipperary. "We left Cahair 's 
early in the morning and got to Cashell about 8 o'clock ; this 
is a stage of 9 Irish miles. Cashell is a good clever place, 
the See of an Arch-Bishop, whose palace is very handsome. 
The ruins of an old Cathedral on a hill in the Town is very 
well worth the attention of the curious. "We took fresh 
Horses at this place and rode on to Johnstown, through a 
bleak Country, nothing to recommend it but the goodness 
of the roads. The fens and Bogs were immense, here and 
there we came to a tolerable farm House. We passed 
through one village, of Hurlingford, and saw many ruins of 
old Castles. Johnstown is a small insignificant place, only 
a few taverns here; we breakfasted about 12 o'clock and 
took fresh Horses. This is in the County of Kilkenny. We 
passed through a most delightful Country, highly improved 
and well wooded ; many elegant seat3 of the Nobility and 
Gentry, and saw immense flocks of Cattle grazing. Arrived 
at Castle Durrow, where we took fresh Horses, and made no 



Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 39 

stay iii this paltry place, there is a garrison. It being Sun- 
day, it was like a Fair; the Taverns were crowded with 
Country peasants, who after Church and Chapel spend a 
few hours in mirth, the only time they have for such recrea- 
tions, as during the week they have not more leasure than 
the negroes in the West Indies. From Castle Durrow to 
Ballerone is 8 miles, the country enchanting, one continued 
line of Parks and elegant seats of the iSTobility and Gentry. 
At Ballerone which is a trifiling Town, we took fresh post 
and drove to an Inn about 9 miles off called Imo. The 
House is elegant, built by a Nobleman whose name I have 
forgot, merely for the convenience of those who come to 
sec him, and as he keeps a great deal of Company, he sends 
their servants and Horses here. We got here after dark, 
and dined. The next morning at 4 o'clock, sett off for 
Kildare, passed the village of Monstereven, which is 30 
miles from Dublin, and from whence a Canal is cut to facili- 
tate the Country people carrying in their produce. The 
Country from Imo to Kildare is one continued Bog, till 
within about a mile (from Ballerone to Monstereven in 
Queens County) we arrived at Kildare before day, being 
only 10 miles. We left Kildare at 7 o'clock, Crossed Cur- 
row or Race-ground, which is very extensive and esteemed 
the best in Europe. Kildare, though the Capital of the 
County of the same name, is a poor insignificant place ; 
round the Currow are many elegant palaces and Country 
seats. The Country from hence to Xass, is beautiful, en- 
tirely a grain Country. We arrived at ISTass, 10 miles from 
Kildare, at about J past 8 o'clock, where we breakfasted and 
sett off for Dublin about J past nine. This is the last stage 
of 16 miles. The Country we rode through was elegant, 
the prospect all the way was enchanting; the road being on 
the side of a Hill, we had a view of plain most beautifully 
diversifyed with elegant seats, Castles and neat cottages. We 
passed through one small dirty village called Katcullen. 
As we advanced near Dublin, the Country did not appear 
so elegant nor so much improved as the environs of Cork. 



40 Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 

We got into Dublin about 2 o'clock, put up at the Castle 
Hotel, in Essex street, much fatigued as you may imagine 
after a ride 127 Irish miles. In this Hotel, we onl}- Lodge, 
a shilling per night for a room and attendance. Went to a 
Chop House to dinner; went to the play in the evening at 
the Theatre Royal, in Smock alley; they acted Love in a 
Village. The House is small, though more gaudy; I think 
the Theatre at Cork superior. Being the first night, there 
was very little Company. The next morning Tuesday the 
12 th as the pacquet could not sail the wind still East and 
blowing a gale, I walked out to see the Town which is very 
large and elegant, the circumference of it is seven and three 
quarter miles. The streets are well paved, the Houses in 
General uniform ; the new Exchange is an elegant building, 
built of Bath Stone, in the form of a Rotunda ; the Archi- 
tecture of the Corinthian order, in short it does honor to the 
City. The jSTew Custom house when finished, will be as 
elegant a building as any in Europe; it will cost about five 
hundred thousand pounds; they are also building a new 
Court House which will cost an immencity of money. 
Trinity College is a beautiful pile of Buildings, there is at 
present 1300 Collegians in it and it is spacious enough to 
hold three times that number. The Library is elegant and 
well furnished; the Anatomy hall, is but trifling. The 
skeleton of one M'Gha, an Irish Giant, 8 feet 7 Inches high, 
is the only thing I saw remarkable ; the wax work is curious 
and may afford amusement to Surgeon or Midwife, — they 
told me it was curious and I believe it is ; the present Mar- 
quis of Landsdown's father bought it in France and made a 
present of it to the College. 

There is a noble park behind the College, for the Students 
to amuse themselves in. The Museum is paltry, a few fossils 
etc; I saw nothing curious except some of the dresses etc. 
of the Inhabitants of Otahite and the Sandwich Islands, 
given to the University by Cap n Cook. On College Green 
is an elegant statute of William the third, on Horseback, 
but the artist forgot the Girth to the saddle and the stirrups. 



Letters of James II. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 41 

The House of Parliament is an Elegant building and docs 
infinite credit to the nation. The Chamber for the Com- 
mons is elegant and neatly fitted up in the form of a Ro- 
tunda ; the Gallery for the visitors or spectators is beautiful ; 
the Chamber for the Lords is not near so large but very 
neat; it is of an oblong form and arched, on the one side 
is a beautiful tapestry representing the battle of the Boyne, 
on the other side, the siege of Londonderry. I seated my- 
self on the throne, but I did not feel myself anything the 
better for it. Stephen's Green is beautiful and very large, 
a full mile and a half round it; the Houses are neat and 
handsome, the Mobility and Gentry live here; in the center 
of the Green is an elegant Bronze statue of George the 2 d 
on Horseback, Beside the paved walk round the green, 
there is an elegant gravel walk with a double row of trees, 
which is daily resorted to by the Ladies of the City in fine 
weather. The Castle, the residence of the Lord Lieutenant, 
is an ancient building and does not convey the idea of much 
grandeur. I wanted to go through it, but as his Grace was 
in Town could not get admittance. Dame street, in Dub- 
lin, filled with shopkeepers, is the most elegant Street I ever 
was in; the Houses are all uniform and elegant. The 
Barracks are an immense pile of buildings, equal to contain 
nine thousand men; they are exceeding neat — and kept 
very clean. The Phoenix Park, on the north side the River 
Liffey, is beautiful and extensive; the Palace of the Duke 
of Leinster is elegant, in short my beloved Anna! Dublin 
surpasses by far my expectations and next to London and 
Paris, I think it the finest City in Europe. Though I have 
several friends here, I have been to see none of them, as 
my stay here will be too short. I was invited to a Drum 
at a Madam O'Peilley's on Friday, and to dine at her House 
on Saturday. I had letters to her Daughters from Cork. 
I am sorry I cannot go. I made my apologies. This even- 
ing, Wednesday the 15 t h ISTov., we are to sail for Liverpool. 
I am really fatigued with walking about, and have left my 
Lodging and gone down to where the pacquet parts from — 



42 Letters of James IT. Watmoiigh to his Wife, 1785. 

Thursday morning, still in Dublin, the wind blows so 
hard we cannot sail ; — will it never change from the East ? 
It lias blown from that quarter these seven weeks. We 
went to the play last night, saw the Miser, the part of Love- 
gold by M r Wilson, one of the first actors from London. 
Very little Company in the House; the Grandees are in 
Mourning for the King's Aunt Princess Amelia. As soon 
as the Storm abates, we shall sail. The markets in Dublin 
are well supplied and extremely reasonable. I forgot to 
mention that, in the Exchange, there is an elegant Marble 
statue of the present King, and a strong likeness ; there are 
several Bridges across the River, Essex bridge is really a 
beautiful one; the Queen's bridge is the next in point of 
elegence, the other four have nothing but their strength and 
age to recommend them. 

Friday morn g — the wind still at East, do not you think it 
very hard ? I am sure if you knew my situation you would 
be uneasy. It rains hard, must keep in doors, therefore, have 
nothing new to mention. I am sure Cap n Gilpin cannot be 
arrived at Liverpool — this Easterly wind will convey my 
letters speedily to you. — I hope you may receive them safe, 
you will thereby find I am not negligent, the Captain of the 
Pacquet thinks we shall sail to morrow. 

Saturday, 18 Nov. — The wind still against me, however as 
the storm is abated, we shall positively sail to morrow. I 
have remained within doors these two days ; — the House I 
am in is the cleanest I ever saw; the Landlady a second 
Mrs. F. of Philadelphia, keeps every one in awe, — You 
really might dine on the Kitchen floor. I mention this cir- 
cumstance as the most extraordinary, as she is Irish, who 
are not noted for being cleanly. 

Sunday , 19 Nov. — The wind, God be praised, my beloved 
Anna, is come fair; the weather is bad however, you 
know I do not mind weather when I am on a Journey — 
happy am I in getting out of Dublin ; you know expenses 
do not suit me. At present we are called on to embark, 
thus adieu to Dublin. 



Letters of James II. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 43 

Monday morning, $0 Nov. — The wind is come to the East- 
ward, we cannot sail to day, however, we all remain on 
board in readiness. We are about twelve passengers, two 
Ladies — one married the other a fine gay volatile dame, I 
hardly know what to make of her ; however, she is a fine 
woman — she is a woman of the Ton and gives life and 
spirits to our party; two Gentlemen of the army; in short 
the company on board is exceeding agreeable. I hope 
when we sail we may be soon wafted to old England. 

Tuesday montf the 21 st . — We are unmooring already for 
sailing; the wind middling, we are going out of the Bay. 
I am sorry the weather is so bad. Dublin must appear ele- 
gant from the Bay. The passengers are all sick, I must 
leave off scribbling. 

(To be continued.) 



44 The Lack of Civic Pride in Pennsylvania. 



THE LACK OF CIVIC PRIDE IN PENNSYLVANIA. 

BY JAMES M. SWANK. 

Prominent Pennsylvanians have repeatedly and forcibly 
called attention to the lack of civic pride in Pennsylvania, 
and they have had good reason for their criticism. It has 
been truthfully said that we neglect to claim for our mili- 
tary heroes the honors that are their due. Even the camp 
at Valley Forge, which marked the supreme crisis in the 
Revolution, and the battle of Gettysburg, wdiich determined 
the fate of the Southern Confederacy, are events in the his- 
tory of Pennsylvania to which its people might point w r ith 
greater pride than they do. The achievements of eminent 
Pennsylvanians in war and in peace are not taught to the 
children of the State in their school-books, or commemo- 
rated to any considerable extent in monuments, or statues, 
or bronze tablets, so that the present generation of Penn- 
sylvanians and succeeding generations may be reminded 
of the deeds of these great men and be inspired to noble 
deeds themselves. The story of the founding of Penn- 
sylvania by that great man, Williani Penn, is inadequately 
told in our school histories. 

The geography and the history of Pennsylvania are so 
imperfectly taught in our schools and colleges that many 
Pennsylvanians who are supposed to be liberally educated 
do not know how many capitals the State has had, or where 
and when the important battle of Bushy Pun was fought. 
It is not to be wondered at that a Philadelphia newspaper 
editor not long ago said that York, Pennsylvania, is farther 
away from Baltimore than Philadelphia. Yet York is one 
of the oldest and one of the most noted cities in the State. 
The Continental Congress sat at York for several months 



The Lack of Civic Pride, in Pennsylvania. 45 

during the Revolution, and two of the signers of the Decla- 
ration are huried there. 1 

The pioneer settlers of Pennsylvania endured great hard- 
ships and privations, but their sacrifices and services are not 
conspicuously recognized in our day. Only in a mild way 
do we observe the Scriptural injunction : " Remember the 
days of old; consider the years of many generations; ask 
thy father and he will shew thee, thy elders and they will 
tell thee." The Chinese who worship their ancestors are 
more to be commended than those who forget the pioneers 
who laid the foundations of a great State. In very few 
counties in Pennsylvania are there historical societies for 
the preservation of local history or museums for the pres- 
ervation of historical relics. 

We are all supposed to be patriotic, but patriotism and 
civic pride are not convertible terms. To love one's coun- 
try and to fight for it if necessary is one thing ; to be proud 
of its pioneers, its past history, its great men, its industrial 
achievements, its hospitals and other charities, its schools 

1 George R. Pro well, of York, in a letter to the writer dated August 10, 
1904, says : Philip Livingston, a delegate from New York to Congress when 
it sat at York, died here in 177S. His remains were first buried in the rear 
of Zion Reformed Church. It was in this church while Congress held 
£ special evening session that Robert Morris read a letter from Washington 
urging Congress "to hang together." At this period there were some 
delegates in Congress who were willing to accept overtures of peace from 
the British Government through emissaries in Philadelphia. Washing- 
ton stated in this communication that he would right the British in the 
mountains of Virginia, even though Congress adjourned sine die. In the 
same church, in 1791, Washington, when President, on his return from 
Mount Vernon to Philadelphia, attended religious services one Sunday. 
He says in his diary that "there was no danger of the minister making 
a proselyte of me, because of the eloquence of his sermon, not a word 
of which I could understand, for it was delivered in the German lan- 
guage." The remains of Philip Livingston were removed in 1856 to 
Prospect Hill Cemetery in this city, and they now lie there marked by a 
marble shaft erected by his descendants. 

James Smith, who served in Congress from York in 1776, was also a 
signer of the Declaration of Independence. He died at York in 1806 at 
the age of 91 years. His remains lie buried in the First Presbyterian 
church-yard in this city. 



46 The iMck of Civic Pride in Pennsylvania. 

and churches, and the intellectual and moral progress of its 
people is an entirely different thing. Civic pride also im- 
plies a watchful regard for the good name of the town or 
city and the State in which we have our home. 

New England is noted for its civic pride, and its people 
are deserving of the highest praise for the veneration they 
constantly show for the memories of their ancestors. In 
its periodical publications, in public addresses, and in other 
ways the history of the early settlements of New England, 
the part it has played in the development of the country, and 
the work of its great men and women in the learned pro- 
fessions and in the arts are never forgotten. New England 
is thus being constantly advertised to the outside world and 
commended to its own people for what it has done and for 
what it is. The literary spirit has always been cultivated 
in New England and it has been largely fed by the inspira- 
tion of local themes. 

The civic pride which is found in the Southern States 
is even more notable than that of New England. "Without 
it there could not have been a four years' war for the die- 
memberment of the Union. The great sacrifices which the 
people of the South made in support of the Lost Cause 
could not have been possible but for their pride in them- 
selves and in their ancestors. Almost as one man they 
united in its support. " The first families of Virginia" was 
not in its day an empty phrase. The people who used it 
were typical of a large class. It illustrated the sentiment 
of intense loyalty to the South and to Southern traditions. 
The neighboring State of Ohio has shown far more civic 
pride than Pennsylvania, although, if the history of the two 
States be closely scanned, it has not one-half as much to 
boast of as Pennsylvania. But see how its people have de- 
veloped a State pride that never ceases to praise the men 
who were born on its soil ! 

Abraham Lincoln's ancestors, on both his father's and 
his mother's side, were long residents of Pennsylvania, and 
the name of one of his kinsmen, also named Abraham 



The Lack of Caic Pride in Pennsylvania. 47 

Lincoln, is honorably associated with its history. Gen- 
eral Grant could trace his paternal and maternal lineage 
through the blood of Pennsylvanians ; indeed this blood 
was the dominant strain in his veins, his father's mother 
having been a Miss Kelly, of Westmoreland county, Penn- 
sylvania, and his own mother, Hannah Simpson, having 
been born in Montgomery county, Pennsylvania. And yet 
how few Pennsylvanians are familiar with the Pennsyl- 
vania ancestry of Lincoln and Grant ! The Muhlenberg 
family of Pennsylvania is one of the most distinguished 
in our country's history, contributing more really great 
men than any other family in any colony or State, but 
these eminent Pennsylvania Germans are almost forgotten. 

In Pennsylvania we have had our Bayard Taylor and 
our Thomas Buchanan Read, not to mention other writers 
of eminence, but do Pennsylvanians have that regard for 
the literary productions of these writers that the people of 
Xew England have for the creations of their own great 
writers ? And yet why should we not have ? We have 
had our great judges — Wilson, and Tilghman, and Gibson, 
and Sharswood, and others, but how many Pennsylvanians 
remember that such men ever lived ! If they had lived 
in Xew England the whole country would have heard 
of them. Bunker Hill monument has no counterpart in 
Pennsylvania, althougb great deeds were done on its soil 
in colonial and Revolutionary days. There is a statue of 
Dr. Benjamin Rush, the distinguished Philadelphiau, in 
Washington City, but none in Philadelphia. It was only 
Within the last few years that a statue of Franklin was 
erected in Philadelphia, the gift of a private citizen. 

Philadelphia has erected no monument, or statue, or 
tablet to the memory of its great publicists whose watchful 
care of its manufacturing and other industrial interests has 
greatly contributed to its prosperity as well as to the pros- 
perity of the whole country. The two Careys, William D. 
Kelley, and Samuel J. Randall were especially worthy of 
being gratefully remembered by a city which they so faith- 



48 The Lack of Civic Pride in Pennsylvania. 

fully served and so highly honored. In the same class we 
may also place Stephen Colwell, whose great work on Tlie 
Ways and Means of Payment should alone cause Philadel- 
phia us to hold his memory in grateful remembrance. But 
to-day he is forgotten. New England would have thought 
itself honored if these men had lived within its borders. 

There is a particularly noticeable lack of civic pride in 
that part of Pennsylvania which lies west of the backbone 
of the Allegheny mountains and is properly designated 
as Western Pennsylvania. This section of the State, em- 
bracing about one-third of its territorial extent, possesses 
a history that is rich in great achievements and in great 
men, although settled a full century after the eastern sec- 
tion. Its inhabitants, especially the descendants of its early 
settlers, have good reason to be proud of its prominent 
place in the industrial world, proud of its conspicuous 
share in opening to settlement the vast region lying west 
of its own boundaries, proud of its patriotic record, proud 
of its men of renown who have passed to the other side 
and of others whose work is not yet done. But these citi- 
zens of Western Pennsylvania are singularly backward in 
claiming for their section the honors to which it is justly 
entitled. Their annals are incomplete and disjointed; 
there is a lamentable lack in all Western Pennsylvania of 
historical societies that are thoroughly wide awake and 
doing good work ; there is not published to-day within its 
borders a sin He historical magazine or other historical 
periodical; it has few public libraries, and those that are 
worthy of special mention have been established in very 
recent years through the liberality of one man, and he is 
not " native and to the manner born." Its schools of 
learning and its charities have not been generously en- 
dowed by its rich men, except in one notable instance, in 
" which the munificence of the public-spirited citizen already 
referred to has established and endowed a scientific school 
of wide scope that is not yet completed. 

Pittsburgh, the second city in Pennsylvania, has no 



The Lack of Civic Pride in Pennsylvania. 49 

monument to the great Pitt, after whom it was named, or 
to Washington, who visited its site in 1753, when he wrote 
in his journal that the point at the junction of the Alle- 
gheny and Monongahela rivers was "extremely well 
suited for a fort," although there is a poorly designed mon- 
ument to Washington in one of the parks of the neighbor- 
ing city of Allegheny. Washington's early military expe- 
rience was acquired in efforts to prevent the French from 
seizing and holding the point between these rivers where 
Pittsburgh now stands. There is no stone or monument 
to mark the site of Fort Necessity, in Fayette county, 
which Washington surrendered to the French in 1754, or 
to mark the site of Braddock's defeat in 1755, or to mark 
the General's grave on the line of his retreat. 

The trouble with Pennsylvania in all its extent, from the 
Delaware river to the Ohio border, is traceable to many 
causes. In the first place, it has a population that was 
originally composed of elements that were not homogene- 
ous, like that of ]S r ew England and the Southern States, 
and that were not even as homogeneous as that of Ohio; 
hence a certain absence from the beginning: of what may 
be termed local pride such as prevails among a more ho- 
mogeneous people. This is illustrated to-day in the glo- 
rification of the Scotch- Irish by Pennsylvanians of Scotch- 
Irish ancestry and by the organization a few^ years ago of 
a society composed exclusively of descendants of the early 
German settlers of Pennsylvania. Notwithstanding many 
intermarriages these two leading strains of blood in the 
settlement of Pennsylvania have not yet been thoroughly 
mingled, nor are they likely to be. Then w T e had the 
Quaker settlers of English and Welsh blood, and we have 
their descendants to-day, all of whom have kept themselves 
apart from their Scotch-Irish and German neighbors to a 
very large extent. Few of these, indeed, have lived in 
any other part of Pennsylvania than Philadelphia and the 
adjacent territory. In colonial days there were frequent 
conflicts between the dominant Quaker element and the 

VOL. XXIX. — 4 



50 The Lad: of Civic Pride in Pennsylvania. 

German and ' Scotch-Irish settlers in the interior. They 
seldom agreed about anything. The large German and 
Irish immigration of the last sixty years has introduced 
other elements that have farther emphasized the mixed 
character of the people of Pennsylvania. The German 
immigrants in this period have had few points of resem- 
blance to the early German immigrants, while compara- 
tively few of the Irish immigrants have been Scotch-Irish. 
Xor should it be forgotten that in the. northern and north- 
western parts of the State and in Philadelphia there is a 
large infusion of New England blood. 

In the last thirty or thirty-five years the lack of homo- 
geneity among the people of Pennsylvania has been con- 
spicuously and most painfully emphasized in the invasion 
of large sections of the State by hordes of Italians, Hun- 
garians, Slavonians, Poles, Lithuanians, Russian Jews, and 
other immigrants of distinctly lower types than the origi- 
nal European settlers of Pennsylvania ; hence less and less 
civic pride, for what do these people know about the past 
of Pennsylvania or about its present achievements? Most 
of them do not even speak the English language. They 
are not Pennsylvanians in any sense. 

The negro population of Pennsylvania has largely in- 
creased since the civil war. This State has a much larger 
negro population than any other Northern State — 156,485 
in the census year 1900. Philadelphia has a much larger 
negro population than any Southern city except Washing- 
ton, Baltimore, and New Orleans. This negro invasion has 
introduced practically a new and largely an undesirable 
element into the general population of the State. This 
invasion has brought its own train of evils and given the 
State nothing to be proud of. 

If undesirable foreigners and undesirable negroes can 
not be restrained by law from coming into Pennsylvania, 
an enlightened public sentiment, which is of the essence 
of civic pride, should appeal to all employers of labor for 
protection against the greatest evil that now menaces the 



The Lack of Civic Pride in Pennsylvania. 51 

good name and the material and moral well-being of the 
Commonwealth, the debasement of our population. 

Another cause of the trouble with Pennsylvania is found 
in the arduous pursuits of many of its people, who are now 
and long have been so completely occupied in such ex- 
hausting employments as the mining of coal, the making 
of coke, the manufacture of iron and steel and glass, the 
pumping of oil, the building and operating of railroads, 
and the cutting down of forests that they have not been 
encouraged, as a rule, to spare the necessary time for the 
reading of the few books, or for attendance upon the few 
lectures, which tell of the past and present achievements 
of Pennsylvania, even its industrial achievements, a knowl- 
edge of all of which is surely necessary to-day for the de- 
velopment of civic pride such as Paul felt when be boasted 
that he was a citizen of no mean city. It may be added 
that the pursuits of a people have much to do with their 
mental development, their tastes, and their ambition. 

Western Pennsylvania has long suffered from the bane 
of excessive materialism — absorbing devotion to the devel- 
opment of its natural resources and its Scotch-Irish keen- 
ness to embrace every attractive business opportunity. 
The less strenuous and more intellectual side of life — the 
side which appeals to the imagination, to the love of art, 
and music, and elevating literature, and which places a 
liberal education above mere money-making, has been in 
large part neglected. Its people have even neglected to 
adequately record the industrial achievements to wbich 
they have been so devoted. Western Pennsylvania has 
little literature that tells the world what its whole people 
have done in leading departments of human effort and 
that is worthy of being remembered. 

Lastly, the physical conformation of Pennsylvania has 
had very much to do with the lack of civic pride among 
its people. The Allegheny mountains form a great natural 
barrier between the eastern and the western parts of the 
State. Over a century elapsed after the first white settle- 
ments were made upon the Delaware before there were any 



52 The Lack of Civic Pride in Pennsylvania. 

settlements worthy of mention in the Allegheny and Mo- 
nongahela valleys west ot the mountains. Social and busi- 
ness intercourse between these sections before the days of 
railroads was infrequent, and nearly all intercourse between 
them to-day is a matter of either business or politics. 
Their interests are not antagonistic, but they are not nota- 
bly identical. Speaking generally, the two sections were 
not settled by the same races. There are comparatively 
few Pennsylvania Germans in "Western Pennsylvania, and 
in the counties along the Delaware and the Schuylkill 
rivers there are few Scotch-Irish. A common pride in the 
great names or in the great achievements of either section 
has certainly not been promoted by the barrier that has 
been mentioned. It has been said that " lands intersected 
by a narrow frith abhor each other," and mountain bar- 
riers, even when scaled by railroads, undoubtedly exercise 
an unneighborly if not an unfriendly influence. Inciden- 
tally it may be mentioned that Pennsylvania is a State 
of very great territorial extent. Very few of its citizens 
have ever visited every one of its sixty-seven counties, or 
even the half of them. 

The lack of civic pride by Pennsylvanians is thus seen 
to be due to several influences, each important and all con- 
tributing to a condition which every loyal Pennsylvanian 
must deplore. The time will doubtless come, although it 
may be long delayed, when the citizens of this great Com- 
monwealth, instead of boasting that they are descended 
from Scotch-Irish ancestry, or German ancestry, or Quaker 
ancestry, or New England ancestry, will be proud to say 
that they are simply Pennsylvanians and the descendants 
of Pennsylvanians, and will be proud to point to the mon- 
uments that have been erected and to other evidences that 
they and their fathers have remembered the days of old. 
* In the mean time, if there are political or other wrongs to 
be righted in Pennsylvania, and they are permitted to 
continue, the fault will lie with those who, whatever their 
boasting, still lack the true cine pride that rnaketh a great 
people, and, next to righteousness, exalteth a nation. 



Revolutionary Correspondence of Dr. James McHenry. 53 



SOME KEYOLUTIONARY CORRESPONDENCE OF 
Dr. JAMES McKENRY. 

COMMUNICATED BY BERNARD C. STEINER. 

[Among the papers of Dr. James McHenry are a few Revolutionary 
ones of some interest to Pennsylvanians, especially some from Dr. Ben- 
jamin Rush, who had taught McHenry medicine. John Beatty had 
been a fellow-student in medicine with McHenry, was Commissary 
General of Prisoners, and later became a prominent resident of New 
Jersey. Dr. John Cochran, who was older than McHenry, was at 
this time Surgeon General in the Middle Department. He had formerly 
lived in Albany, and married General Schuyler's sister, Gertrude. 

Robert Troupe was a young New York student of Law in 1776, when 
he joined the Revolutionary army. He was taken prisoner at the battle 
of Long Island, exchanged in the spring of 1777, served in the Burgoyne 
campaign, and was Secretary of the Board of War in 1773 and 1779. 
He then returned home and became a useful citizen of his State. 

The anonymous Frenchman who signs himself LXXX I have not 
identified.] 

Princetown May 17th 1778 
Dear Sir 

Give me leave once more to recommend to your patronage 
and friendship Dr. James Finley. You know all the weak- 
nesses as well as virtues of his heart. He is now a Surgeoi. 
to Col. Bigelow's regiment of the Massachusetts Bay forces. 
I have no doubt of his knowledge in his business, and he 
will not want industry, and humanity, but I wish you would 
add as much as possible to his reputation & weight with his 
regiment by visiting his patients with him, and giving him 
in every respect such directions as you think proper. You 
cannot confer a greater Obligation upon me than bv your 

O OX k «/ 

good offices to him. You know that I have always felt for 
him the tenderness of a father, and he has deserved it by 
behaving upon all occasions to me with the duty and affec- 
tion of a child. 

While I am forced by the violence & weight of Dr. Ship- 



54 Revolutionary Correspondence of Dr. James McHenry. 

pen's friends into retirement, it gives me pleasure to see One 
whom I bud any hand in educating filling an honourable k 
useful post in the line of his profession in the Army. May 
you continue to merit the esteem of your friends, and the 
Approbation of your country. I hope no man will relax in 
his Zeal k industry in serving his country by contemplating 
my fate. I enjoy the reward of all my labors in the appro- 
bation of my own conscience. Virtue is no shadow, — Tho' 
Brutus pronounced it so. I have found it a substance, 
and would not exchange the pleasures I have derived from 
it, for a fortune made by the sale of hospital wines and 
Cigars, nor for the first honors yt. are in the gift of our 
Congress. 

I congratulate you upon our alliance with France. It 
is preferable for many reasons to an alliance with England. 
Men should rise now in the estimation of their country in 
proportion to the cordiality of their hatred to the British 
nation. Individuals may forgive each other, because there 
is a power in magistrates to prevent a repetition of injuries, 
but States being amenable to no laws can do them selves 
justice only by revenge & retaliating injuries. 

Adieu my dear Sir, and be assured of the 
friendship of yrs &c 

B. Rush. 
Dr. James McHenry 

Senior Surgeon of the 
Flying hospital 

Camp, 
Valley Forge. 
By Majr Beatty 

Pbincetowx Oct. 15th. 1778— 
Dear Sir 

I am to thank you for your attention in forwarding to 
me the several letters inclosed in yours — 

Previous to the arrival of your favour the public Prints 
announced the truth of the engagement k the superiority ot 
the Brest Fleet over the British — since that we are well in- 



Revolutionary Correspondence of Dr. James Mc Henry. 55 

formed that the combet was so general, that 17 only of the 
British, were lit for sea — but obliged to put into Portsmouth 
to repair — 

I am ready to join with you in appearances being against 
the evacuating iST. York this winter — By some late accts. 
from thence; they certainly are making such preparations, 
there, as suppose they mean to continue this season there — 
However I expect in a few days to have this doubt put out 
of question — On my return from K. York shall perhaps be 
able to give you some more authentic intelligence — 

I am happy to find the surprise and cutting of Coll. Bay- 
lor's party, is not so complete as was first imagined — if it was 
attended with such marks of Cruelty as was represented — 
why do we not retaliate on Burgojm's troops to double 
their number. Xo other method will reach their sensibility. 

We have no news in this Quarter the enemy after burning 
& destroying all they could come at, at Egg Harbour — em- 
barked, & stood out of the Inlet Our troops supposing they 
meant to visit Great Egg Harbour, left their station & 
marched for that place — the enemy meaning it only for a 
Feint returned again to Little Egg Harbour — but have not 
heard that they had landed or done any further mischief — 
Pray write me the news of your place — 

I am Dr. Sir 

Yours see 

Jno. Beattt 
Coll. McIIenry — 

FlSHKILLS 

Elizh. town Oct. 26th 1778— 
Dear Sir 

I was yesterday on Stat en Island — find there all in up- 
roar — some going off and others coming in their places — 
the 5th. 40th & 55th. Pegts. are all gone on Board — & in 
their places are come the 22d. Pegt. 

It appears that the destination of the troops embarking, 
are to different places. The ten British regiments, which 
they say are augmented by draughts to 6000 men— is. gen- 



56 Revolutionary Correspondence of Dr. James MeHenry. 

erally allowed to l>e sailing for some part of the West Indies — 
conjectured by their own officers to reduce Gaudalope — The 
new levies, probably are bound for Halifax — k in their 
room are to return the new raised Scotch Corps lately come 
there — others say — for Canada & some again for Pensacola — 
to this last place I am told with certainty Genl. Vaughan is 
going — but whether with the command of any troops can- 
not exactly say — Gen. Grant is to have the command of the 
ten British regiments bound for the "West Indies. 

There is little or no probability, from appearances, of their 
abandoning X. York — on the contrary, they have landed, 
within these few days, a considerable quantity of Provisions, 
arrived in the last Cork Fleet — Byron has sailed with con- 
siderable force — but not known where — they have been 
unusually busy, for this week past, in repairing & calking 
their shipping — this circumstance, carries in it some little 
probability of their going to leave us — 

But must conclude — the Express with what a jumble I 
have wrote — pray forward with all possible expedition the 
inclosures to his Excelly — write me the news of your camp 

I am Dr Sir 

your most huml. Servt. 

Jno. Beatty. 

Head Quarters Middle brook 
3d Jany 1779. 

Sir 

His Excellency Genr. Washington being at Philadelphia 
your letter by Mr. Xoble your aide de camp was put into 
the hands of Doctor Me Henry one of his Secretaries to be 
forwarded to his Excellency. 

By Mr. Xoble I have the honor of transmitting you two 
letters from Genr. Washington. This Genr. had thoughts 
of waiting his Excellency's return — least there should be 
something in his letter which required a particular answer, 
but upon further consideration he has determined to join 
you. 



*\ 



Revolutionary Correspondence of Dr. James McIIenry. 57 

You will find by the enclosed instructions to Captn. Bliss, 
that he is fully empowered to call upon the quartermaster — 
forage masters and commissaries departments for such assist- 
ance as may be necessary, in your journey to Charlotte Ville. 
I hope there is nothing omitted which could in any meas- 
ure contribute to your ease or convenience. — If so I have 
certainly fallen short of his Excellency' intentions 

I have expressed the convention route to Capn. Bliss, 
from an opinion that the best accomodations may be found 
on that road — but I do not mean that you should be re- 
stricted by it, in case better conveniences are to be had on 
any other leading to Charlotte Ville 

I have the honor to be Sir 

Your most obt. Serv. 

Stirling. 1 

Major Genr. Phillips 

Manor of Livingston January 29th. 1779 
Dear Mac : 

I arrived here last Saturday from Boston, where I was 
stationed some time longer than I expected, partly through 
inclination and partly through the solicitations of the Mar- 
quis, who would not part with me until I saw him safe on 
Board k after staying two nights with him in isTantasket 
road, I took my leave and suppose he sailed on the 11th 
instant, the day I left Boston. 

I much hoped by this time to have been at Head Quarters 
with my family k to have spent the remainder of the winter 
in the very agreeable manner, I began it, but on my arrival 
at this place, I had the unhappiness to find Mrs. Cochran 
extremely ill of a most considerable Kheumatism k Fever 
which have confined her chiefly to her bed for these four 
weeks, in exceeding great pain. As I have little expecta- 
tions of her recovery shortly, (if at all) I must necessarily 
be confined here k wait the event, of which I besc vou will 
acquaint the commander-in-chief; whom God long preserve. 

1 ( c °py) Lor d Stirling to Gen. Phillips. 






58 Revolutionary Correspondence of Dr. James Mc Henry. 

I flatter myself, my absence will be attended with no 
injury to the service. I suppose there are General Hos- 
pitals established near your Quarters for the reception of the 
regimental sick & Draper will attend to seeing them con- 
veyed thither at proper times and seasons & that the regi- 
mental sick are properly supplied with the usual stores, the 
same as last winter. 

I shall he happy in having a few lines from you. Please 
to make my most respecful compliments to the General 
and his good Lady Mrs. Washington with the Family & all 
Friends and believe me most sincerely & affectionately 
Dear Mac 

Your very hble. servant 

John Cochran 

Please direct to me to the care of Colo. (?) Hay D. Q. 

M. G. Fishkill 

Philad. June 2nd. 1779. 
MY 

Dear Sir, 

Dr Cutting tells me from you that I am in your debt, 
and I believe him. Having nothing to communicate to you, 
I thought it would be criminal to call off your attention 
from your present line of business by reading a letter of 
ceremony or even friendship. This is only excuse for neg- 
lecting so long to answer your polite favor which I received 
Above a year ago at Princeton. 

The newspapers will give you all the reports of the day. 
The address from the congress to the states, it is feared will 
serve to increase the depreciation of our Money. They 
whispered formerly a pompous secret about new Alliances — 
a foreign loan — and a general peace. — The address holds out 
very different ideas — After deluging us with money, they call 
upon us to make the first shore without furnishing us with a 
compass or a boat for that purpose. Even the appointment 
of a Committee to negociate a foreign loan has affected the 
credit of the money. We believed that business was finished 
six months ago. We now know it cannot be acompiished in 



Revolutionary Correspondence of Dr. James McIIenry. 59 

less than the same number of months from the present time, 
and we are sure before that time can arrive without a 
miracle the money cannot circulate among us. There 
cannot be greater calamity to a people than to transact 
business with an uncertain medium of trade. The Consti- 
tutional money is the Offspring of all the Vice in our 
Country. Its quantity k the instability of its Value would 
corrupt a community of Angels. — Instead of being the sinews 
of our War — it acts the part of warm w r ater to the natural 
sinews of our opposition. It relaxes & enfeebles every Social 
— civil & military Virtue. The resources of necessity the 
Spaniards say are without end. A general bankruptcy in 
my opinion would be less evil, than an attempt to finish the 
"War with paper money upon its present footing. 

A Committee framed by a town Meeting in this City have 
undertaken to save the money by regulating the prices of 
goods. But this will be only a partial & temporary remedy. 
Besides it wall ruin commerce & check agriculture. It re- 
sembles a violent puke given to a man in the last stages of 
consumption. It must agreeably to every principle of 
finance hasten the dissolution of the money. Nothing [but] 
the immediate application of a foreign loan can rescue it from 
destruction. 

These detached tho'ts are the speculation of a closet — for 
I now" converse with nobody but my patients — my books — 
an amiable wife, and a hearty boy and girl. I have shook 
hands (I hope) for ever with public life, In my beloved 
retirement I have recovered the enjoyments of peace — inde- 
pendance & happiness — I^one of which in the present dis- 
tracted & corrupt State of this country are to be found in 
power or office. 

With sincere wishes for your health & happiness I am Dr 
Sir your affectionate Old friend k Hble Servant 

Benjn Rush 

Dr. James Mc Henry 

To his Excellency Genl. Washington 
Dr. Cutting 



v* 'V 



60 Revolutionary Correspondence, of Dr. James McIIcnry. 

7th. 9ber. Boston. 79. 
Dr. Doctor 

the sensible is not sail'd, but the 1st man of the world has 
received his instructions & I hope will soon be ready. His 
satellite is not determined ; . . . would it be impossible that 
our's, but not his friend, came in his place I desire it more 
than I expect it. 

Eo news about us. it is reported that two british ships 
are iu the bay, & have lately taken two merchantmen I hope 
however that my next letter will not be dated from Halifax. 

I send you two yankeys papers, they say little but a 
french one of the 25 august, which I have seen, says ; that 
gibraltar is besieged since 22 august. I believe it is to be 
depended upon. 

I look in the moon to see if our fleet is not there, for I 
do not hear any thing of it on this globe. God help the 
count wherever he may be ; I fear much this sagitarius 
month, it is a good auxiliary to the British 

if my manuscript is arrived from Philadelphia; be so 
kind as to send it here at Mr. Devalnais consul of france — 

My best respects to all your family I wish I could find 
some opportunity to pay them my debt of gratitude. But 

what can I do ? Be happy and let me Reckon as a part 

of my happiness to be your 

servant & friend. LXXX. you know my heart 

& my hand 

Dr Doctor — 

Before I sail I will take again my leave of you, & your 
friends at head quarters, which I am proud enough to call 
mine. 

Though I am going in my own country, where I have 
many agreeable prospects I can not help regretting my 
adoptive one. Interest, gratitude, inclination, every thing 
that influences a sensible heart are united to render America 
dear to me : & I would say with philoctetes (forgive so 
grand a comparison) farewell dear land of Lemnos ; but not 
add as him, farewell forever. 



V*V 



Revolutionary Correspondence of Dr. James Mc Henry. Gl 

On the contrary I go with intention, of coming back 
next May, & I hope you will not receive me as a new- 
comer. — 

I would not say the same to our continental senators — 
with them the last is always the best. Their lavishness in 
confering commissions is inexhaustable. They have lately 
given a strong proof of their prodigality in Eesolveds, 
which they render as XXX as newspapers. One young 
gentleman, who has been three months a volunteer in our 
army goes home with me, with a Colo's. Commission, a 
longer furlough than mine, k such Eesolveds as would 
scarcely be granted to the best officer of our army. 

Do not think that my reflexions on that subject arise from 
a restless mind, k jealous temper, k forgive my uneasiness, 
about inadvertencys of our master which must hurt my 
feelings & will ruin all my expectations at home. — 

Xotwithstanding the probability of my dissppointment in 
France, for the above mentioned reasons, I have something 
to comfort me, k which congres cannot grant. The esteem 
of our great and good man, the benevolence of the army, 
k your friendship. — - 

The more you are my friend, the more you will be dis- 
pleased of those hurtful blunders, of our areopage, k so no 
more of it. But what (I hope, will not be disagreeable to 
you) is the assurance of my everlasting, (in this and in the 
other world) esteem, friendship, k gratitude. If it was not 
an injury to thank a friend, I would beg you to receive my 
thanks & present them to your family. 

Adieu, be happy, k remember your 

servant k friend 

f. XXX. y. 

My best compliments to Colo. Hamilton — you have not 
heard any news of Destaing's fleet; we would suppose him 
in the south sea. 

On board the frigate. 14 9ber 1779. 

X.B. I beg you would present my respects to his excel- 
lency. 



•v*^ 



62 Revolutionary Correspondence of Dr. James Mc Henry. 

Piiilad — Nov. 10. 5 o'clock 
p.m.— 1779 
My dear Sir, 

I have ree'd your friendly letter of the 30th. instant with 
another informing me that the packet from General Phil- 
lips has been transmitted to General Clinton — and one for 
Col. Smith which I sent by the post — 

I am really too melancholy to write you a long letter in 
answer to the many I have been favoured with from you 
within these three months past. Major Clarkson A D 
Camp to Genl. Arnold & late volunteer A D Camp to Gen- 
eral Lincoln has just arrived from the southward with the 
disagreeable news of an unsuccessful assault upon the 
enemy's works at Savanah by the allied army which lost 
about 500 killed & wounded — Count D. 'Estaing was slightly 
wounded and Count Pulaski killed — It is said D.Estaing 
embarked his troops immediately after the action & sailed 
for the "West Indies — I cannot tell you whether Lincoln 
kept his ground or retreated or what was his situation when 
Clarkson left him — 

The above is the general report of the town every sylla- 
ble of which I believe to be true — I spent almost an hour 
in looking for Major Clarkson this afternoon ; but was un- 
able to find him — when I get a more particular account I 
will communicate it to you — 

Yesterday morning our Friend Mr. Laurens set off for 
Charlestown on his way to Holland where he is going to 
negotiate a loan for us — but to what amount & upon what 
terms is a secret I know nothing of — I beg my best re- 
spects to the gentlemen of your Family and all Friends in 
Camp. 

I am, in great haste, 
Dear Sir, 

Yours affectionately 
Dr Mc Henry Rob. Troup — 

AT 

Head-Quarters 

Camp. 



*v 



Revolutionary Correspondence of Dr. James McHenry. 63 

Philada. Jany. 19. 1780 
My Dear friend, 

I am perfectly satisfied with his Excellency's decision 
upon the case of Capt. Darby, and am much Obliged to you 
for your Attention to my letter. — you oppress me with your 
goodness — But your disposition and my connections with 
the unfortunate Captain encourage & force me to lay myself 
under new obligations to you. — I beg your care of the en- 
closed letter to the General. It i3 from Captain Darby in 
answer to a letter he had reed, from his Excellency. — If it 
stands in need of a patron, I hope you will not fail of ac- 
cepting of that office. — 

We have nothing new in town. — The eyes of our city 
are fixed upon the convention that is now assembling for 
the purpose of regulating prices. — The real Statesmen 
among us expect nothing from it — but the final dissolution 
of our money. But Our political quarters (both within & 
without doors) expect to see all the miracles of transubstan- 
tion, k all the mysteries of alchemy performed in an in- 
stant upon the currency. — They talk of the appreciation 
cf our paper into real Spanish dollars, as a matter to be 
performed as easily as an Army is to be raised, or defeated 
by a single resolution of Congress. — The folly & madness 
of mankind used to distress me — But I have learned to 
hear & to talk of errors in Government with composure. — 
The pious Anthony preached a Sermon to fishes — The 
echo of this discourse was intended for men. — It was 
probably designed to show that addresses to mankind upon 
the Subject of political happiness were as absurd, and im- 
proper as a discourse upon faith — hope — & charity was to 
the finny inhabitants of the Ocean. — 

Dr. Shippen I hear is at last arrested. The public begin 
now to expect that justice from the army which they have 
in vain looked for from the Congress. — They expect soon 
to see that solecism explained — how the Director General of 
the hospitals of the United States is enabled with 6 dollars 
a day to vie with the minister of France in the magnificent 



* s 



04 Revolutionary Correspondence of Dr. James Mc Henry. 

of his Equipage & feasts. — Dr. Morgan is so well fur- 
nished with evidences to support all his charges, that I am 
not sure that he will require my Attendance at his tryal. — 
if he does — I shall he happy in spending as much time as 
can he spared from the Court in your Company. — Some of 
Dr. Shippen's sycophants talk loudly of the liberal senti- 
ments of the Gentlemen of the army who will never con- 
demn a man for trifles, such as loving a glass of good wine, 
or a game of Whist, true ! — But there are two crimes 
that never yet found pity or favor in our army — Viz 
Cowardice in an Officer of the line, and fraud in an officer 
of Dr. Shippen's guilt with respect to the last crime are as 
clear as the noon day Sun. The consequence of it you 
know had well nigh proved fatal at One time to our Army 
& cause. But of this prepare yourself to hear tales that 
will make " each particular hair to stand on end" in a few 
weeks. 

"With most respectful Compt. to the General, & to such of 
his family as are of my Acquaintance I am Dr. Sir Yours 

Affectionately 

Benjr. Rush. 



* * 



Some London Broadsides and Issues on Pennsylvania, 65 



SOME LONDON BROADSIDES AND ISSUES ON 
PENNSYLVANIA. 

In the Library of Congress are to be found certain pieces 
concerning Pennsylvania, of which I do not find mention in 
the lists of the British Museum and Sabin's catalogue. 
They appear to have been printed in London for submission 
to the Privy Council or to Parliament, and certainly one 
instance was the English edition of a paper prepared and 
first printed in Pennsylvania. I give the titles of these 
pieces, which have been classed as " broadsides," and there- 
fore are in the Division of Manuscripts of the Library. I shall 
be thankful for any information that may determine the ex- 
act year of publication of those bearing questionable dates. 

WORTMNGTON ClIAUNCEY FORD. 

The case of William Penn, Proprietary, and Governor | 
in | Chief of the Province of Pennsylvania, and Territories, 
against Lord | Baltimore's Pretensions to a Tract of Land 
in America, Granted to the said | William Penn in the Year 
1682, by his then Royal Highness James Duke | of York, 
adjoyning to the said Province, commonly calPd the Terri- 
tories thereof. 

[London: 1701-2?] 
Fo. 2 pp. 33 x 21 cm. 

The | Case | of | William Penn, Esq; | Proprietary-Gov- 
ernor of Pensylvania, | and of | Josliua Gee, Henry Gould- 
ney, Silvanus Grove, | John Woods, and others, Mortgagees 
under | the said William Penn. 

[London: 1720.] 
Fo. 1 leaf, 30 x 19 cm. 
A copy is in the British Museum. 

The case of the Heir at Law and Executrix of | the 
Late Proprietor of Pensilvania, &c. in relation to the | 

VOL. XXIX. — 5 



66 Some London Broadsides and Issues on Pennsylvania, 

Removal of Sir William Keith, and the appointing Major | 

Patrick Gordon to succeed him as Deputy-Governor there. 

[London: 1725?] 

Fo. 4 pp. 42 x 26 cm. 

A copy of Keith's reply (1726) is in The Historical 

Society of Pennsylvania. 

The | Case | of the | Province of Maryland, touching the 
outrageous Riots, which have | been committed in the 
Borders of that Province, by the Inhabi- | tants of Pensyl- 
vania. 

[London: 1736-7.] 
Fo. 3 [1] pp. 49 x 35 cm. 

On the back is printed : " To be Heard before the Right 
Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Council for 
Plantation Affairs, upon Thursday the 23d Day of February, 
1737, at Six of the Clock in the Afternoon." 

The paper was drawn by J. Strange. This copy bears 
many manuscript notes by the opposing counsel. 

Pensilvania. The Case of Messieurs Penn, and the Peo- 
ple of Pensil- | vania, and the three lower Counties of ISTew- 
castle, Kent, ] and Sussex, on Delaware, in relation to a 
Series of In- | juries and Hostilities made upon them, for 
several years | past, by Thomas Cressap, and others, by the 
Direction | and Authority of the Deputy-Governor of 
Maryland. 

[London: 1737.] 
Fo. 8 pp. 47 x 30 cm. 

A paper drawn by W. Murray and bearing a printed 
brief or endorsement : " The | Case | of | The Proprietors 
and Province of Pensil- | vania, and the three lower Conn- 
ties of | Newcastle | Kent, and Sussex, on Dela- | ware. | 
To be heard before the Right Honourable the | Lords of the 
Committee of His Majesty's | Most Honourable Privy- 
Council for Planta- | tiori Affairs, at the Cockpit, at White- 
hall, on Thursday, 23 February, 1737." 



* v 



Some London Broadsides and Issues on Pennsylvania. 67 

Pennsylvania. | Several Proceedings in the two late Sit- 
tings of Assembly, | on the Affair of raising Money, Men, 
&c. for the Expedition | now on foot against the Spanish 
West-Indies. 

[London: 1741-2.] 
Fo. 9 [1] pp. 44 x 28 cm. 

Articles of Agreement, &c. 

[London: 1742?] 
Fo. 7 [1] pp. 43 x 28 cm. 

A printed endorsement reads : " True Copies of I. The 
Agreement between Lord Baltimore and Messieurs Penn, 
dated 10 May 1732. II. The Commissions given to the 
Commissioners to mark out the Lines between Maryland, 
and Pensilvania and the Three Lower Counties on Delaware. 
111. The Return or Report of the Commissioners on both 
Sides, made 24 Xov. 1733. Shewing for what Reasons the 
Lines were not niark'd out within the Time appointed for 
that Purpose. " 

In Cane'. John Penn, Thomas Penn, and Richard Penn, 
Esqrs. Plaintiffs. Charles Calvert Esq; Lord Baltimore in 
the Kingdom of Ireland. Defendant. The Plaintiffs Case. 

[London: 1743?] 

Fo. 13 [2] leaves, printed on one side of the sheet. 

42 x 34 cm. 

The British Museum has two issues on this case: 
In Cane. J. Penn, T. Penn and R. Penn Esq"., Plaintiffs. 
C. Calvert, Esq. ; Lord Baltimore, . . . Defendant. 
[On the boundaries, &c. of Pennsylvania and Maryland, 
with " A Map of Parts of . . . Pennsylvania and 
Maryland with the counties of ISTewcastle, Kent and 
Sussex on Delaware." 

Fo. Philadelphia: 1740. 

This may be the American edition of the title just quoted. 
The English issue describes a map, but there is no map with 



68 Some London Broadsides and Issues on Pennsylvania. 

this copy. On the back is an endorsement in MS. " Penn 
ag 81 Lord Baltimore. A Collection of many Matters under 
particular Heads, which relate to some of the great Points 
in the Cause. For the Pltf. For a first Consultation at Mr. 
Attorney Generals House, Thursday 4th August 1743, at 7 
in the Evening precisely. Mr. Wilbraham. Paris & Weston." 

The British Museum also has : 

In Chancery. Breviato. J. Penn, T. Penn and R. Penn 
Esq", Plaintiffs. C. Calvert Esq. Lord Baltimore in . . . 
Ireland, Defendant. For the Plaintiffs. Upon a Bill to 
compell a specifick Execution of Articles of Agreement en- 
tered into between the Partys for setling the Boundarys of 
the Province of Pensilvania, the Three Lower Countys, and 
the Province of Maryland, etc. Fo. 

[London : 1742.] 



The | Case of the Inhabitants in Pensilvania. 
[London: 1748.] 
Fo. 1 leaf. 43 x 27 cm. 
On a bill for regulating paper bills of credit in the British 
Colonies in America. 



Extracted from the printed Yotes of the last Assembly 
which | was held in Pensilvania, just before the Present 
Lieutenant- j Governor's Arrival there, viz. 
[London: 1755.] 
Fo. 7 [1] pp. 44 x 28 cm. 



Copies of the Lieutenant Governor of Pensilvania his 

Speeches to the | Assembly, their Addresses in Answer 

thereto, and several Messages | and Answers between them. 

[London : 1755.] 

Fo. 18 [4] pp. 44 x 28 cm. 



' s 



Sotoe London Broadsides and Issues on Pennsylvania. 69 

Copies of several Publick Papers, which have passed in 
the | Province of Pensilvania in the Month of November, 
1755. 

[London: 1756.] 
Fo. 7 [1] pp. 44 x 28 cm. 
On the Indian incursions, attitude of the Quakers and 
grant of money. 

An Act for Granting the Sum of Sixty thousand Pounds 
to j the King's Use; and for Striking Fifty-five thousand 
Pounds | thereof in Bills of Credit; and to provide a Fund 
for Sinking | the same. 

[London: 1756,] 
Fo. 3 [1] pp. 44 x 28 cm. 



70 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 



SOME LETTERS FROM. WILLIAM HAMILTON, OF THE 
WOODLANDS, TO HIS PRIVATE SECRETARY. 

BY BENJAMIN H. SMITH. 

"When Mr. Hamilton visited England, soon after the es- 
tablishment of peaceful relations with that country, he was 
so impressed with the pleasing effects resulting from the 
tasteful arrangements of shrubbery, shade- and fruit-trees, or, 
in other words, with the natural style of landscape-gardening 
then coming into fashion, that he wrote, "I shall, if God 
grants me a safe return to my own country, endeavour to 
make it smile in the same useful and beautiful manner." 
Having, therefore, the inclination as well as the means, and 
being well versed in botany and horticulture, he set to work, 
on his return, to beautify the grounds of his home at The 
Woodlands, and allowed no opportunity to pass of adding 
to his collections of native and exotic plants. Captains of 
sea-going vessels, friends about to go abroad, and corre- 
spondents in all parts of the world were appealed to for 
plants, seeds, and cuttings, so that in course of time The 
Woodlands became famous, not only for the extent and 
variety of its plants, but also as the best specimen of land- 
scape-gardening in this country. 

These results were alone attained by the intelligent care 
and personal supervision of Mr. Hamilton, and naturally, 
whenever he was called from home by business or pleasure, 
he was much concerned about the welfare of his valuable 
collections. This anxiety is very apparent in numerous 
letters to his secretary, from which the following have been 
selected, not only as touching upon interesting events of the 
period, but especially as serving incidentally to record the 
names of numerous exotics introduced for the first time 
to this country, of which only the Lombardy poplar and the 



*v 



iT 



*jr~* 



k ,^ 



I 



>U 



WILLIAM HAMILTON OF "THE WOODLANDS 

AND HIS NIECE 

MRS. ANNA HAMILTON LYLE. 



PAINTED BY BENJAMIN WEST. 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 71 

curious Ginkgo, from China, have heretofore been credited 
to Mr. Hamilton. 

Only one specimen of the Ginkgo, now the oldest tree of 
that species in America, still remains in the vicinity of the 
old mansion ; near by are four large trees of Zelkova crenata, 
from the Caucasus, now in their old age, and these, with a 
few ancient English hawthorns, alone remain to attest the 
ancient glory of the gardens and grounds at The Wood- 
lands. 

Memorandums. 

Mrs Bartram's receipt in full should be enclosed to me 
by the first opportunity together with all the seeds you can 
send packed up dry. When they are packed up, Doctor 
Parke 1 will undertake the sendins; of them. . . . 

Mrs Bonds two Books i.e. Millers Dict y & Willoughby 
on birds should be return'd also halfpenny's architecture 
should be given to Mr Penn 2 as a book belonging to Dr 
Smith. Cummings Books should also be returned. You 
should endeavour to get all the newspapers since January 
last. Send them by the first opportunity as well as all others 
that come out & every pamphlet of a publick nature & every 
occurrence in the legislature. 

When you go to Dr Logan's place 3 . . . you should 
ask him for all the seeds he can spare of the pavia. Sow a 
dozen or two of them in a warm place & send the rest to 
me. I desired Bartram 4 to make me up some seeds & gave 
him a list; they should be asked of him and forwarded. 

The shed or store Room at the n. west door of the Wood- 
lands should be covered with another coat of Boards. If 
W m Griffith has hitherto neglected it, his memory should be 
jogged. 

1 Dr. Thomas Parke, then residing at No. 20 South Fourth Street. 

3 John Penn, son of Richard Penn, whose wife was Ann Allen, a 
niece of Mr. Hamilton. His country-seat was Lansdowne, within the 
present limits of Fairmount Park. The site of the mansion is supposed 
to be now occupied by Horticultural Hall. 

8 Dr. George Logan, of Stenton. 

* William Bartram, the botanist. 



v*V 



72 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

My edition of the Abbe Raynal is at Mr Lambert Cad- 
waladers at Trenton. Mr Lukens should be reminded of 
his promise to give me the draft of the canal formerly 
proposed between the Schuylkill & Delaware. 

Seeds to save & send : mimosa floridana, Carolina sponge 
tree. 1 

Mr Smith 

Above is a list of memorandums that have occur'd to me 
since I left you. I beg you will be so kind as to attend to 
them. The vessel is just now putting out to sea which is 
open to us on every side except the spot on which the Light 
House stands so that I cannot say more than God bless you 
k believe me 

Your most sincere friend &c 

W. Hamilton 

The Portland October S th 1784 

St James St. London Sep u 30 th 1785 
Dear Sir 

I am much obliged by yours of the 17 th of June as it affords 
me the gratification of hearing that my honoured mother & 
Grandmother were then in perfect Health. I was before in 
a disagreeable state of anxiety respecting them, not having re- 
ceived any other account from the 25th of May to this Day. 
Nor altho I have had several letters from Mrs A. Hamilton & 
D f Parke, from some (to me unaccountable) circumstance or 
other, no mention is made by either, of the family at the 
"Woodlands ; so that I have been obliged to content myself 
with, the bare supposition that " no news is good news." 

For a great while I have wanted to WTite to you, but from 
the number of letters I have always had to prepare when 
any opportunity has offer'd & a multiplicity of other engage- 
ments I have been constantly disappointed in my Intentions. 
"What you have mentioned respecting the plants I sent from 
hence, gives me satisfaction. I am in hopes they continue 
to thrive. In consequence of your promise I expected 

1 Acacia farnesiana. 



*v 



letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 73 

before this to have been furnish'd with a more particular 
account of their succeeding state, which would have enabled 
me to supply whatever vacancies may have happen'd by 
denth or otherwise. I flatter myself such a statement of 
them is on its way hither & will shortly reach my Hands. 
I shall else be at a loss to know what to do in the matter, 
the winter being the best season for transporting plants. I 
was so very particular in directing you & Mr Thomson 
as to the manner of treating those already sent, & you 
seemed so well to understand me that I can hardly suppose 
they have been in any degree neglected. I take it for 
granted they have not wanted shade during the summer nor 
will go without shelter (where necessary) in the coming 
winter, on which their safety will ultimately depend. "When 
it is recollected how vast has been the expence & trouble 
of procuring them, I dare to say no method will be un- 
essay'd that may be proper for their security. 

Having observed with attention the nature, variety & 
extent of the plantations of shrubs, trees, & fruits & con- 
sequently admired them, I shall (if God grants me a safe 
return to my own country,) endeavour to make it smile in 
the same useful & beautiful manner. To take time by the 
forelock, every preparation should immediately be made by 
Mr. Thomson who is on the spot, & I have no doubt you 
will assist him to the utmost of your power. The first thing 
to be set about is a good nursery for trees, shrubs, flowers, 
fruits &c of every kind. I do desire therefore that seeds in 
large quantities may be directly sown of the white flowering 
Locust^ the sweet or aromatic Birch, the Chesnut Oak, Horse 
chcsnuls, Chincapins, Judas trees, Dogwoods , Hallesia, Kalmias, 
Rhododendron, Magnolias, winterberries, arrow wood, Broom, 
annonas, shrub S l Johns wort&o,, of crabs, quinces, plums & a 
quantity thin shell' d almonds, & such others as may occur to you 
for Beauty or use. I desire also that a large quantity may 
be collected & put into a nursery of handsome small plants 
of Elm, Lime, Locust, sweet Birch, white pine, ash leaved maple, 
sugar maple, aspen poplar, Zantoxylon or tooth ache tree, magnolia, 



74 Letters from William Hamilton to his Piivate Secretary. 

arrom wood, nine Bark, cephalanthus or dwarf Buttonwood, 
Azalea, Kalmia, Rhododendron Hallesia, Judas tree, Dogwood, 
Broom, winterberry, clethra, mezerion, morclloes, black Hearts, 
- ■■'•■', quinces (for stocks), raspberries, currants white & red, 
& as many as possible of Jasmine & Honeysuckles (Jasmines 
may be Lad in plenty at Mr Ross's place & at Woodford & 
HoiieysuckJea may be had in great quantities at Mrs Law- 
rence's near Frankford & of Br Joseph Redman). Too 
many of these cannot be propagated. I would likewise have 
cuttings put into the ground of y e striped althea, Lombardy 
poj \ar (if alive) all the kinds of grapes that have throve of those 
I sent, chicasaw plum, winter Haws, Jasmines, Honeysuckles, of 
that kind of Dogwood that grows in the Border on the south 
Ride of the kitchen garden on the other side of the valley 
(which was propagated by cuttings from the only tree which 
I ever came across, & grows on the point just within the 
creeks mouth at high water mark & may be easily discov- 
ered when in Bloom by its corymbous flowers), of paradise 
apple*, 1 red k white currants (particularly the latter) the com- 
mon raspberry k the twice bearing if it succeeded. Nor should 
a plantation be neglected of the different hardy perennial 
plants such as the Yucca, comflag (Gladiolus) lilie, white nar- 
cissus (double k tingle) pinks, double sweet william, Lychnidea? 
french Honeysuckle, Foxglove, Lily of the Valley (from Bush 
Hill-'), Paeonies, Columbines, Hollyhocks, poly anthos, Jonquils 
(from Bush Hill), Hyacynths &c. I before expressed a desire to 
have the Double oleander k double myrtle encreased as much as 

1 The tomato, or love-apple, was then cultivated in Spain and Italy 
for u-e as a salad and also as a sauce for soups and meats. Mr. 
Hamilton mentions it in connection with his kitchen garden plants, and 
doubtless understood its culinary merits, although it did not come into 
general use as a vegetable for more than forty years later. 

■ Manuka tomentosa, from South Africa. 

J The Bush Hill property was purchased from the Penns by Andrew 
Hamilton, who devised it to his son James. The mansion, erected 
about 1740, has long since disappeared. Its site was near the north 
elde of the present Buttonwood Street, between Seventeenth and Eigh- 
teenth Streets. 



Letters from William Hamilton to Ids Private Secretary. 75 

possible by cuttings & I would have you in the spring when 
the azaleas are in flower take particular pains in marking the 
different kinds & the orchis roots (in the valley) in such 
manner as that they can be transplanted according to growth 
& color. If the season is past for marking the double con- 
volvulus don't let the ground be disturbed untill they can be 
taken care of. The Grape cuttings I sent out last spring 
are of the most valuable kinds. I saw this season produced 
on the vines from whence some of them were taken Bunches 
of half a yard long, weighing between six & seven pounds. 
Too much pains cannot be taken to preserve & encrease 
from them as well as the vines that accompanied them. 

I have been frequently pleased in this country with the 
effect of Ivy in certain situations especially when growing 
over Buildings & Arches. Suppose you were to plant 
half a dozen young ones on the east side of the new Bridge 
over the mill creek ? I dare say no objection would be 
made by the owner of the ground, for it could do no injury. 
I recollect giving Mr Thomson some curious pine seeds that 
I brought from Lancaster. Ask & let me know what be- 
came of them. There was a good deal of asparagus from 
seed coming forward, when I left Home which I trust has 
before this been put in train for producing crops. I am 
moreover anxious to know how the perennials of ev'ry kind 
& annuals have come on. Such of the perennials as have 
taken, should be transplanted at proper distances and the 
remainder of the annuals sown early in the spring as well 
as that of the perennials. Pray were the annuals very fine ? 
What says Madam McCall to them ? By the w&y,fail not 
to make my affectionate compt' to her, altho I bear her a 
grudge for leaving the "Woodlands, I have a very sincere 
regard for her. 

I have great satisfaction in your information respecting 
the Illinois nut plant, 1 k winter Haw. I am afraid to sup- 

1 The pecan. In a letter to Humphrey Marshall, May 3, 1799, Mr. 
Hamilton mentions this tree as ''the only one I had which I raised 25 
years ago from the seed." 



76 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

pose the Bald cypress has stood it out, for it appeared a year 
ago at its last gasp. The Aphernously pines 1 should be par- 
ticularly attended to. For another plant cannot be obtained 
iu England. Those I sent came from the Alps. Altho 
hardy in respect to cold they may be injured by vermin, 
poultry &c &c. 

The plants you mention to have been sent by Mr Hill are 
curious & should not be neglected. Those you describe 
(as like the Solomons seal) are I imagine of the genus Rus- 
cus. I desired him to procure me some of them from 
Madeira. 

I have frequently requested to have some ground squirrel 2 
skins forwarded to me, but hitherto in vain. I should think 
there would be no difficulty (by an early application) of 
getting them at the furriers shops at the rate of 4 d or 6 d 
each, ready dressed, at which rate you may send any num- 
ber you can get good. I hear nothing lately from any Body 
respecting the Bridge on chains & therefore suppose the 
matter dropped. When you write again inform me of the 
Dimensions of the sideboard I bought of Mr Penn; not 
only the size of the Board, but of the frame as to the width, 
length, & heigh th. I wish to know what can stand under it. 
. . . Should the Cherry Brandy to which you lately added 
spirit be so much improved as to be really fine, I desire 5 or 
6 dozen may be put up & sent immediately to me. But this 
direction is only on condition of its being prime stufl. I 
have tasted some here that cost J- a guinea p r Bottle that 
was very indifferent when compared with that made at the 
Woodlands. You promised me a list of my Books 3 & I 
am sorry it has been not performed. Its no more than 
right to prevent my purchasing some duplicates of Books 
already mine. It should be recollected that Mr Lamb* 

. l Pinus cembra or Swiss stone-pine. 

3 Tamias striatus, the chipmunk or hackee. 

8 A list of sixty-one botanical works, some of them comprising several 
volumes, and dated from 1530 to 1770, accompanies these letters, and 
is probably the one here referred to. 



*v 



Letters from William. Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 77 

Cadwalader has my Abbe Raynal & it would not be amiss 
to require it as possibly it may not be in being. 

You have doubtless in the course of the summer collected 
many sorts of seeds, which you mean to send for the pur- 
pose of my exchanging them for others here. I enclose a 
list of such as are more particularly valuable &, therefore 
the more of them that are sent the better. I have also 
named some plants that I shall be glad to obtain as being 
rare here. The violets I wish to have a large quantity of 
afc if any of the particolor'd sort which I took from the Held 
& planted in pots are yet in being, I must request that they 
be put up most carefully & sent to me. As I intend ship- 
ping another very large collection of plants shortly no time 
should be lost in preparing ground. If done this Fall the 
more like to be ready. 

I have written to Doctor Parke that if Young's plants 
are not already disposed of to endeavour to have them pre- 
served entire untill my return & if the wife has possession, 
she will be easily induced to let it be so. As this may not 
be the case you will try to secure the double Hower'd orange, 
the cassine plant x some of the dionea muscipula 2 & all those 
which he lately sent from Carolina. He had a piece of 
ground in a kind of nursery of magnolias, andromedas &c &c 
which would be of material use to me, k I should be well 
pleased if any method to secure them could be taken but 
whatever you do let it not be without advising with the 
Doctor. 

George Hilton is highly sensible of your obliging remem- 
brance & desires me with gratitude to thank you & request 
your acceptance of his best wishes for your Health & Happi- 
ness. I am happy to say he has conducted himself exceed- 
ingly well & talks with pleasure of returning with me. The 
term of his freedom expired some time ago. That however 
has made little or no difference in his Behaviour as he is 

1 Ilex vomitoria (I. Cassine Walt) or Yaupon, an evergreen shrub 
from the Southern States. 
2 Venus's Flytrap, of the Carolinas. 



78 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

now on wages with me. I must own I am not a little 
astonished that the change of situation has not effected in 
him an injurious change of manners. He never looked 
so well in his life & being very icell set, he is remarked (from 
his colour) & known I may say in almost every part of 
London. . . . 

The great inconvenience to George is his having so little 
to do, of work, that I fear he will never do so well in a 
family again. 

When I sat down to write I did not expect to get further 
than thro one & I have nearly finished three sheets. So 
many things, have occur'd more than I had any Idea of that 
I am amazed when I look at what I have written, which I 
hope however is sufficiently plain in its rough state for you 
to comprehend as I cannot think of copying it. I have 
scarce left more room than to conclude with desiring you to 
accept my sincerest regards & that you will believe me truely 
Your affectionate friend & humble seiV 

W Hamilton 

I wrote to my mother, to Mrs Hamilton k to Doctor 
Parke last week & if I posibly can will do so again tomorrow, 
but think it will be scarcely in my power. As I have 
nothing material to inform them of, in case I should not 
write this will serve to inform them of mine & the chil- 
drens Health to this Date. Farewell. 

(To be continued.) 



David Edwin, Engraver. 79 



DAVID EDWIjS t , ENGRAVER. 

BY MANTLE FIELDING. 

Collectors of Americana frequently bewail the meagre 
field that they have to work from. Thi3 is particularly felt 
by the collector of the w^ork of our American engravers ; 
good impressions of their plates are fast becoming scarce, 
and frequently nothing, in a biographical sense, of their times 
and w^ork has been preserved for this day; it is also the 
exception to find any complete and satisfactory list or cata- 
logue of their engravings. 

In the case of David Edwin, nothing complete is to be 
had, and in compiling this biographical sketch I thoroughly 
appreciate its incompleteness. In The Pennsylvania Maga- 
zine of History and Biography of April, 1894, appears 
" A Contribution to a Catalogue of the Engraved Works of 
David Edwin," by Charles R. Hildeburn. Following this, I 
published in the October number of the magazine of 1904 
descriptions of a number of portraits not mentioned in Mr. 
Eildeburn's catalogue, with a list of the subject prints in my 
collection. A biographical notice of Edwin appears in the 
" Lives of Eminent Philadelphians now Deceased," pub- 
lished by Henry Simpson in Philadelphia, 1859. 

The engravings of David Edwin are to-day much prized 
and sought after. In regard to position, in the collectors' 
estimation, the portraits and historical engravings stand 
first, the subject prints being of only secondary importance. 
It will be a surprising assertion to many, nevertheless it is a 
literal fact, that Edwin prints have not any monetary fixed 
value. Print>sellers are by no means agreed as to a uniform 
price. Then, again, the condition of the print and the 
brilliancy of the impression have much to do with the 
amount it will bring, and cleaning and bleaching are not to 



80 David Edwin, Et\gravei\ 

be recommended except where the print is in really bad 
condition. The collector has also to guard against restrikes 
(often stained to represent age) which are frequently met 
with. 

Unfortunately, I know of no existing portrait or sketch 
of this eminent engraver, often called the American Barto- 
lozzi in method, though vastly superior in manner, for I 
have yet to see anything by the Italian-Englishman equal to 
Edwin's best heads after Gilbert Stuart's portraits. 

The art of stipple engraving, with its distinctness and 
methods, cannot but be of interest to the collector, either 
of the early crude work of the stipple engravers or of the 
more beautiful and highly finished plates produced later by 
the foremost engravers in this school. Engravings in pure 
stipple are often spoken of, but strictly speaking have no 
existence, a few lines being almost invariably introduced to 
" sharpen up" the darker portions, as in the shadows of 
the hair, the pupil of the eye, etc. ; but lines, when so used, 
are always made comparatively subservient, and cannot be 
detected without close examination. 

The subject of this sketch was considered the first good 
engraver of portraits that appeared in America. He was 
born in Bath, England, in December, 1776. His father, 
John Edwin, the celebrated comedian, was the firm friend 
and supporter of O'Keefe. John Edwin's career seems to 
have been from 1765 to 1790, beginning at Dublin and end- 
ins; at Coven t Garden. He was said to have been execrable 
when he began, in " Sir Philip Modelove," but two years 
of practice in Dublin and nine in Bath fashioned him into 
a perfect actor for the metropolis. His life as an actor was 
a series of trials and struggles, but he was probably a better 
actor than father. His son David inherited some of his 
talent and mimic powers. At an early age young David 
Edwin showed marked artistic ability, and was articled by his 
not over-affectionate parent to Jossi, a Dutch engraver, then 
in England studying the art of stipple engraving as then 
practised in that country, this branch of the art not being 



David Edwin, Engraver. 81 

pursued in Holland. Edwin speaks of him " as the most 
correct draughtsman of the human form he ever saw." 

When David Edwin was twenty years of age, in the year 
17^, Jossi returned to Holland and took his apprentice 
with him. 

Their place of destination was Amsterdam, but the trav- 
ellers entered Holland by the way of Embden. The Hol- 
landers were at that time enamoured with the new system of 
French democracy, and John Bull was out of favor. Edwin 
found that his English face and English dress were insuper- 
able obstacles to all familiarity or friendly intercourse with 
the Dutch. He observed that most of his fellow-passengers 
in the boat had taken off their hats and wigs, substituting 
rn the place of both the Dutch striped-cap; he therefore 
dotFed his hat and mounted in its place a red woollen cap 
which he had purchased before leaving London as a " com- 
panion dti voyage" and a warm friend for the night. Un- 
expectedly it proved a most useful friend by day, for no 
sooner had he appeared in his new costume than he heard 
from different parts of the boat the exclamation of " Bonnet 
rouge! Bonnet rouge!" and he was hailed as a true "sans 
calotte," with the utmost cordiality, by those who had before 
assiduously shunned him. 

The young Englishman did not agree as well with his 
instructor after arriving at Amsterdam as he had done in 
M$ native land, and before the term of his apprenticeship 
had hilly arrived, they separated. Edwin, at one-and-twenty 
years of age, found himself in a foreign country without 
friends or money, and looked anxiously towards the land 
of his birth. There was, however, no direct communication 
with England, and he determined to make his way from 
Amsterdam to some port from whence he might find a 
passage to any part of Great Britain, not despairing of 
Ending some mode by which to reach London. But he 
waa doomed never to see his native country again. 

A ship bound to Philadelphia was in the harbor, and the 
> ; >ung engraver entered himself under the American flag, 

VOL. XXIX.-— G 



82 David JEtlicin, Engraver, 

to work his passage, as a sailor before the mast, to the coun- 
try which was destined to be his future home, — a country 
where at that time (1797) the art he was master of was in 
its infancy. He accordingly embarked from Amsterdam, 
and assisted, as well as hands used to points and gravers 
and not to ropes could do, in navigating the ship to Havre, 
and finally across the Atlantic and up the Delaware to the 
place of his destination. 

It was in the month of December, 1797, that David 
Edwin landed in Philadelphia, after being near five months 
on board ship as a foremast man, and he made his entre 
upon this new scene in a new world, in his tarry rounda- 
bout and equally tarry trousers, trudging after the captain 
through the streets of Penn's city, with the ship's letter-bag 
on his shoulder, on the way to the post-office. He was at this 
time just twenty-one years of age. 

The duties appertaining to the voyage having been dis- 
charged, the engraver prepared to cast his sea-skin and ap- 
pear in his proper character. His sailor's dress he sold to 
one of his messmates, and with the aid of Delaware River 
water and Philadelphia soap, with a decent suit of London 
landsmen's clothes from his trunk or chest, he bade adieu 
to the ship to seek his fortune on the shores of a new 
world. He had heard that his countryman, Mr. T. B. Free- 
man, resided in Philadelphia and carried on his business as 
a publisher. Young Edwin waited upon him, stated his 
profession and circumstances, and solicited employment. 
He was well received, his name being known to all Eng- 
lishmen from his father's celebrity. In fact, he was just 
such a person as was wanted in America, and especially in 
Philadelphia, where the book-publishing business was in 
greater forwardness than in the more commercial metropolis 
of Xew York. Mr. Freeman proved a " friend in need" to 
Edwin both at the beginning and the end of his career. 
Mr. Benjamin Carr, a friend of Mr. Freeman, was then just 
about to publish a collection of Scotch airs, and Edwin was 
employed to engrave a title-page. It was entitled " Infancy 



David Edwin , Eogmver. 83 

of the Scottish Muse," after a painting by Cosway, and is a 
most beautiful little oval stipple engraving. This was his 
first engraving in America. At the time of commencing 
it he was destitute of the necessary tools and could procure 
none in Philadelphia, and was compelled to fashion an etch- 
ing-point and graver from an old tool which he had found 
in his chest. 

An engraver, at the time of Mr. Edwin's arrival in Phil- 
adelphia, had much to struggle with. He says in a letter, 
"copperplates were finished rough from the hammer;" no 
tools to be purchased, he (the engraver) had to depend upon 
his own ingenuity to fabricate them for himself or in directing 
others qualified for the work; but worse than all wa3 the 
slovenly style in which printing was executed. " Often 
have I, in extreme cold weather, waited hours for a proof, 
till the paper, oil, and even the roller could be thawed. 
The workshop of the principal printer in Philadelphia was 
little better than a shell, and open to the winds. I once 
insisted that the printer should have the plank of his press 
planed and levelled, as it was impossible in the state it was 
now in to take off a tolerable impression, and the plate I 
wished printed cost me much, trouble in the execution; the 
printer resisted all my arguments for a long time, being 
himself perfectly satisfied with the state of his press; at 
length, and only in the consideration of my paying the 
expense, it was that he gave his consent." 

In 1798 Mr. Freeman published a beautiful set of the- 
atrical portraits ; these engravings are exceedingly well 
executed in stipple. In this set I have seen the portraits of 
Mr. John Kemble, Mrs. Merry, Mr. J. E. Harwood, and 
Mr. John Bernard ; in all probability they are all the work 
of David Edwin, as they are similar in character, treatment, 
'and workmanship ; the portraits of Harwood and Bernard 
are signed Edwin, and noted as being published by T. B. 
Freeman, May 1, 1798. 

He soon after this found employment as an assistant to 
Edward Savage, who painted pictures, engraved plates from 



84 David JEJdwin, Engraver. 

them, then printed them himself, and was, moreover, his 
own publisher. One of these works is still well known, 
comprising a group of General Washington, Martha Wash- 
ington, George Washington Parke Custis, Eleanor Custis, 
and their negro man, William Lee. The background is a 
view along the Potomac, and on the table is a map indi- 
cating a plan of the then contemplated city of Washington. 
These portraits were really from life, and the plate was in a 
great degree the work of Edwin, although bearing the name 
of Savage as the engraver. While this work was in prog- 
ress, the yellow fever frightened the artist and assistants 
away from Philadelphia, and their " city of refuge" was 
Burlington, Xew Jersey. Edwin would tell an amusing story 
of their voyage up the Delaware in a row-boat, carry- 
ing the Washington painting along without taking the 
canvas off from its stretching frame. It was held upright, 
and the nicety of skill requisite to keep it exactly edgewise 
to the wind and the pompous and solemn manner of Savage 
in directing manoeuvres were described with a quiet humor 
and vivid distinctness that made it irresistibly comic and 
laughable. 

Savage's work was distinctly of the mediocre class; in 
fact, it has been said that it was chiefly Edwin's good work 
on the engraving of the Washington family that made it 
passable. Edwin, on being asked why he did not put his 
name on some of the engravings, replied, " I do not wish the 
credit which is to be derived from pictures of Mr. Savage's 
composition." 

During the yellow fever epidemic which afflicted Phila- 
delphia in 1798, David Edwin and Mr. Trott, the miniature- 
painter, were neighbors to Mr. Stuart, near the Falls of 
Schuylkill. Edwin was at the time engraving from the 
painter's portraits. " When I carried him a proof of Judge 
Shippen's picture," says the engraver, " he had a sitter with 
him, and the print was sent in. He came out to me and 
expressed his gratification on seeing the result of my labor. 
'You may consider it,' said he, < the greatest compliment I 



^ 



David Edwin^ Engraver. 85 

ever paid you, when I leave my sitter to tell you how mueh 
I am pleased with this head. 7 When looking' at a print 
from my engraving of his portrait of Judge McKeaxi, ' I 
will make this look like his son/ said he, and taking some 
chalks, he removed the wig of the judge, and with a few 
scratches over the face, produced a likeness when hefore 
there was no apparent similarity." 

Edwin tells us of another incident in 1801 of his work 
on a Stuart portrait. " It took place on my undertaking to 
engrave a portrait of Dr. Smith, of the University of Penn- 
sylvania, from Mr. Stuart's painting. The first meeting I 
had with the doctor on the subject of the plate that was to 
be engraved I shall not readily forget. The doctor had 
been a school-master ; and, although ignorant of the art of 
engraving, undertook to examine me on my capabilities. 
He was old, hasty, and very irritable. He began in a broad 
Scotch dialect, by asking me if I could draw. But when 
we came to the price of the plate, I thought the poor doctor 
would have gone distracted. He ran out and in the room, 
throwing at me angry and reproachful glances; and ended 
with the determination of paying me only half of my de- 
mand, which I accepted, considering the connection I should 
form with Mr. Stuart by undertaking the work of more 
value to me than any sum the doctor could pay me for the 
plate." Those who may have seen impressions of this ad- 
mirable engraving will not be surprised at the strong hold 
it procured him on the good-will of the painter. 

Edwin was always intensely proud of his friendship with 
Gilbert Stuart ; he mentioned the following incident to illus- 
trate Stuart's wonderful memory and knack of never forget- 
ting a face. " I entered Boston in the evening, and the next 
day visited Mr. Stuart. * I knew you were in Boston,' 
said he. ' I only came last evening, and this is the first 
time I have been out.' i I saw you,' replied Stuart; <you 
came to town like a criminal, back foremost. 5 " Edwin had 
come into town by the stage and rode on the front seat. 

In 1825 iSeagle painted in Boston a portrait of Gilbert 



*v 



86 David Edwin, Engraver. 

Stuart, who was then in his seventy-second year. An en- 
graving from this was made by David Edwin, who told of 
an incident that illustrates Stuart's method of painting. 
He called at his studio one day on business, and Stuart said, 
" Well arrived, sit you there," pointing to a chair near him. 
He then leaned over and pinned to Edwin's coat a decora- 
tion that he was about to paint in a picture that was before 
him on the easel ; if I remember rightly, a portrait of Gov- 
ernor McKean. Edwin was in a position that enabled him 
to see every touch that the artist successively made. He 
deliberated every time before the well-charged brush went 
down upon the canvas with an action like cutting into it 
with a knife. He lifted the brush from the surface at a 
right angle, carefully avoiding a sliding motion. He seems 
always to have avoided vexing or tormenting the paint 
when once laid on, and this partly accounts for the purity 
and freshness that still remain characteristic of his work. 

Edwin for many years enjoyed the best of the portrait 
engraving. His industry was untiring, and at length such 
close application began to show its effects on his health. 
By advice of his physician, he kept a saddle-horse, and thii3 
obtained the benefit of air and exercise ; but the pressure 
of his business engagements during the day induced him 
to work many hours into the night. At the breaking out of 
hostilities with England, in 1812, there was hardly a city 
in this country that he had not money owing to him from 
some of its citizens. He lost practically all of this money, for 
with the unsettled business conditions and failures it was 
impossible to collect it. Disgust at hi3 losses and a severe 
attack of sickness from over-application to business caused 
him to apply to his old friend, Mr. Ereeman, for a position 
as clerk in Freeman's Auction Rooms. After this he would 
occasionally employ his leisure hours at engraving some small 
works, that of most consequence being the portrait of his 
friend and patron Gilbert Stuart, after the painting by John 
beagle. 

Mr. Freeman meeting with business difficulties in the 



*v 



David Edwin, Engraver. 87 

spring of 1831, Edwin found himself without a position. 
lie endeavored to recommence engraving, but could not get 
work from the publishers, lie 'suffered with a severe attack 
of influenza which affected his head and caused the loss of 
the sight of one eye, leaving him a prey to melancholy and 
distress. 

About this time, when he was in adverse circumstances, 
lie was often employed by Mr. Warren, of the Chestnut 
Street Theatre, as a messenger to the actors. He said that 
on one occasion he went to Macready, who was then in 
Philadelphia, stopping at Head's Hotel, on Third Street 
above Spruce (originally the Bingham mansion), to take 
him a balance due on account of his engagement. The 
actor looked at the money which Edwin placed on the table, 
as if it would be a degradation to touch it; and then, rais- 
ing his eyes to the face of the messenger, gazed at him 
solemnly for a minute. Putting his finger in the pocket of 
his vest, he drew forth with great deliberation a Mexican 
half-dollar, and holding it horizontally, like a plate for 
charity, he advanced a step and offered it to Edwin, who 
with equal dignity declined it, saying, " Sir, Mr. Warren 
pays me." Macready raised his eyelids slightly, as if sur- 
prised, and returned the silver to his pocket without a word. 
Mr. Edwin's perception of the ludicrous or grotesque was 
remarkably keen, and he possessed uncommon ability in 
relating things of the kind, especially when his talents of 
mimicry were called in. 

Mr. Edwin's memory was remarkably clear and accurate, 
and many are the stories and memories which come down 
to us, through him, of the artists and actors of a by-gone 
day. The following incident shows how a date or an event 
never escaped him. One morning, in London, about eight 
o'clock, the atmosphere hazy but not dense enough for a 
fog, he was the sole witness to a surprising occurrence at 
St. Martin's Lane. Long years afterwards, in Philadelphia, 
he was in company with a group of merry fellows, who 
were entertaining each other with anecdotes. " Xow I 



88 David Edwin, Engraver. 

will tell you something," said one, " that's quite out of the 
common, and I know it to be a fact, as I won a bet on it." 
Edwin soon interposed, and told them the year and month 
of the occurrence. The narrator was amazed, and ex- 
claimed, " That's a fact, but how in the world could you 
learn it?" "Why, I saw it," replied Edwin. He remem- 
bered the date with such exactitude because it was just 
before his master, the Dutch engraver, took him over to 
Amsterdam. 

David Edwin had the power of imparting to his prints 
the peculiarities of manner belonging to the artist whose 
pictures he copied, and in Stuart's time he was the only 
one who could reproduce the marked character and spirit 
of that painter's delineations. This it was that secured him 
such eminent success during his brief career and com- 
mended him to Gilbert Stuart. 

In the year 1835 the principal artists of Philadelphia 
united to form an association, which obtained an act of in- 
corporation under the title of " The Artists' Fund Society of 
Philadelphia." In the establishment of it Edwin took much 
interest and lent his efficient co-operation. He was elected 
its first treasurer, and continued to hold that ofirce till his 
death. 

Towards the end of his days an unsuccessful movement 
was started by some of his friends to provide for his needs 
by procuring him a situation as keeper of the society; but, 
fortunately, a bequest from an old family friend amply pro- 
vided for him. He died on "Washington's Birthday, in the 
year 1841, being in his sixty-fifth year, and was buried in 
Ronaldson's Cemetery, Philadelphia. 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 89 



PENNSYLVANIA GLEANINGS IN ENGLAND. 

BY LOTHROP WITHINGTON, 30 LITTLE RUSSELL STREET, W. C, LONDON. 

(Including "Gleanings" by Henry F. Waters, not before printed.) 

(Continued from Vol. XXVIII. page 4G9.) 

William Crouch, sometime an Inhabitant of Grace- 
church Street, London, and now of Middlesex, Edmonton; 
being aged. Will 10 October 1710; proved 23 January 
1710/11. To my two daughters Mehitable Lovell and 
Ruth Arnold my two Freehold Farmes in Woodham 
Ferris, Essex, in occupations of Francis Moss and John 
Silver with woodlands etc., paying £100 to granddaughter 
Anna Markes, daughter of said daughter Ruth Arnold, 
widow, at 21 or marriage. To said daughter Ruth Ar- 
nold my Leasehold the " Coach and Horses" in Bishops- 
gate street within Bishopsgate in London hoi den of 
Emanuell Colledge in Cambridge. To sons in law Mich- 
aell Lovell and Samuel Arnold £10 apiece. To grandson 
William Crouch, son of late son Jasiell Crouch, £200 at 
22, and executors to allow £7 per annum, but as I am 
bound to his master Sylvanus Grove for his fidelity, if he 
waste his master's goods, to be deducted etc. To grand- 
sons William Lovell and Michaell Lovell, sons of daughter 
Mehitable Lovell, £100 apiece at 22 and £6 for education 
of grandson Michaell Lovell meanwhile etc. To grandson 
James Arnold £100 at 22. To granddaughter Anna Markes, 
daughter of said daughter Ruth Arnold £50 at 22 or mar- 
riage to be paid to her father in law Samuel Arnold, and if 
she die to her brother James Arnold. To granddaughter 
Mary Thomas, daughter of my daughter Katherine Pike 
deceased £10. To my great granddaughter Katherine 
Allen, daughter of said Mary Thomas, £50 at 21 or mar- 
riage to be kept at school till 15. To friends Samuel Arnold 
and John Eccleston of Gracechurch Street £20. To placing 



90 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

four poor Boys of Edmonton Apprentice £20, one to be 
Edward Gregory, grandson of Edward Bird of Palmes 
Greene, other three named by overseers of Edmonton ap- 
pointed by my son John Crouch and Samuel Turpin, poor 
in Southstreet ward to have preference. To daughter 
Frances Crouch, wife of said son John Crouch live guineas 
of Gold as token of love and respect. M oneys in hands of 
William Biles late of Pensilvania from sale of Lands of mine 
in Province of West New Jersey to son John Crouch and 
daughters Mehitabell Lovell and Ruth Arnold. My two 
tracts of Land in Pennsylvania some time conveyed to me 
by David Lloyd for debt of Edward Man deceased, convey- 
ances Registered in Court Rolls of said Province in my own 
name, to said two daughters Mehitabell Lovell and Ruth 
Arnold as tenants in common and not as joint tenants. 
Moneys from sale of my houses in Crown Court in Grace- 
church street, London and arrears of Rent and also Moneys 
that arise of my 30 shares in the Stock and Trade of print- 
ing with hot Rolls vested in myself and S 1 * Samuell Blewett 
and others etc. to be applied to debts etc. Two farms in 
Cranbrook, Rent, one " Swallingdon Lands" late in occu- 
pation of Jeremie Vine, and other on the den of Hartley in 
occupation Thomas Edmett etc. to son John Crouch and 
heirs, then to daughters Mehitabell Lovell and Ruth Arnold. 
Executors : sons in law Michaell Lovell and Samuel Arnold. 
Witnesses : Jno. Morris, Eliz. Man, Mary Bewley, Mary 
Guppy. Young, 3. 

Richard Pike of Stoke Newington. Will 2 September 
1752; proved 5 April 1755. To kinsmen Samuel Hoare 
and Nathaniel Newberry of London Merchants all estate 
and Lands in Pensilvania and all estate wheresoever, paying 
to Neice Rachel Strongman £2000, to Nephews Joshua and 
Joseph Beale, sons of Joshua Beale of Cork, £500 each, to 
Neice Sarah Beale daughter of ditto £500, to Nephew Samuel 
Beale, son of sister Rachel Beale, £500, to Sarah Foster 
£100, five years after my decease. Executors : Samuel 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 91 

Hoare and Nathaniel Newberry. Witnesses: Justus Denis 
Beck, Will Braund, Will* Russell. Paul, 111. 

John Coles, Citty and County of Exon, Cheesemonger. 
Will 1 September 1688; proved 17 October 1693. Intend- 
ing a Voyage to Sea have given friend James Kerle of Call- 
cott, Sommersett, Sharge-maker, a Letter of Attorney to 
claim debts for maintenance of my wife Joane Coles, also 
a parcell of Serges in hands of Geo: Wiggenton of Citty 
of Exon, Taylor, and other goods in England. If I dye at 
Sea and my goods that I carry with me goe safe to Pensel- 
vania, friend John Persons and William Tyler, now inhabit- 
ing in Pensielvania if liveing to secure and take care of said 
goods. Whereas I have bought and paid for 1000 acres of 
Land in Penselvania, John Persons and William Tyler to 
make such advantage as other friends may advise etc., and 
if John Persons and William Tyler be not liveing, whom 
the body of Friends appoint to dispose for benefit of my 
wife during her life. To my two sisters Elizabeth Wood- 
land and Euth Cudridge two thirds of goods in England 
and elsewhere after decease of wife; other one third to wife 
to dispose of. If she dye in my absence, she to dispose of 
£20 of goods, said James Kerle to be a Friend in trust, while 
wife lives, and executor when she is dead. Witnesses : 
Robert Skinner, John Sparke, George Wiggenton, William 
Willson. Coker, 153. 

Mary Hamilton of the City of Philadelphia in the State 
of Pennsylvania, widow. Will 10 April 1793; proved 20 
December 1794. Debts being paid, residue to Lady 
Hamilton of Lower Grosvenor Street, London, for chil- 
dren of late John Hamilton deceased. Executor : Samuel 
* Dufrield, of City of Philadelphia, Physician. Witnesses : 
James Kalloch, Assheton Humphreys. Account of monies 
due me this 25 August 1793: In hands of Mr. Richard Wells 
£230, of Mr. William Keith £50, of Isaack Howell, Esq., £150, 
of Thomas Mitchell £40, of Mr. William Ralston £100, of the 



*v 



92 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

Bank of the United States £50 or £020 all for will except 
what I owe to Dr. Dnffield for last illness. Philadelphia 
August 25 1793: Mary Hamilton. Philadelphia city and 
county ss. True copie of will of Mary Hamilton proved 
30 Octoher last past, this 21 December 1793 : Isaac "Wampol, 
D. Rcg r . Proved in Prerogative court of Canterbury by 
Lady Amy Hamilton widow, attorney for Samuel Dufheld 
of Philadelphia " State of Pennsylvania in America." 

Holman, 618. 

James Fea of St. Paul Deptford, Kent, Gentleman, an 
Officer under the United Company of Merchants of Eng- 
land trading to the East Indies. Will 6 June 1772; proved 
27 September 1780. To Jennett wife of Henry Murray of 
Island of Edda, Orkney, yoeman, £50 for her sole use, her 
husband or any future husband to have nought to do. Resi- 
due to niece Elizabeth Hamilton of St. Paul Deptford, 
widow of Peter Hamilton late of Philadelphia in ISTorth 
America deceased, and daughter of Peter Waldie of parish 
of St. George in the East, Middlesex, and Elizabeth his wife, 
both deceased, executrix. Witnesses : George Slow, Thos. 
Torkington. Collins, £35. 

Jacob Duche, late of the city of Philadelphia, born Apriil 
the 26th 1708 in said city in the province now the State of 
Pennsylvania, but at present residing in parish of Lambeth 
in county of Surry and Kingdom of Great Britain. Will 1 
August 1786; proved 8 October 1788. To beloved son the 
Rev. Jacob Duche Chaplain and secretary to the Asylum 
of Female Orphans, £3000 money of Great Britain. To 
Daughter in Law Elizabeth Duche as mark of esteem all 
Plate, Linen, China, and wearing apparel and also 100 
Guineas. To Grand Daughter Esther Duche £500. To 
Grand Daughter Elizabeth Sophia ditto at 18 etc. Rest to 
grandson Thomas Spence Duche. Executors : son Jacob 
Duche and grandson Thomas Spence Duche and kinsman 
Andrew Doz and friends Joseph Swift of Philadelphia, mer- 



*v 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 93 

chant, and Myers Fisher Esquire of Philadelphia aforesaid. 
Witnesses: Thomas Sheete, George Adams, J. Pritchard, 
Drs. Commons. Ctilv&rt, 477. 

William Rably of Philadelphia in Pennsylvania. Ad- 
ministration 18 February 1730/1 to Richard Deeble, prin- 
cipal creditor, John Rably and Mary Rably brother and 
sister renouncing. Admon Act Book, 1781. 

John Penn the Elder at present of the City of Philadel- 
phia in Pennsylvania. Will 2 January 1795 ; proved 23 
January 1796. To my wife Anne Penn Tract of Land with 
messuages etc. in Blockley Township, county of Philadel- 
phia (2000 acres) called Lansdown purchased of Dr. William 
Smith, John Bourcher and Mahlon Hall, also another Tract 
in the same Township purchased from widow Warner etc. 
To Elizabeth Allen daughter of Andrew Allen, Esq. at 
coming of age or marriage £1000, of £2000 invested in four 

CJ CD O / 

per cent consolidated Annuities of Great Britain with in- 
terest from 21 March 1791 etc. etc., residue of said stock to 
my wife Anne Penn. If wife die to said Elizabeth Allen at 
age or marriage £5000 etc. etc. To Brother Richard Penn 
my ten share of the Bank of Xorth America Stock. To each 
of younger children of brother Richard Penn £1000, To 
brother Richard Penn subject to legacies to be raised one 
fourth part of the manor of Springetsbury in county of 
Philadelphia consisting of divers unimproved Lots and at 
yearly Rents in fee, and after his decease to my nephew 
William Penn, son of brother Richard and heirs, in default 
to nephew Richard Penn son of ditto, and in default to 
heirs of brother Richard Penn etc. To wife Ann Penn 
£6000 sterling, executors to sell so much of my six per 
cent stock in funds of United States. Of rest of said 6 per 
cent stock interest to wife Ann for life, then one moiety to 
nephew Richard Penn. In case the United States of 
America pay to creditors any part of the six per cent stock 
during life time of wife, she to invest same in any of public 



;*v 



94 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

funds of England or America to hold in trust as before etc. 
To wife Ann £500 sterling to purchase annuity for her 
brother Colonel William Allen. To Friend John F. Mifflin 
£100 sterling to purchase a piece or pieces of plate as a re- 
membrance. Rest to wife Ann Penn. Executors : wife 
Ann Penn and Friend John F. Mifflin. Witnesses : ¥m, 
Strickland, Geo. Hammond, Jas. Kitchen. Proved by 
widow Anne Penn with reservation to other executor John 
Fishbourne Mifflin. Harris, So. 

Peter Reid of Wellington, county Salop, Maltster. Will 
7 September 1769; proved 2 December 1775. To Trustees 
and executors, John Colley of Sowbatch and George Colley 
of Isombridge, Farmers, £10 each, and residue of personal 
estate on trust for son David Reid at 21, etc. To brother 
David Reid of Spring Gardens in Philadelphia in jSorth 
America, Gardener, £300 if living, and if dead to his chil- 
dren. To Thomas Colley, son of Mr. Isaac Colley of the 
Old Hall in county Salop, £100 at 21, and if he die to his 
brothers and sisters. To said Isaac Colley £50 if living, if 
dead to his children. To [Mary Colley daughter of Ben- 
jamin Colley of Harpe Ally, London, Carpenter, — erased] 
£50 at 21 or marriage, and if she die to her brothers and 
sisters. To Elizabeth Colley and Mary Colley, daughters 
of Isaac Colley, £50 each. Residue of personal estate not 
before devised to said John Colley, Isaac Colley the younger, 
Richard Colley, Edward Colley, Benjamin Colley, and 
Susannah Colley, sons and daughters of said Isaac Colley. 
Executors : John Colley and George Colley. Witnesses : 
Thos. Leek, John Williams. Affidavit of George Hand the 
younger one of the procurators general of the consistory 
court of Lichfield that said will in writins' of Peter Reid late 
of Wellington, Salop, was proved in court of Litchfield on 4 
May last and that John Colley and George Colley the execu- 
tors inferred that the obliterations were made by testator by 
reason his son George Reid had attained age of 21 and Mary 
Colley one of the legatees was dead. Alexander, 490. 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 95 

Jonathan Browne of City of Philadelphia in State of 
Pennsylvania, Merchant. "Will 7 April 1783; proved 7 
October 1784. To my Brother Mr. George Browne of 
London whatever my father Mr. William Browne left by 
his will. To Brothers George, William, and Thomas 
Browne and sisters Sarah Eobson and Jane Porter each 
a gold ring. Pest to wife Elizabeth Browne, executrix. 
Witnesses : John Shields, Sam : McKean. 

Buckingham, 535. 

[Magdalen Devine late of Philadelphia and now of Parish 
of St. Andrew Holborn, Middlesex, widow. Will 21 De- 
cember 1782; proved 8 Xovember 1785. To Brothers 
Thomas Wade of Philadelphia, Merchant, Francis Wade of 
ditto, Brewer, Farrett Wade, late of London, Gentleman, 
Mathew Wade of Jamaica, Gentleman, and Michael Wade 
of ditto, Merchant, £10 apiece. To servant Mary Wright 
£50. To Mary Warren wife of William Warren of City of 
Dublin and "Kingdom of Ireland, Jeweller, £10. To Neice 
Margaret Murphy of Philadelphia aforesaid £50. Rest to 
sister Elizabeth Wade now living with me. Witnesses : P. 

CD 

Kelly, John Fitzgerald, Dendy Treacher. Ducarel, 54.7. 

William Stone of the City of Philadelphia. Will 18 
April 1788; proved 17 January 1789. Philadelphia City 
and County ss., I George Campbell, Esquire, Registrar of 
Probate of Wills, etc. make known that will of William 
Stone deceased was proved 24 April 1788. William Stone 
now City of Philadelphia. To Christopher Kuliler my 
Watch. To Samuel Xicholes my Squire workes, Silver 
buckles. To said Christopher Kuliler one other paire of 
Buckles as he shall choose. To William Crawford, James 
Crawford, William Kuliler and Christopher Kuliler all Ap- 
parel and all Cash. To be buried according to form of 
Episcopal Church. To Barbara my washerwoman one small 
piece of Callico which is now in my Chest in the Saddle 
Room. Samuel Xicholes to receive all debts. Executors : 
Samuel ISTicholes and Christopher Kuliler. Witnesses : 



*v 



96 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

Mary Jenkins, E. Betty. Letter of Attorney for Samuel 
Nicholes and Christopher Kuliler of City of Philadelphia, 

executors, 24 May 1788, to William Yaughan and Thomas 
Cockstreet of London, to receive all debts, especially £100 
three percent stock transferred by William Rowe 12 March 
1763 to said William Stone. Attestation of Clement Biddle, 
Esq. Notary and Tabellon Public for the Commonwealth of 
Pennsylvania. Proved in prerogatory court of Canterbury 
by William Vaughan, attorney for executors. 

Calvert, S69. 

David Yaughax of Town of Swansea, Co. Glamorgan. 
Will 16 January 1781; proved 15 November 1781. To 
Nephew David Yaughan share of rope-walks in Swansea 
and the partnership debts etc. To Neice Sissil wife of Hugh 
Mason Marinor messuage she inhabits in the Strand in 
Towne of Swansea for life, then to her heirs ; in default to 
said Hugh Mason for life, then to William son of my late 
neice Catherine Hitchings, deceased. To said Hugh Mason 
my third of sloop Trusty with Tackle and Furniture. To 
Mary wife of Edward Pascoe late of Swansea Manor, my 
messuage wherein I dwell in High Street above the Gate 
for life with all furniture except plate and china, then to 
Mary daughter to late Neice Mary Hitchings, who can have 
possession sooner by securing £25 yearly to said Alary Pascoe, 
who is at liberty to give up sooner, etc. To Alary Pascoe 
one Silver Quart Tankard, one Silver pint and four silver 
Table Spoons pledged or pawned to me for money by the 
late Susanna Madge and Mary Pascoe, also £20, being the 
net proceeds of what I made by the sale of Susannan Madge's 
house furniture. To John Morris, Esquire of Glasement 
£100 out of £200 he owes,, also one Silver Pu[n]ch Bowl, 
one ditto Ladle and a whole set of China now in my 
Beaufet. To Margaret widow of late Robert Morris, Esq. 
£50. To Robert Morris, Esq. £50. To Margaret, Alary, and 
Jane daughters of the late Robert Morris, Esq. £50 each. 
To Thomas and Catherine, son and daughter of my late 



*v 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England, 97 

nephew Edward Vaughan of Philadelphia in Xorth America 
£50 each, when they legally demand same. To maid ser- 
vants Mary Thomas and Margaret Michael £10 each. To 
William and Mary children of late Xeice Catherine Hitch- 
ings £100 each at 21. To Thomas, William, and Martha, 
children of friend Mr. Thomas Lott of Forrest, £200. To 
Sissil wife of Hugh Mason £200 in trust to pay interest 
at Christmas and Whitsuntide to distressed Housekeepers 
at Swansea, and to perpetuate it as long as in her power. 
To nephew David Vaughan aforesaid £300 additional. To 
Sissil wife of Hugh Mason aforesaid £600 additional. To 
Mary Pascoe annuity of £30 to be paid by David Vaughan 
and Sissil Mason out of Kopewalk. To Thomas Jones, 
Master of Plenty Sloop, £10 for ring. Rest to nephew 
David Vaughan and l>eice Sissil wife of Husch Mason, ex- 
editors. Witnesses : John Popkin Jun r , John Borlace, 
Thomas Cott. Webster, 563. 

Elizabeth Hyde late of Philadelphia in Xorth America, 
Merchant. Will 4 October 1786 ; proved 27 December 
1786. To Friend Mrs. Price, wife of Mr. William Price, 
&ve guineas and my two best cloaks, and to Miss Price two 
guineas and six silver teaspoons and strainer. To Mary 
Finch and Ann Bishop all best wearing apparel. To my 
Friend Mr. Samuel Jefleries three Guineas. To Mr. Robert 
dewberry one Guinea and to Henry dewberry his son ditto. 
and to Hannah jSTewberry his daughter ditto. Also to 
Hannah Newberry remainder of apparell. To Mrs. Hetty 
Yealdall my Room of Household Goods and Furniture. To 
Miss Susan Stanton two Guineas. Pest to good friends 
Mrs. Hannah Stanton and Sarah Stanton of Poultrey, 
London. Executrix : Mrs. Sarah Stanton. Witnesses : 
James Isles, Joseph Baker. Norfolk, 619. 

William Buck late of Edwards Street, Portman Square, 
Parish of St. Mary le Bone otherwise Marybone, but now 
of Queen Street, Grosvenor Square, Middlesex. Will 13 

VOL. XXIX.— 7 



98 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

February 1779; proved 13 March 1779. To wife Mary 
Buck, executrix, the stock in public funds, goods, estate, 
etc. with the assistance of friend Mr. William Carr of the 
Strand, Middlesex, Linen Draper. I direct £1700 stock in 
three per cent to be transferred to said wife and William 
Carr, in trust to pay interest of £1300 to wife for life, then 
£600 to cousin Sarah wife of Joseph Pessifer of James 
Deeping, county Lincoln, Husbandman, and £600 to cousin 
James Hudson of Crowland, Husbandman, son of James 
and Barbara Hudson of James Deeping aforesaid, £100 
ditto to Friend Mr. William Speight of Elsthorpe, county 
Lincoln, Grazer, and £-100 residue of said stock to my sister 
Elizabeth Lake, wife of William Lake, for life, free of hus- 
band, then to said William Carr. Executors to lay out 
£100 for annuity to sister Ann Lake. Release to Colonel 
Powell annuity I am entitled to during his life, also all 
arrears ; and out of annuity of £90 during life of Colonel 
Henry Watson ; to Alice Eccles sister of my said wife and 
to Jane wife of Mr. Isaac Hufrly of the City of Philadelphia 
in Korth America £10 each etc. To Friend Mr. Thomas 
Porter of Silver Street, Golden Square, county Middlesex, 
£10, and to mv Friend Mr. Richard Darlington of South 
Molton Street, Grosvenor Square, twenty Guineas, also to my 
Friend Mr. John Waldeck of the Strand, Mr. Robert Ran* 
.dall of Silver street aforesaid, Mr. Dennis Farrell of Queen 
street, Grosvenor Square, Mr. Joseph Hind of Brewer Street, 
Golden Square, Mr. Benjamin Welling of Berwick Street, 
St. James, Attorney at Law r , Mr. Joseph Martin late ot 
Brewer Street aforesaid, Coachmaker, Mr. William Hill of 
Kemp Street, Berwick Street, Jane Smith of Totteridge 
widow, and to said William Carr, William Speight, Alice 
Eccles, and Jane Huihy 10 Guineas apiece. Witnesses : 
Win, Pennington, Lambs Buildings, Temple, Richard Bar- 
low, No. 375 Strand. Warburton, 92. 

Margaret Kearsley of the City of Philadelphia, widow. 
Will 29 November 1773; proved 2 August 1779. To be 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 99 

interred in the Baptist Meeting Ground in the City in a 
Cedar Coffin without any Ring of Bells, Pall, or Funeral 
Parade. Household Furniture, Carriage, and Horses to be 
sold and Negro Man Sam to be disposed of by executrix. 
To Mary Kearsley of Sedsrefield in England £100 sterling 
and to her sister Ann Kearsley, ditto. To my Friend Mrs. 
Williamina Bond £100 Pennsylvania Currency with my 
Gold Watch and the Chain and Trinkets, also my husband's 
and my own picture. To my sister Mrs. Rebecca Smith 
my best Diamond Ring and my best Fan. To Mrs. Blanch 
Roberts £10 currency and to Sarah Dugclale ditto. To Wil- 
liamina and Ann Bond, two of daughters of Doctor Phineas 
Bond deceased all apparell and all Trinkets. To Susannah 
Price £10 ditto. To Doctor John Kearsley £25 ditto in re- 
turn for many presents, and I hereby solemnly declare I owe 
him nothing as I expect to give an account of the deeds 
done in the Body. To cousin Benjamin Stonier now or 
lately living in the City of London £600. Executors : Friends 
Williamina Bond and Phineas Bond. To my maid Cath- 
erine Pondolone apparell. To Mrs. Susanna Bard my 
worked Bed Curtains and Counterpane. Rest to cousins 
Thomas Brand, Benjamin Burroughs and Judith Horse, 
all now or lately living in England. Witnesses': Barnaby 
Barnes, Cornelius Barnes, Mary Asheton. Affidavit 31 
July, 1779, of Phineas Bond, late of city of Philadelphia 
hut now of Middle Temple, London, Esq. that Margaret 
Kearsley late of City of Philadelphia in Xorth America, 
widow, deceased, departed this life in May 1778, but made 
will 29 ^November 1773 and appointed Williamina Bond 
widow and the deponent's mother and him this deponent 
executors; that soon after the deceased's death that William 
Smith this deponent's clerk copied the Paper Writing here- 
unto annexed from the Original Court will then in custody 
of said Williamina Bond and thereafter from death of said 
deceased to Month of June following, when this deponent 
left the said city of Philadelphia no Court or Publick Office 
competent for granting Probates of wills then existed and 



100 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

said original is now in custody of said Willianiina Bond in 
Philadelphia and that there is not in Great Britain any 
other more authentic copy. Phineas Bond, sworn to truth. 
Attest Geo: Haris, Surrogate Pres*, Henry Stevens, Xotary 
Publiek. Warbarton, 351. 

Isaac Cox of the City of Philadelphia in the province of 
Pennsylvania, Merchant. ^Vill 7 August 1772; proved 27 
July 1784. To son John Cox at 21 or marriage messuage 
where 'I dwell and lot of ground on West Side of front 
Street and extending to Dock Street in said city, purchased 
of Barnabas Shute, with all Buildings, also all the Furniture, 
Plate, Linnen, China, and Pictures, also £2500 money of 
Pennsylvania. To son Isaac Cox at 21 or marriage mes- 
suage and Bank and Water Lot lately purchased from execu- 
tors of John Yiniug, Esq r on East side of front Street 
extending into the River Delaware in said city with wharfes, 
Docks, Buildings, Improvements, and Appurtenances, also 
£2500 lawful aforesaid. To sons John Cox and Isaac Cox 
my Brigantine or Yessell called the Speedwell with her 
Pigging, Tackle, Furniture, and Appurtenances, also my 
three Xegro Men Sailors called CufT, Harry, and Cruiser, 
also £2000 lawful money aforesaid. To daughter Jane Har- 
rison if living £1000 aforesaid, or to her children living. 
To grandson George Harrison at 21 £400. To daughter 
Martha WickofT £1000 aforesaid and Xegro Man Pompey 
and my Xegro Woman named Hannah, also my Chariot 
and Horses with all Geeres, Trappings etc. To Grandson 
Jacob WickofF £500 aforesaid at 21 or marriage, or if he 
die to his brother "William WickofI or his sister Ann 
WickofF. To grandson William WickofF at 21 or marriage 
^£250 aforesaid etc. To granddaughter Ann WyekofF ditto. 
To grandson Henry WickofF £1500 ditto, and if he die to 
three grandchildren Jacob, William, and Ann. To daughter 
Mary Cox at 18 or marriage £3000. To children of sister 
Elizabeth Ramsey £400. To children of brother Joseph 
Cox late of South Carolina deceased £400. To daughter in 



;*v 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 101 

law Elizabeth Burnett £100, also my £Tegro wench Cloe. 
To the Contributors to the Pennsylvania. Hospital £50 to 
be paid to their Treasurer toward carrying on the char- 
itable designs of said hospital. To Jacob the natural son 
of Margaret formerly Margaret Griilits, the now wife of 
George Fudge of said city, £600 Pennsylvania money, also 
my lot purchased from Joseph Bringhurst situate in the 
district of Southwark on the East side of second Street con- 
tinued southward beyond the said City, both at his age of 
21, executors to meanwhile use same for his education and 
support. If. said Isaac die, then £200 to his mother Mar- 
garet and rest of £600 and the Lot to my son Isaac Cox. Rest 
to my said children John Cox, Isaac Cox, Jane Harrison, 
Martha Wickoff, Mary Cox, and my grandson Henry 
Wickoff, reserving only Kegro girl named Lydia for my 
daughter Mary Cox. Executors : Sons John Cox and Isaac 
Cox, sons in law Peter Wickoff and Isaac Wickoff, and 
friend Mr. William West, of City of Philadelphia, Merchant. 
Witnesses : Robert Allison, Jonathan ISTesbit, Jas. Hum- 
phreys. Codicil 14 June 1775. To daughter Jane Har- 
rison £500 more. To Grandson m Peter Wickoff son of 
daughter Martha Wickoff £100. To Isaac Barnett son of 
daughter in law Ann Barnett £100. iSTegro woman Lucy 
to be manumitted and set free. Witnesses: Jas. Hum- 
phreys, James Humphreys junior, Richard Butler. Proved 
in prerogative court of Canterbury by Isaac Cox, son of de- 
ceased, andlsaac Wikoff otherwise Wickoff, two of sur- 
viving executors, power reserved to Peter Wikoff als Wickoff 
one other of surviving executors, John Cox the other sur- 
viving executor having renounced. Rockingham, 377. 

(To be continued.) 



102 Notes and Queries. 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 

Iftotcs. 

Letter of Thomas Langhorne to Francis Dove et al. Et- 
ting Collection of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. — 

Nesshamixy Creek the 4* of ye 12 mo : 86 
Deare & welbeloved frinds 
Francis Dove Will: Wiggings 
& Edward Samvtayes : 

My deare &. tender love in the pure & prestious truth most dearely & 
tenderly salutes you all and all your deare & lovinge wives & all deare & 
faithfull frinds about you &c: And by this I give you to knowe that 
through the good hand of God I & my wife & children & all my family 
gott well into this Country & through the Mercy & goodness of God has 
bene for the most part & remaines all in health for w ch frome my hart I 
praise & raagnitie the name of the Lord forever: For Indeed severrall 
that came in ye shippe with us has had their seasonings & severrall is 
dead though not many dead but some y* stayed in y- Lowe Countryes 
being in y e very heat of ye yeare & we had a good passage by sea for 
none dyed on board but one weakly childe & when we came at Philadel- 
phia as about my setling I was at a very great stand for some spake 
against one place & some ag't another & most spake good of their owne 
places & did there endeavours to draw me hither & thither & indeed 
through some pswaitions I had like to have bene drawne into the Low 
Countryes w ch I blesse the Lord I mist, all though but narowly & for 
this place on your land where I now am many spoke vere much againste 
it & would have deterred me for cominge at it because many in this 
Creek had dyed & it had gott y e name of a very sickly place & besides 
itt was told me y* things was farr out of order & a great deal of debts 
contracted upon ye Land & many wayes like to be great exercise & 
trouble before things could be setled to any content to myselfe or any 
satisfaction to you, made me y* I knewe not well w* to doe, yett upon a 
full pause upon y e matter & a serious consideration of y e things, you 
being all my frinds w ch I had a kindnesse for, but especially my antient 
all wayes kinde frinde Fra : Dove, whome I am Ingaged & bound in duty 
to serve & to doe any kindnesse for him or his that Lyes in my power to 
requite some of y 9 kindnesses formerly done by him to me under these 
considerations & for ye truths sake & for pitty sake to Robert, he y l has 
bene abused & wronged & made a prey upon by severall y'he hath bene 
concerned with, I was willing to come on to y e Land to se how I founde 
thinges & resolves through y e assistance of allmighty god to use my ut- 
most endeavours to rectyfie them for indeed they are soe far out of order 
there will bothe be charge & great trouble before they can be setled to 
any content or satisfaction either for you or me & If I should inumerate 
y e whole of matters y l is out of order & wants setlinge in & about your 
afarres here, it would take more time y n I shall willingly spend about it 
at this time but shall onely give you a hint of y e most Materrall things 
y* I have made some entrance into, to looke about & inquire into, in y e 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 103 

first place Richard Davis kinsman one David Powell y* was passenger 
with Hob: & y l Rob : was kinde to bcinge surveyor of y e Land has 
wronged & cheated him more then any one he has dealt with, mearly to 
gett a tract of good Land y s lay near as he saith for Richard Davis 
wronged Eob : of 640 acres of your Land, as is rendred, but we have 
traced out the matter & is about bringing y e matter to a tryall with him 
&, is in great hopes to gett releife ag l him & to be satisfied out of ye 
Land \v h was really your right if he had bene a Just man & at y e backe 
of ye Land we doe finde that his is alsoe wronged w eh we hope to gett 
righted in tyme if y e Lord spare us life & health soe y* we are in hopes 
to gett your whole quantity of your Land at one end or other & y' pretty 
convenient wch in time may turne to a good account through gods bless- 
iuge, soe havinge given you some hints of things shall now aquaint you 
with my perceedings hear & what I have done acordinge to your order 
. & desire in your Letters to me, In the first place you ordered me to gett 
James Harrison to vallue the Land & Stocke upon it & y e plantation & 
all things done about it who att my request came & another frinde yt is 
the next neighbour to us & I lett him see your letter & he willingly 
undertooke the besynesse for you & soe we came to agree about this tract 
of Land that Rob : is upon w ch is esteemed S hundred & GO acres of 
Land they v.illued the Land att 10 an hundred this Country money here 
was a mear & 1 1 swyne & corne reaped w oh was all the stock on the 
Land they vallued them to l Ih6 here near 10 acres of cleared Land with- 
in fence yet but meanly cleared & as slenderly husbanded as did evident- 
ly apeare yet in the whole they vallued the Land & Stock upon it & all 
the Improvement about it to an hundred and eyghty pounds this Coun- 
try money w' :h I am to pay you in some seasonable time, & to have a 
tytle made from you to me for the whole as abovesaid it is the full 
vallue of it consideringe the Inconveniencycs that attends it for I must 
build my house in a new place soe yt the litle Houses there is will not 
be of much service to me the dwellinge House is about 20 foot long a 
very mean House there is allso a litle stable & a small place for the 
swyne we are very much straitened to putt on & make a meane shift to 
rub alonge with y m for the time though I have repared & aded to y m 
since I came & bettered the Land and am cleaninge about 10 acres more 
where if the Lord p mitt I Intend to build, the toyle & charge is great 
to gett things into any like order hear, but as it is my lott & that I finde 
the Lords love & good hand with me, to direct 6c assist in thing3, is my 
great Comfort & content, & I wish I may perform y* service & worke y* 
is to doe for me hear y l God may have the praise forever ; now if you 
thinke this price too litle (as if you knew all there is noe cause soe to 
doe) & y* there upon you should not be willinge to make me a tytle as be- 
fore is said then y e Lawe of this province will allowe me full satisfaction 
for all my Improvement upon it before I be turned of from you or from 
any y* shall buy it of you, w :h was one thinge more w ch Induced me to 
setle upon it, if any of you should be dead or y e like and for the debts 
y* is contracted w ch I perceive the Land by the Lawe wilbe Ingaged to 
pay they are Considerable I supose 60 of this Country money will not 
pay y l for Rob : was arreasted at Birlington on Jarsy Side by a Thicker 
for 15 Ib & I was forced to loose him & give bond for y e money I could not 
see him soe dealt with but relieve him, he has bene weake in ye man- 
agement of bisinesse hear & many has abused & made a prey upon hirn, 
yett truely I cannot wholy Impute the fault to him, butt rather to your 



104 Notes and Queries. 

Imprudence in sending of him hither who knewe his weaknesse & In- 
capableness to undertake & manage such a weighty concerne as this, wch 
he was soe much a stranger to as doubtlesse you might all very well 
knowe & the more because you sent him soe weakely assisted with those 
you sent alonge with him, first for the man yt was most hopefull you had 
given him his Liberty if he could pay his passage money hear weh he did & 
so Rob : in the weake condition he was left with an old man y 1 would 
worke litle if he had bene well but was many times sicke & Rob was at 
great charges one way or another about him y n there was the boy could 
doe litle and there Daughter did nothing but putt him to Charge onley 
the old woman was painfull & stood a litle by him in y e management of 
y e plantation worke yett in other things was not soe true & Just to him 
as she should have bene as doth to me plainely appeare soe y* amongest 
y m beinge but such a weake younge man & sometimes much arlicted & 
sicke & often abroad to git victual Is & y e like a sad House was kept a 
home and businesse slenderly carry ed on soe y* for my part I admire yt 
things is noe worse then they are for I doe understand y* many more 
capable then he & better assisted Sc suplyed every way has made worse 
then he has done, And Indeed in reason & good conscience you ought 
to consider him & make him satisfaction before he goes offer the Losse 
of his time & Indeed he doth say he will not goe of y e Land till you doe 
satisfie him, & for y e old woman she stands for havinge a great deale 
more then condition for y e hard usage she has had, but I will not grant 
her anythinge but accordinge to y e condition of y e artickles w ch is the 4 th 
part of the stocke on y e Land wch I have proffered to give her, but she 
refuses to take it soe you must send over what must be done to her in 
the matter & further about y e citiy lotts yt was sold for a barrell of 
Porke I spoke to the man & he is willinge to refere it to arbittration with 
me soe I shall tike care of that & allso I intend to see about y e Citty 
liberty Land to take it up & about everythinge I shall doe my best en- 
deavours to all things yt I hope may make for your advantage & to be 
Just to you in everythinge, soe I doe desire y l you may by the first op- 
pertunity send over a firme convayance, signed by you all three to me of 
this 8 hundered & 60 acrees of Land & all the stock upon it with some 
tooles & small matters of Husbandry heare, as for the Household stuffe 
I leave it all to Robert wch is but of litle vallue for I belive the old 
woman has wronged him about it soe I could be glad to see youre In- 
voyce w* you sent over of Household stuffe or beddinge with him for he 
has Litle to showe And if you send me a firme Convayance as aforesaid 
with authority to pay y e just debt w ch cannot be derived & for the re- 
mainder I hope you will give me time for it to pay it to you or to your 
order ether hear or in England. And if you thinke fitt to make me 
afirme tytle of all your Lands hear accordinge to your first deeds I shall 
be carefull to doe my best for you & give you a just account, for I doe 
not.se y t any of you is fitt men to come here unless to ad to the former 
Charges & make your businesse no better, for people y* can worke is the 
onely best here & does mighty ly Improve themselves but with men y 1 
cannot worke spends there estates & brings themselves under, though I 
doe say y e countrey is a very firtell good Country as good or better then 
I expected, And if you send a Conveyance as aforesaid I doe desire you 
may consider Rob : well for he has suffered more y n many would have 
done & if his deare father be able I doe Intreat him to assigne Rob : all 
his tytle in this Countery & I hope I shall both advise him & assist him 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 105 

y* he may doe well for be offers to be very submissive to me & to be ad- 
vised by mee, I have a hope to settle him by me & has great hopes he 
will doe well if he will be advised as he hath been hither too, I hope it 
will be good for him y e many exercises he has past through, we know 
not whither the bill is come againe to you or not, & if it should be come 
It will be great Charge ptestinge it againe for Indeed I cannot see any 
way how ye payinge of it Cann be avoyded for he would recover it here 
by the Lawe because he makes it appeare a great part of it was spent 
upon y e plantation, and if it be not come to you again, for I writ to the 
man about stayinge of it, iff you are pleased to give me order to pay itt 
& the rest of the Just debts I can pay them with lesse here then you can 
doe at London Soe what you --solve on about these matters, doe it 
with as much expidition as possible for we are at a losse for want of 
authority from you to act in matters y* we have in hand, And if you 
make me a tytle of all your concerns here according to your first deeds 
I shall be the more Cappable to act in your whole concernes & I hope 
you need not feare but I will be Just to you & give you a true accounte 
of things wch I desire may be to your satisfaction, the old woman com- 
plaines sore for want of cloose & desires I may acquaint you y l she 
wants very much soe I could not doe lesse y n let you knowe, & if you 
could agree to send her some second hand Cloose suitable for her to 
stopp her Clamor at her goeinge I think might be well, And for .Rob : 
I founde him very bare in Cloose I could not lett him goe soe for I 
pittyed him & was ashamed to let him goe soe & has supplyed him 
& I would have you send him some cloose suitable for him for 
he has deserved y m although thinges has not hitt with him, yett I 
hope in tyine if I live to bringe thinges better of y n they have been like 
hitherto (through the assistance of God) And if you would doe me the 
kindenesse send me a peece of Dullells it is called match Coat for y e 
Indians ether red or blewe it will be about 2 s a yard & if you send it or 
any other things y* Rob : mentiones in his letter I shall be Countable to 
you to pay you either here or in England, as you shall order soe dear 
frinds I have bene forced to be large in my writinge to you because the 
concerne is great I desier you to consider well of the whole businesse & 
lett your answer or returne to me be weighty that I may have full power 
to manage your whole concerne & I hope to doe it with all dilligence & 
a redy minde y l it may have a tendency to your protitt & my content, 
soe deare Francis my dearest love to thy Deare Wife & my wifes love 
allsoe I desire ye may live comfortablely togither & that God may blesse 
you hi all your undertakinges my love & my wifes love is to both the 
other 2 frinds wifes & all frinds about you y l may enquire of me & soe 
remaines your Constant reall frinde in truth, 

Thomas Langhorne 



Letter from George Fox to Friends in Bucks County, Penna. 
Etting Collection of The Historical Society of Pennsylva- 
nia. — 

Q 

London, the 20 th - —1685 
mo 

Deare ffriends 

Christopher Taylor, James Harrison, John Symcock, John Moon 
Thomas Lloyd, Thomas Olive and James Claypoole, Thomas Bracy, 
and all the rest of ffriends that use to minister. 



*v 



106 Notes and Queries. 

I {Formerly did write unto you that if you had a meeting once a month 
or a fortnight among yourselves of all friends in the ministry, both in 
Pensilvania and New Jersey, and when that you were together in the 
Lords power and spirit, and then you might divide yourselves to other 
meetings and two and two to visit friends, both in New England, Mary- 
land Virginia and Carolina, for I had several letters from Carolina from 
ffriends there, that several people would come in but wanted ffriends in 
the ministry to declare the truth unto the People, and turn their minds 
to the light of Christ, and I perceive that you being so many ministers 
there together at some meetings, is rather a stoppage to some of the 
tender springs in others, & so rather a hurt to yourselves, and so if some 
of you would goe forth in the Lords power to other meetings as before, 
and some to appoint meetings at the Indian kings houses and to have 
meetings with them which would be a means of spreading the truth 
amongst them and in time setling meetings amongst them for I know 
that some, of you, are but lately setled in your plantations, when ffriends 
went out of the north in the service of the Lord, and his truth, ffriends 
that stayed and kept up their meetings at home did look after friends 
business, and assist their ifamilys, that the Lords blessing was so 
amongst them, that there was nothing lacking of outward things, for 
the blessings of the Lord fell so upon them that kept the meetings at 
home together with them that went out to gather them to Christ and to 
meet in his name, in whom they had solvation. 

But now Dear ffriends you having your natural and divine liberty both 
in New England and all those parts in Maryland Virginia Carolina and 
in all the.-e places meetings being setled, and they want visiting & many 
would come in, as I understand, if they had some to visit them with a 
declaration in this day and power of the Lord, and therefore take heed, 
lett not the outward care of this world and the outward things or out- 
ward places and offices, insnare or tye you from labouring in the Lords 
worke and service ; for ' they that follow the Lamb ' must keep out of 
Intanglem ts and therefore prise your liberty while ye have it, lest the 
Lord should suffer it to be taken away from you, and therefore while it 
is day and the dore is open, labour in the Lords power and seed thats 
over all in whom ye have all life and salvation, so with my love to you 
all in the Lord Jesus Christ 

G. ff. 
Wee are here under great 
sufferings and Imprisonm ts 
as ye will see by the Inclosed 
printed paper/ 

Philadelphia ye 6 — 1685 
mo 

James Hanson 

Thomas Janny 

W-Yardly 

D T ffriends The inclosed is Coppy of a letter I reed about 3 Mon 8 since 

from Georg ffox to be comunicated as is mentioned to y e friends in y e 

ministry of this Province & West Jarsey wch should have been sooner, 

but I had not an opportunity of seeing many together, however I was 

not willing longer to deferr it, so this weeke being about 10 of us in 

Towne we read it & agreed to send one Coppy to Chester County one to 

Bucks & one to Burlington, & to desire you to meet us at this place on 

y* 15th of y e next month to read it again when we are alltogether, and 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 



107 



to wait upon y e Lord to know his Will as to y e answering of it, we are 
to meet at Christof r Taylors y € 3 d hour, with my sincere love to you 
both 



Your fTriend in y e truth 
James Claypoole 



Let others know of it 
that are concerned to come, 
(Addressed) 

To my dear rlriends 

James Harrison 

Thomas Jamiy & 

W m Yardly or either of them 

In Bucks 



• The Historical Society of Pennsylvania is making a series or 
autograph letters of the delegates to the various Provincial Conventions, 
members of the Supreme Executive Council, the Committee of Safety, 
the Council of Safety, the Board of War, and the Naval Boards ot 
Pennsylvania. Donations of letters of the following will be appreciated 
bv John W. Jordan, Librarian. 



Alberson, Kiel of. 
Alexander, Hugh. 
Allison, John. 
Amdt, Jacob. 
Ash, James. 
Ashmead, Samuel. 
Ashton, Thomas. 
Barclay, Thomas. 
Barge, Jacob. 
Barr, James. 
Bartholomew, Benjamin. 
Bayard, John. 
Bayly, John. 
Biddle, Edward. 
Billmeyer, Andrew. 
Blewer, Joseph. 
Bradford, William. 
Breading, Nathaniel. 
Brewster, Samuel. 
Brooke, Matthew. 
Brown, William. 
Bull, John. 
Burkholder, Peter. 
Byers, John. 
Cadwalader, John. 
Cadwalader, Lambert. 
Caldwell, Andrew. 
Calhoun, John. 
Cannon, James. 
Cannon, John. 
Carmichael, John. 
Cavett, James. 
Cessna, John. 



Clark, Walter. 
Clark, William. 
Clemson, James. 
Coates, Isaac. 
Coats, William. 
Cooke, William. 
Coulter, Thomas. 
Cowperthwaite, Joseph. 
Crawford, James. 
Crazart, Francis. 
Creigh, John. 
Cunningham, James. 
Cunningham, Samuel. 
Cuthbert, Thomas, Sr. 
Davidson, Samuel. 
Davis, Lewis. 
Dean, Joseph. 
Dean, Samuel. 
Delany, Sharp. 
Denison, Nathan. 
Depue, Nicholas. 
Deshler, David. 
Donaldson, Joseph. 
Driesbach, Simon. 
Duffield, William. 
Dundas, Thomas. 
Eckert, Valentine. 
Edgar, James. 
Edie, Samuel. 
Edmunds, William. 
Edwards, Enoch. 
Eichelberger, George. 
Elliott, Benjamin. 



;*V 



108 



Notes and Queries. 



Elliott, William. 
Envin, Moses. 
Envin, Samuel. 
Evans, Evan. 
Evans, John. 
Evans, Joshua. 
Evans, William. 
Ewing, James. 
Eyre, Manuel. 
Eairlamb, Samuel. 
Findley, William. 
Fitzsimons, Thomas. 
Fleming, John. 
Galbraith, Bartram. 
Gardiner, Joseph, 
Garrigues, Jacob. 
Geehr, Balser. 
Goodwin, George. 
Graaf, Andrew. 
Graaf, Sebastian. 
Gray, George. 
Gray, Neigal. 
Gregg, Amos.- 
Grier, John. 
Gronow, Lewis. 
Grubb, Curtis. 
Gurney, Francis. 
Hambright, John. 
Hannah, Eobert. 
Harris, John. 
Hart, John. 
Hartley, Thomas. 
Hartzell, Jonas. 
Hassenclever, Francis, 
Hay, John. 
Hayes, Christopher. 
Henry, William. 
Heysham, William. 
Hiester, Daniel. 
Hillegas, Michael. 
Hockley, Thomas. 
Hoge, Jonathan. 
Howell, Samuel. 
Hunter, Alexander. 
Hunter, Daniel. 
Hunter, Samuel. 
Irvine, Jame3. 
Jack, Matthew. 
Jackson, William. 
Jenkins, David. 
Johnston, Francis. 
Jones, Blaithwaite. 
Jones, Henry. 



Keller, John. 
Kelly, John. 
Kennedy, David. 
Keppele, Henry, Jr. 
Kidd, John. 
Kirkbride, Joseph. 
Kochline, Peter. 
Kucher, Christopher. 
Laugh lin, Jacob. 
Lavingair, Christopher. 
Levan, Sebastian. 
Levis, Thomas. 
Lewis, Robert. 
Lloyd, Hugh. 
Loller, Eobert. 
Lowman, Lodovick. 
Lowrey, Alexander. 
Loxley, Benjamin. 
Ludwig, Christopher. 
Lutz, Nicholas. 
Lynn, William. 
McAllister, Richard. 
McClellan, John. 
McCormick, Hugh. 
McDowell, John. 
Mackey, John. 
Maclay, John. 
McLene, James. 
McPherson, Robert. 
Magaw, Robert. 
Marsh, Joseph. 
Marshall, Benjamin. 
Marshall, Christopher. 
Marshall, James. 
Martin, Robert. 
Mason, Isaac. 
Massey, Ebenezer. 
Massey, Samuel. 
Mather, Joseph. 
Mease, James. 
Melcher, Isaac. 
Meredith, Samuel. 
Miller, Abraham. 
Milligan, James. 
Milnor, Edward. 
Montgomery, John. 
Montgomery, William. 
Moore, James. 
Moore, John. 
Morris, Anthony, Jr. 
Morris, Samuel, Jr. 
Morris, Samuel C. 
Moulder, Joseph. 



;* v 



Notes and Queries. 



109 



Moulder, William. 
Musgrave, Joseph. 
Nesbitt, John M. 
Neville, John. 
Orndt, Robert. 
Otto, Bodo. 
Parker, Joseph. 
Penington, Edward. 
Penrose, Thomas. 
Perry, James. 
Plunket, William. 
Porter, Thomas. 
Potter, James. 
Potts, James. 
Potts, Jonathan. 
Potts, Thomas. 
Powell, Joseph. 
Price, Elisha. 
Purviance, John. 
Ralston, John. 
Rankin, William. 
Read, Joseph (Captain). 
Redick, David. 
Rhoads, Henry. 
Richardson, Francis. 
Riley, Richard. 
Ritchie, Robert. 
Roberts, John. 
Robinson, James. 
Robinson, William. 
Ross, George. 
Schlosser, George. 
Schreiner, Jacob. 
Schultz, Christopher. 
Scott, Thomas. 
Segle, Benjamin. 
Sellers, John. 



Sherer, Joseph. 

Shoemaker, Charles. 

Slagle, Henry. 

Slaymaker, Henry. 

Smiley, John. 

Smith, James. 

Smith, Jonathan B. 

Smith, Matthew. 

Smyser, Michael. 

Spyker, Benjamin. 

Strawbridge, Thomas. 

Stroud, Jacob. 

Sweers, Cornelius. 

Swope, Michael. 

Taylor, Henry. 

Thomas, Richard. 

Thompson, James. 

Towers, Robert. 

Urie, Thomas. 

Van Campen, John. 

Van Horn, William. 

Van Middleswartz, Abraham. 

Waggoner, Melchior. 

Wallace, James. 

Watts, Frederick. 

Weitzel, Caspar. 

Weitzel, John. 

Wetherill, Joseph. 

Wharton, Thomas, Jr. 

Whitehill, John. 

W T hitehill, Robert. 

WTiyte, Robert. 

W r ilkins, John. 

Wilkinson, John. 

Wilson, William. 

Woods, George. 

Wynkoop, Henry. 



Description of a Masonic Cektificate Engraved by David 
Edavin. — Mr. George P. Rupp, Librarian of the Grand Lodge of 
Masons, Pennsylvania, contributes the following description of a 
Masonic certificate engraved by David Edwin : 

At top an All Seeing Eye with adoring angels on either side of the 
Paschal Lamb, around on either side at the top the Zodiac, under which 
is the sun, moon and stars, on the right a sitting figure of Hope with 
"Jier right arm around an anchor, around her left arm is entwined a 
snake, in her extended left hand she holds a looking glass, on the left 
a sitting figure of Faith, her right arm supported by a book, her left 
arm extended, in the clouds are three infant angels with the plumb, 
square and trowel, on the right an Ionic column with a terrestrial globe 
on top, on the left a Doric column with a celestial globe on top, and a 
level on base, in the center a Corinthian column with a Paschal Lamb 
on top, in center at back a curved colonade of columns, at the bottom 



*v 



110 Notes and Queries. 

an Ark with Cherubims, three steps and a coffin, on top ol coffin are 
a scull and bone aud a large limb of Cassia one branch on steps, on 
the right one sitting female figure Charity, with babe in arms and 
two children at knee, one standing female, Wisdom, in attitude of 
silence and one male figure, a Mason, working on a triangular stone. 
J. J. Baralet, del 1 D. Edwin, Sculp 1 . Underneath is engraved a legend 
in English and French as follows : — We the Worshipful Master, 

Senior and Junior Wardens of | Lodge, N° of the most 

ancient and honourable | Fraternity of Free and Accepted Masons held 

in | Do hereby Certify by our hands & seal That our worthy 

Brother | was regularly entered passed and raised to the | sub- 
lime degree of Master Mason and during his continuance with | us has 
behaved himself as an honest faithful Brother and as such | we recom- 
mend him to all ancient Brothers, withsoever Providence may order | his 
lot. Anno Lucio 580. 

Wi M. 

s. w. 
J. w. 

Philad* Sec? Octob r 1 st 1804 Published by 
W m H y Abbott according to Law. 

An Almshouse Dinner in 1799, to which the inmates were not 
bidden : — 
Honor ble President and Board of Guardians of the Poor. 

To John Cummings D r . 
Alms-house Nov. 7, 1799. 

To Cash advanced, for the Accommodation of said Board, 
the Mayor, Justices and other friends to the amount of 
upwards of seventy Gentlemen to dinner on the 25 lh March 
last, viz.: 
A large round and standing rib (6 ribs) of Prime 

Beef . 63 Iba © 9 

A saddle of excellent mutton 43 lbs @ 9 

2 Gammons, 28 lbs Belonging to the House. No 
charge . . . . . 

3 dried N t3 Tongues . . 5/ea 
2 pair very large fine fowls . 8,3ea 
2 pair ditto Ducks . . 7/6ea 
2 pair ditto Wild ditto . 6/ea 
2 Turkeys . . . 9/4/2ea 
1 Verv large fresh Codfish with Oyster Sauce 
6 lba Butter 12/.— Cheese 7/6— Nuts 7/6— Segare 15/ 
Sundries from Mr. Benj. W. Morris for that day as 

per his bill render' d to me 
15 Gallons Madeira Wine . 22/6 

£36. 17. \ 

Note, the Bread was bak'd here and therefore not Charg'd, neither 
is the vegetables, Cooking, Candles &c &c. 
Ex d and pass'd Nov' 7—99 

S. G. 

Nov r 11 th 1799 Paid in full 



£2. 


7. 


3 


1. 


12. 


3 


0. 


15. 


— 


0. 


16. 


6 


0. 


15. 


— 


0. 


12. 


— 


0. 


18. 


9 


0. 


15. 


— 


2. 


2. 


— 


9. 


5. 


9* 


16. 


17. 


6 



Notes and Queries. 



Ill 



Scales for the Propbietok of Pennsylvania. 

The Proprietor Dr. 
1733 For a box of Scales & Weights for gold & silver 
a case to a nest of Weights . 
a Pair of Scales . 
another Large Pair 
a Weight 32 oz Troy 
Two needles for Surveying & a Center 



Phila. ll br y e 10 th 1733 

Peter Stretch James Steel 

Pay this Bill and place 
it to my acco t 

£3.2 T. Penn 

(Endorsed) 

Rec'd full Contents of y e within this 11 th day of ye 12 th mo oi 
James Steel 

Peter Stretch. 



. 


15 





. 


6 





. 


10 





. 


15 





. 


4 





. 


: 12 





3 


: 2 






Bill of Doctor Jones for Cures. — This bill is remarkable from 
the evidence of success in all the cases cited ; the charges are not for 
treatment, but for cures, and the bill was found among the papers of 
the estate of John Russell ; Orphans Court, Philadelphia, 1719. 

W. M. Meryine. 



John Russell Do* 










To Doctor Jones. 








1717 








July 31 to Curing his Seruants knee . 


£1 






to 2 vamitts for his 2 daughters . 




- 


4 


— 


to Curing his mans foot 






6 




to curing his leg . . 






6 




to vamitt for sd man .... 






2 




to a vomitt for wif ..... 






3 


6 


to Curing his Daughters foot 






3 




to Curing her sore Eye 






3 






£2 


. 7 . 


6 



Constable's Staves distributed in North New Jersey, 1680. — 
The following is written on the reverse of inventory of the estate of 
John Gordon, of Elizabeth Town, N. J., 1G82. 

Gentlemen 

t Being Lately at Woodbridge and Never-Sinks ffind: both places desti- 
tute of their Constables Staves w ch is a Great Neglect, atw ch S r Edmund 
is much displeased, Wherefore I desire y° fforthwith to dispearse them 
to y e Severall Towns and officers, or return them to me : and Send for- 
ward y e inclosed w ch is all at p r sent from 

Yo r humble Serv* 

W m Pipe 
New York 30 th Aug" 1680 



112 Notes and Queries. 

Letter of Richard Tea to the Council of Safety, of 
Pennsylvania. — 

Gentlemen/ 

1 have been at a great deal of pains and trouble to draw out Colonel 
Hunters Battallion (who is absent at the Assembly) in order to join 
General Washington, when it was the duty of every Man to shew his 
attachment to the general cause; but the influence of the Torys (for I 
can call them nothing else) in his Battallion is such, that not Fifty ever 
met, agreeable to your orders of the 18. January last — I have sent down 
one Abraham Lateher, who calls himself a Menonist, and that his con- 
science will not let him take up Arms. But his Conscience does not 
prevent him from riding to a Township Meeting, where they were called 
together in order to make themselves ready, to declare publickly that 
the Col: had no orders for doing what he did, nay he went so far as to 
say that the present xVssembly were no legal Body, as to myself, he has 
made it his Business to go to a publick House and there declare he 
would use me ill if any oppertunity offered, for detaining his Gun, 
which was taken from him as a Nonassociator, I have sent the Wit- 
nesses with the party, and make no doubt the Council will deal with 
him in a proper manner, there is a number of others, but for want of 
evidence, and people to take them, I am afraid they will escape, who 
deserve to be confined 

I have a letter from the Speaker of the House, requesting me to go 
down and take my Seat in the Council of State, but cannot think 
of leaving my family in the humour the People are in at this time, if 
some method is not taken to make this Battallion do their Duty, I must 
resign. 

I am Gentlemen 

Your most obedient 

humble Serv* 

Rich. Tea 

The Honble Council of Safety 

Extracts from the Records of Middlesex County, New 
Jersey. — Contributed by William M. Mcrvine. 

At y e Court of Sessions held att Piscataway the 3 d Tusday in June 
Anno Dom : 1685. 

John Smith ship Carpanter late of Amboy Perth and said to belonge 
unto Cap 1 Pearsons Ship was this day taken att Piscataway by Yertue 
of a Hue & Cry granted by Major James Giles at y e Request of the said 
Pearson : Contents ; To carry & convey y e said Smith on board the said 
Pearsons ship. The Court of sessions then sittinge in Piscataway The 
said John Smith made his Application to y e said Court alledginge y* y e 
said Pearson alteringe his first pretended voiage, by law & custome of 
Navigation the said Smith was not bound to go alonge with him the 
'Court refers y e whole matter between the said Pearson & Smith to y e 
Governor y e said Smith to remain in y e custodie of y 9 Sherife till y e 
Governors pleasure be knowne in y e premisses 

Edward Slater 

Clarke 

A Protest by ye Capt &C : of ye Ship Elizabeth Gaily 

Bee It Remembered by this Instrument of Protest, that the Ship 
Elizabeth Gaily of London of the Burthen of Seaventy Tons or there- 



Notes and Queries. 113 

abouts whereof Joseph Harrison is Master Did sett sail on ye Tenth day 
of September Last from the Harbour of Portsmouth In the Kingdom of 
Great Britain bound for Philadelphia In the Province of Pensylvania, 
during which Intended Voyage the said Ship Elizabeth Gaily did meet 
with Extream bad weather. — Particularly on the tenth, twelth, thir- 
teen & Nineteenth of October, and on ye third — fourth, Ninth & 
twenty first days of November following, All which times she was forced 
to lye by, sometimes shifting her Ballast &c ; to her very Great Damage. 
The twenty ninth of the said Month of November, Wee made the Land 
as we Judged between Cape May & Great Egg Harbour, the thirtieth At 
Eight A Clock In the morning Wee Bore away, the wind at south West 
Blowing very hard which made our Entrance Into Delaware River Im- 
possible, and having (Even at short Allowance) at most but four days 
Provision on Board The Vessell very Leaky both In her upper & Lower 
works, The wind being fair for Sandy Hook on the second day of this 
Instant December wee arrived there, whence wee came on the fifth to 
this Port of Perth Amboy, For these Reasons wee do hereby Solemnly 
Protest as well against the seas as Against All Persons whatsoever who 
may or shall Claim any Damage or Damages or Account of the Above 
Recited Protect. Done at Perth- Amboy In the Province of New Jersey 
this tilth day of December In the year of our Lord 1715 

♦ Capt. Joseph Harrison 

John Levett Cheff mate 
Mathew Gleaves second Mate 
Richard Bishop A Passenger 
Martin Nicolson Carpenter 
Jurat Quinto die Decembria Anno predict: Coram Nobis 
Ad : Hude Moses Balph John Barclay 
Justices. 

Letter of Robert Boyd to Jasper Yeates, 1774. — 

Dear Sir, 

I have your favour of May tenth by me for some time which I shall 
take an opportunity of answering when I have better materials in the 
mean time I must not suffer such a mistake to take deep root in your mind 
as that about the Turtle — tho I have been as you know foolish enough 
sometimes to indulge in a glass of Wine yet I never relished high 
seasoned food I hate it I repudiate it — Turtle dear Sir I never let enter 
my mouth and I have not been explicit enough in ray account of de- 
bauching at a Turtle Feast where I only amused myself with an 18* 
chicken of such I am sure your son John could eat a pair — but I did 
justice to the claret — therefore sustained an attack of my Hobbihorsical 
Disease. I hope Lancaster is become a more sociable place — You have 
some new hands who no doubt attempt to cut a Figure you will have 
the addition of Mr. Prevost & his Family — I believe they will not 
' attempt to be very showey or extravagant tho his pay & perquisites are 
very considerable but he is a prudent sensible man & one if you can 
have time to renew your acquaintance with you will find very deserving 
— Mrs. Prevost has been in the school of affliction the loss of her children 
has contributed much to impair her health but I need not say that Zvlrs 
Shippen, Mrs Yeates & your connexions will do every neighborly office 
that can tend to smoothe the way and shew true Friendship & humanity. 
VOL. XXIX. — 8 



114 JWotes and Queries. 

— It is with pleasure I can inform you that T have spent these two days 
past with our old friend Duncan Camil he has been five Months absent 
and returned here on his way home from Jamaica with Mr. Prevost he 
has been at Jamaica trying to get part of his Brother's Estate but it 
seems has not and has employed Lawyers on the affair — he says he makes 
out but so so on the farm & in confidence told me he is trying to pur- 
chase the Capt. Leutenancy of the 60 th now in Jamaica — where it 
appears the military officers have considerable profits & are on the 
whole on a much better footing than in any other place — The accounts 
from the northward are that affairs continue in much the same state as 
when the last paper came out — Our Committc meet today — I believe 
to try if they can fix on any plan of opposition — A report is in Town too 
that Virginia and Maryland will resolve not to Export or import — Such a 
measure I fear cannot be got into here the peoples passions are not in the 
least aroused — nothing but calmness coolness win among the Presbiterians 
— If some hot headed fellows would set about to abuse Benj Franklin I 
think it might do America some service but the late accounts have 
closed every mouth — I do not believe that any number of our merchants 
will be readily engaged in a non importation agreement & non exporta- 
tion is high treason. I shall w r rite to you again soon — in the mean 
time, excuse haste — I intended only to write to you about Mr. Prevosi — 
& will answer your Letter & give you a touch of Politicks soon — in the 
mean time remember me to my old Friends Mr. Shippen, Mr Myers, 
& particularly to Mrs Yeates Mrs Ewing & the Family & believe me to 
be unalterably yours & theirs 

Robt. Boyd 
Thursday 25 May [1774] 

Mrs Boyd you know desires her compliments but I have sworn that 
if she does not write to Mrs Yeates soon that I will not trouble my head 
about her. 

Robert Proud 1 s Account of the Battle of GePvMAxtown. — 
On the 4th of the 10 mo. about 4 o' Clock in the Morning, there being a 
Fog, the Out Posts of the British Troops about Chestnut Hill, and the 
further End of German Town, were (I suppose unexpectedly) attacked 
by Washington's Army; They were driven in, and many brave English- 
men cut off by great Superiority of Numbers, before they could be suffi- 
ciently relieved. The Action continued many Hours, in Orchards, 
behind walls, Houses, and in the Streets and Fields adjoining, as far as 
to about the Middle of German Town, and some other Places (ab* 7 or 8 
Miles dist. from the City) till the British Forces, being collected from 
their different Quarter?, opposed, repulsed and pursued the Rebels 
several Miles, with considerable Slaughter. 

They returned to their former Quarters in the Evening, having taken 
, several hundreds of Prisoners, who are come to the City. During the 
latter Part of the Action a Party of the Rebels appeared on the opposite 
side of the River Sculkil, at both the Ferrie?, fired over the River with 
Canon at a few Guards who were placed on the City Side to secure the 
Boats and Passes. The Fire was returned, and they soon went off. 
This Action, at one Place or other, either in Attack, Pursuit, or Retreat, 
continued till Night, when many of the Wounded w T ere brought into the 
City, in about 50 Waggons. 



Notes and Queries. 



11 



Abstract of the Marriage Certificate of Joseph Baker 
and Mary Worrilaw, 1709. — 

Marriage Certificate of Joseph Baker, Jr. son of Joseph and Mary 
Baker of Edgemont Township, Chester Co. Pa., and Mary Worrilaw, 
daughter of John and Ann Worrilaw of the same place, at the Meeting- 
house in Middletown, in Chester Co. on the 18th day of the 3rd month, 
1709. Signed as follows : — 



Caleb Pusey 
Natha : Xewlin 
John Lea 
Benj : Mendenhall 
Moses Key 
Nicho : Fairlamb 
John Martin 
John Worrall 
Aaron James 
Jacob Howell 
James Thomas 
David Davies 
William Pennall 
Thomas Martin 
Joseph Edy 
Tho : Warner 
Kehemiah Ogden 
Philip Yarnall 
Dorothy Yarnall 
Rebecah Harlan 
Jane Davies 
Elizabeth Key 
Sarah Yarnall 
Jos. Selby 
George Mendenhall 
George Maris 
John Maris 
Richard Maris 
Daniel Hoopes 
Jane Hoopes 
William Beakes 



Joseph Baker 
Mary Baker 

John Worrilaw 
Ann Worrilaw 
Robert Baker 
John Baker 
Peter Baker 
Sarah Baker 
Alice Worrilaw 7 
Walter Worrilaw 
Jacob Simcock 
Alice Simcock 

Edmond Beaks 
Hannah Yarnall 
Char : Whitacher 
Susana Maris 
John Yarnall 
Peter Yarnall 
Jno: Simcock, Jr. 
Mary Simcock 
Mary Harvey 
John Mendenhall 
Jno. Simcock, Sen r 
Evan Lewis 
Jacob Simcock, Sean. 
Ben : Simcock 
Alice Lewis 
Joseph Baker 
Marv Baker 



Family Records Contained in the Bible of Jonathan Platts. 

The following entries were transcribed by Mr. Clarence AlmonTorrey, 
of the University of Chicago, from a bible (printed by Matthew Carey, in 
1811), in the possession of his mother, Mrs. Susan Almira Eoe Torrey, 
and formerly belonging to Jonathan Platts. From various sources Mr. 
Torrey determines the maiden names of the married women mentioned 
in the entries to be these : wife of Jonathan Platts, Rebecca Keen ; wife 
*of Enos Yeal, Letitia Platts ; wife of Jesse Keen Platts, Rachel Mar- 
tindale ; wife of Watson Roe, Eleanor Platts ; wife of David Platts, 
Letitia Gilman ; wife of Jonas Keen, Mary Hall. The Benjamin Keen, 
son of the last named, born September 1, 1759, was, no doubt, the person 
commissioned June 4, 1783, Lieutenant in Captain Platts 's Company, 
Second Battalion, Cumberland County, New Jersey, Militia, and not the 
Benjamin Keen, son of Mounce Keen, mentioned in Pennsylvania 



116 Notes and Queries. 

Magazine vol. iii. p. 447. Mr. Torrey supplies these data, hoping to 
elicit further information as to his family from some reader of the 
Magazine. 

BIRTHS. 

Jonas Keen sen 7 was Born August 31st 172S. 

Mary, wife of Jonas Keen, was Born April 2d 1728. 

Jesse Keen was Born January 25th AD 1757. 

Benjamin Keen was Born September 1st AD 1759. 

Jonas Keen was Born September 23 AD 1762. 

Rebecca Keen was Born July 4th AD 1765. 

Jacob Keen was Born October 13th AD 1769. 

Ephraim Keen was Born January ISth AD 1771. 

Mary Keen was Born September 28th AD 1772. 

Jesse Keen (son of Jonas Keen Ju r . and Phebe his wife) was born 
October 26th AD 17S4. 

Benjamin Keen (son of Jesse Keen and Margarett his wife) was Born 
February 9th AD 1787. 

Lydia Keen (Daughter of Benjamin Keen & Laodamia bis wife) was 
Born December 24th AD 1788. 

DEATHS. 

Jonas Keen sen 5 " Departed this life February 13th AD 1787, being 
58 y 5 mo 12 days. 

Mary Keen Departed this life February 2d AD 1797, being 68 y & 
10 mo old. 

David Platts sen r Departed this life July 2d AD 1805. 

Jonas Keen Platts Departed this life December 5th 1798. 

Lettitia Sheppard, formerly widow, of David Platts Departed this life 
May 4th AD 1814 aged seventy-three years and thirteen Days. 

Lettitia G Veal Departed this life July 1st 1824 aged 24* years & 22 
days. 

Rebecca P Veal Departed this life August 29 1823. 

Jonathan Platts Departed this life June 22d 1838 aged 66 years 6 
months 15 days. 

Rebecca Platts, widow of Jonathan Platts, Died Aug 6th 1850 Aged 
85 years 1 month and 2 days. 

marriages. 
Jonathan Platts & Rebecca his wife were married April 15th AD 1794. 
Enos Veal & Lettitia his wife Married April 19:h AD 1817. 
Jesse Keen Platts & Rachel his wife were married July 23d 1818. 

In vain does Hymen with religious vows, 
Oblige his slaves to wear his yoke with ease, 
A privilege alone that love allows, 
Tis love alone can make our fetters please. 

Watson Roe & Eleanor his wife were married Nov. 23. 1820. 
Benjamin Keen Platts & Jane his wife were married February 19th 
1824. 

David R Platts & Sarah his wife were married September 3d 1833. 
David Platts & Lettitia his wife were married January 25th AD 1763. 
Jonas Keen and Mary his wife were married May 9th 1756. 
Jonathan J Platts & Tabitha his wife were married December 3d 1833. 



Notes and Queries. 117 

BIRTHS. 

David Platte son of Moses Platts was Lorn March 25th AD 1739. 

Lettitia wife David Platts was Born April 21st AD 1741. 

Rachel Platts Daughter of David & Lettitia Platts was Born May 25 
AD 1764. 

Lettitia Daughter of David Platts & Lettitia his wife was Born 
August 6th AD"l767. 

Jonathan Platts Son of David and Lettitia Platts was horn December 
7th AD 1771. 

David Platts son of David & Lettitia his wife was Born September 
12th AD 1774. 

Eleanor Platts Daughter of David and Lettitia his wife was born 
May 25th AD 1776. 

David Platts son of David & Lettitia. Platts was Born February 18 
AD 1781. 

Jesse Keen Platts son of Jonathan & Rebekah Platts was Born Feb- 
ruary 3d AD 1795. 

Benjamin Keen Platts son of Jonathan & Eebekah Platts was Born 
January 25th AD 1797. 

Jonas Keen Platts son of Jonathan & Rebekah Platts was Born No- 
vember 13th AD 1798. 

Lettitia Gil man Platts Daughter of Jonathan & Rebekah Platts was 
Born June 9th AD 1800. 

Eleanor Platts Daughter of Jonathan & Rebekah Platts was born 
September 21 AD 1802. 

David Rittenhouse Platts son of Jonathan & Rebekah Platts was Born 
March 29th 1805. 

Jonathan Jarmin Platts son of Jonathan & Rebekah Platts was Born 
May 16th AD 1811. 



Extracts from the Orderly-Books of Lieutenant William 
Torre y, Adjutant of the Second Massachusetts Line. Contrib- 
uted by Major A. A. Folsom, of Boston, Mass. — 

Head Quarters, White Marsh, 

Pennsylvania, Nov? 28& 1777. 
His Excellency Genl. Washington's Orders, 

Atta General Court Martial Held the 24 lh Instant of which Colo. 
Grayson was President, Major Ross charged with leaving his Arms in 
the Field, in the action of the 4 th of October, near Germantown, was 
Tryed, and Acquited with the highest Honor. The Commander-in- 
Chief approves the Courts Judgment. Major Ross, is released from his 
arrest. 

Head Quarters, 
New Windsor 8& July 1779. 
Genl. Mulinburgh is to Relieve the !■* Penn* a at the forrest of Dean 
Tomorrow Morning. 

At a Brigade Gen 1 Court Martial in the 1 st Penny K Brigade July 5 th 
1779, Colonel Hampton President, Neil M c Gonigal, Soldier in the 7 lh 
Penny* Reg c was Try'd for desertion, from his Guard, at an advanced 
Post, proceeding towards the Enemy, and opposing the Party who took 
him; the court are of opinion the Prisoner is guilty of the several 
charges Exhibited against him, and in consequence of his former bad 



118 Notes and Queries. 

Character and his late conduct, do Unanimously sentence him to suffer 
death. The Comd r in Chief confirms the Sentence, and Orders said 
M c Gonigal to he Hanged next Saturday 10 o'clock in the Forenoon, in 
such place as Genl. Putnam shall direct. 

After Orders of the Commander-in-Chief. 

July 13,' 1779. 

The Light. Troops commanded by Colo. Meigs, Major Hull, and Major 
Murphey, are to Join those Under the Immediate Command of General 
Wayne, and the whole to be Formed and Exercised under the direction 
of that officer. 

Gen 1 Nixon will move his Brigade to the Gorge of the Mountain, near 
the Continental Village ; and supply the place of the Light, and other 
Troops withdrawn from that Place. 

Gen 1 Washington's Orders. 

20M J u jy 2779. 

If the Troops wanting Arms have not been Supply'd, they are to be 
Furnished out of those brought from Stony Point, and not a moment's 
time to be lost in doing it. 

Head Quarters Moores House, 

21. Aug. 1779. 

Brigad r Tomorrow Gen 1 Gist. 

At a G. C. Martial of the Line whereof Colo. Russell is President, 
held the 11 th Inst. Capt Ashmead of the 2 d Penn a Regiment was Try* 
for being drunk in the time of the assault on Stony Point, in the morn- 
ing of the 16 th of July last, and behaving rediculously and unbecoming 
an officer at the Head of his Company in crossing the Morass. 

2 dl y. For disobeying the Gen' Orders by frequently Huzzaing, during 
the approach towards the Enemys Works, to the Prejudice of good order 
and military discipline, and tending to promote confusion among the 
Troops at that critical Juncture. 

The Court do unanimously agree that Capt. Ashmead is Xot Guilty 
of the first charge, and do therefore acquit him of it, but we are of 
opinion that he is Guilty of the second Charge, being a Breach of the 
latter part of the 5 tb Article 2 d Section of the Articles of War, they are 
of opinion that the breach of Orders which subjects Capt. Ashmead to 
be found guilty, agreeable to the Articles of War, did not proceed from 
will full or designed disobedience of Orders, but from an Involuntary 
Impulse of the Mind owing to Inadvertency, and do therefore Sentence 
Him to be repremanded by His Excellency in Gen 1 Orders. 

Capt. Ashmead's Conduct was certainly reprehensible, and of such a 
Nature as has a Tendency to defeat the most Important, and best con- 
certed Enterprizes. 

At a G. C. Martial whereof Colonel Marshall is President, the 1st Sept. 
1779. 

Cap 1 Ashmead of the 2 d Penns. Eegt. was Try'd for disorderly Be- 
havior in the Light Infantry Camp, and refusing to depart from Col 
Butlers Reg* when ordered ; The Court are unanimously of Opinion that 
Capt. Ashmead is not guilty of the Charges Exhibited against him, and 
do acquit him with Honor. 

It is with real regret the Gen 1 finds it out of his power to approve the 
sentence of the Court with [out] Contradicting his own Judgement, what- 
ever may have been the propriety or Impropriety of Colo. Butlers refusing 
Capt. Ashmead, the Command of the Light Inf Company and puting 



*v 



Motes and Queries. 119 

him in Arrest with the attendant circumstances on which the Gen 1 
wishes not at present to pass an opinion, Capt. Ashmeads Conduct in 
disobeying the arrest, coming upon the Parade and in defiance to Colo. 
Butlers orders to the Comp y declaring that if any Non Commissioned 
officers and Privates should disobey him he would confine them for it 
and swearing he would have the Command, was certainly Irregular, and 
disorderly, Capt. Ashmead appears to have carried the principle of a 
written arrest too far, for necessity often that verbal ones, should be for 
the present obligatory, and the common practice of Armies Justifies 
them ; if Capt. Ashmead conceiv'd himself injured and Irregularly de- 
prived of his proper Command, the true Line of conduct, would have 
been to demanded Justice, and reparation by complaing first to Gen 1 
Wayne ; and if he did not pay proper attention to it, afterwards to the 
Commander in Chief, open defiance, and opposition from an Inferior to 
his Superior Officer upon a Parade, must in every well regulated Army 
be deemed a breach of Order and discipline. 

Capt. Ashmead is released from arrest, and to wait further Orders 
for his destination. 

Head Quarters Sept? 9< h 1779. 

Parole Oronoque, C. Signs, j ^rthfield. 

Brigadier tomorrow, Irvine. 

The President of the Court of Enquiry on Colo. Hay, has Informed 
the Command 1 in Chief by the Unanimous Voice of the Court, that 
Colo. Hays Conduct in the matter of Enquiry, was found not only Un- 
exceptionable but commendable, as a faithfull Servant of the Public, 
and as M r Banker might be thought of for further Employment, the Court 
thinks themselves bound in dutty to say, that however he might have 
heretofore suffered in his private affairs, and might be in Xeedy circum- 
stances and withal a Well Meaning man, he appeared to the Court to 
want that knowledge, activity, and address, necessary to discharge the 
offices he held, or any other where the Execution is attended with diffe- 
culties and Embarrassments. 

Valuable Manuscripts of 1650-1651. — The following interesting 
and valuable manuscripts have been donated by John F. Lewis, Esq., 
to The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

Att a Councell of Warr holden abord the States Shipp Triumph the 
24th Day of February 1650 About a dozen Leagues of off the Rock of 
Lisbourne. 

Wee whose names are here under written having seene an order from 
the Generalls of the Fleete directed to Captaine Edward Hall that in 
case he meet with Capt u W m Penn they were to resolve upon a way that 
should be most advauntagious to the Comonwealth And the same order 
also intemating some orders formerly given by the Generalls of the 
Fleete to Capt n W m Penn for following & destroying Eupert and hi3 
Adherents And the same orders not yet being come to Capt n Penns 
hands. 

The Question being propounded whither (in prosecucon of Capt n Halls 
orders and the order herein intemated to have been given to Capt n 
W n Penn from the Generalls of the Fleete not yet receaved) the said 
Capt n Penn with his Squadron shall forthw th sayie for Cadiz and send 



120 Notes and Queries. 

for his said orders hither and there fitt his said Squadron for further 
service or \v th er the said Capt" Penn shall still remain upon tliis Coast 
also sending for his said orders. 

Resolved upon the Question that the said Captaine W m Penn shall 
forthwith sayle with his Squadron to Cadiz and send for his said orders 
intimated hither and fitt his Squadron for further Service. 

Edward Hall 
Will Rand Wm Penn 

Walter Hoxton Ja : Peacocke 

Edward Maplesden Joseph Jordan 

At a councell of Wane on board the ffairfax in the bay of Calary 
May 8, 1651 
Present 

Capt. W m Penn Adm u Capt John Lawson 

Capt Andrew Ball Capt John Mildmay 

Capt Joseph Jordan Capt. Sam. ftbrestt 

Capt Ben. Blake Capt. Robt. Saunders 

Tliere being now in this road three English merchante ships of London 
(viz) the Gunne, Capt. Spencer commander : Thomas Bonaventure, 
Capt. Henry Commander; Society, Capt Lucas Commander; bound for 
London ; who are engaged each to other in the summe of 500 1 sterling 
for company keeping and assisting each other in fight with enemies, or 
any other casualty ; The question being put (they having promised to 
touch at Ivica for the company of the great Alexander, if wind and 
weather permit, and to enter into the like engagement with the com- 
mander of the said Alexander, if he saile in their company for London) 
whether it is thought safe to send the said Alexander with them for 
London, and that the Adm 11 write a letter to Capt com- 

mander of the said ship to that purpose. 

Resolved by all present, that it is thought safe upon the termes aforesaid 
to send the said ship Alexander in their company for London, And that 
the Adnr 1 write to Capt. to authorise him to saile with 

the ships aforesaid upon such engagements as are above expressed, in 
case they touch at Ivica as aforesaid. 

Jo : Lawson W m Penn 

John Mildmay Joseph Jordan 

Ben. Blake Sam : Howett 

Andrew Ball Robt Saunders 

At a Councell of wane on board the ffairfax Adm 11 off the Island 
Maritimo July 16, 1651 
Present 

Capt W m Penn Adm 11 Capt John Lawson 

Capt John Mildmay Capt Andrew Ball 

Capt Joseph Jorden Capt Sam Howett 

Capt Ben. Blake Capt Rob 1 Saunders 

Resolved by this whole Councell, that the flleet forthwith make saile to 
get in between the Islands Maritirno, fTavagnano & Levenso, for the fit- 
ting of the prizes lately taken, as also for watering, & other things here- 
after mentioned. 

ffurther that two ffriggatts be thence sent in to Trapano, to fetch off the 
rest of the bread that is there made ready for this flleet, & to make an 
end of all the business of the flleet there. 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 121 

flurther, that Capt. Mildmay iu the Nonesuch & Capt. Blake in the 
Assurance, be sent to Palermo, with the prize (St. Esprit) to sell (if it 
may be) the said prize with hir loding, consisting of goods ; 

And tallow their friggatts ; which being done, to use their best endeav- 
ours to meet the rest of the ffleet at Messina. But in case they meet with 
any grand obstacle (at their arrival at Palermo) to the doing of what is 
above expressed, that then without delay they make their best speed 
for Messina, as aforeSaid. 

flurther, that the rest of the ffleet & prizes (getting done all their affaires 
at Trapano & the Islands aforesaid) endeavour thence directly for Mes- 
sina by the way of Cape Passaro & Malta, or (if winds prove contrary) 
by the other way. The reasons of making Messina the Rendezvouz of 
the ffleet, are too many to be here inserted. 

Ben. Blake W m Penn 

Jo : Lawson Joseph Jordan 

John Mildmay 

Andrew Ball 

Sam : Howett 

EXCERPTS PROM THE DAY BOOK OF JOSEPH RlCHARDSOX, SILVER- 
SMITH, or Philadelphia, 1733-1740. — In the Manuscvipt Department 
of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania are three Day Books of Joseph 
Richardson, of Philadelphia, a silversmith of high repute, from which 
the following excerpts have been selected. Specimens of his handi- 
work have been preserved by descendants of the purchasers. 

Israel Pemberton Jutf. 1 Gold Girdle Buckel ; 1 Gold Thimble ; 6 Tea 
Spoons, Tongs and Strainer ; 12 spoons ; 2 pair Salts ; 1 set Castors ; 2 
Porringers ; 1 Waiter ; 1 pair knee Btickels ; 2 Butter Dishes ; 2 pair 
Gold Buttons ; 1 Pap Boat ; 1 pair Shoe Buckels ; 1 gold Locket ; 1 pair 
Silver Buckels. Jane Fenn. 1 pair Shoeclasps ; 1 Strainer, 1 soup 
spoon ; 1 pair Salts ; 1 pair shoe and knee Buckels ; 1 pair Castors ; J 
doz. Teaspoons. Charles Willing, 1 pair Gold Buttons; 1 link of Gold 
Buttons. William Hudson Junr. 1 pair knee Buckels, 1 double neck- 
lace of Coral ; 18 coat and 46 Jacket Buttons. Samuel Redman. 1 
Coral necklace ; Coral and Bells ; 1 set Gold Buttons. Isaac Norris. 
1 pair Gold Buttons ; 6 large Spoons ; 2 pair Shoe Buckels, for Charles ; 
1 pair Gold Shoe Buckels ; 1 pint Silver Can ; 1 pair Tea Tongs ; 1 pair 
stock Buckels ; 1 pair knee Buckels. Caspar Wistar. 4 Porringers ; 1 
Pepperbox ; 1 pair Salts ; 4 Buttons ; 1 pair Knee Buckels. Samuel 
Rhoads. Watchkey, Silver Stay Hook ; 1 Silver Porringer ; 1 
Gold Locket ; Set of Gold Buttons ; 1 pair Silver studs. Samuel 
Potvell Se/ir. 2 pair Buckels for self and grand child ; G teaspoons and 1 
pair of Tongs. William Fry. Shoes and knee Buckels ; 6 Tea spoons ; 

1 pair Tongs ; 1 stock Buckel ; Chain and strainer to Teapot ; Cloak 
clasp ; 3 Studs. Mary lyle. 1 pair Gold Buttons ; 1 pair Cloak clasps ; 

2 Porringers ; 1 milkpot ; 6 Teaspoons ; 1 pair knee Buckels. Joseph 
Morris. 1 pair Buckels ; 1 pair Gold Buttons. .Clement Plumsted. 1 
Silver head for whip ; 2 Pap spoons ; 1 pair Shoe Buckels ; 1 set Gold 
Buttons ; 1 pair Tea tongs ; 1 gold stock Buckel. Ruth Burden. 8 square 
Milkpots ; 1 pair Stay hooks. George Fitzwater. 6 Spoons ; 6 large 
spoons for daughter Hannah. Thomas Hodge. 1 large Stock Buckel ; 1 
pair Gold Buttons. James Steel Sen T . 1 pair Tea Tongs ; 1 pair knee 
Buckels; 1 Thimble for grand daughter ; 2 Porringers ; 1 pair Buttons 



*v 



122 Notes and Queries. 

for grandson. Richard Peters. Teaspoons and tongs. Daniel Smith. 
1 pint Can ; 1 Pepper box ; 1 Brass Jack ; 1 silver Tankard ; 6 spoons ; 
1 set Gold Buttons; 1 stock Buckel. Edward Jones. 1 silver Tankard, 
£17.18. Robert Bishop. 2 Gold watch chains. Samuel Powel Jun r . 
Gold Locket; Pepper and Mustard Castor, 1 pair Salts. Richard Wain. 
1 pair Gold Buttons ; 1 pair Women's, 1 pair men's Buckels ; 1 pair 
knee. Buckels. Samuel Blunston. 1 Silver Coffee Pot ; 1 Silver Tank- 
ard ; 2 Porringers ; 1 Can ; 1 "Waiter and cup. John Bringhurst. 1 pair 
Salts and shovels ; 1 Silver Can. Isaac Zane. 1 Clock and case, £15. 
Anthony Morris. 1 Tankard, 1 pair Cans ; 6 Porringers. Anthony Morris 
Jun r . 1 Gold Girdle Buckel. Recce Meredith. 1 Gold Locket. George 
Boone. 1 set Gold Buttons. Lawrence Growdon. 1 Arch Moon Clock 
and case, £19., 1 doz. knives and forks, ivory handles ; 1 Gold Girdle 
Buckel ; 1 pair Silver Buckels ; 1 set gold Buckels ; 1 pair shoe and 
knee Buckels. George Emlen. 1 Gold Girdle Buckel and 1 set Gold 
Buttons, for his daughter ; 1 link Gold Buttons for self; 3 large "Waiters ; 
1 Tankard ; 1 pair double, joint Tea Tongs ; 1 pair Shoe Buckels ; 1 pair 
Silver Cannisters ; 3 soup spoons ; 1 doz. table, 1 doz. Custard spoons ; 
1 pair Salts and shovels. Samuel Preston. 1 pair Stock Clasps, for 
Preston Carpenter. Jane Kirkbride. 1 Gold Girdle Buckel ; 1 head for 
whip. Abraham Biekley. 1 pair Shoe Buckels ; 1 qt Can ; 6 Teaspoons. 
Joseph Armatt. 1 Gold Locket ; 1 Arch. Clock and case. Thomas Hop- 
hinson. 1 Mourning Ping, £2.2.9. John Ladd. 1 Silver Teapot £9.8. 
Richard Hill Junr. 1 gold Ring ; 1 Silver Bowl ; 1 pair shoe and knee 
Buckels ; 1 stock Buckel. Thomas Robeson. 4 Silver spoons ; 1 Gold 
Locket; 1 milkpot, 1 double necklace of Coral. Edward Roberts. 1 
pair Salts ; 1 pair Castors ; 1 Cau. 



Letter or Hon. William Henry, of Lancaster, to Hon. Joseph 
Reed, President of Pennsylvania, 1779. — 

Lancaster November 27, 1779 

Sir, 

I am informed one John Musser of this Town has lately purchased a 
Tract of Land of about 500 Acres, commonly known by the name of the 
Connestoga Manor, of John Penn, late Governor of Pennsylvania, for 
Nine Pounds the Acre hard money. At the Time the Lands in this part 
of the Province was purchased of the Delaware Indians this was Reserved 
and a Deed was made to them and their Heirs &c. The Indians who 
resided on it were killed by a number of People in a former War and 
the Deed fell into the hands of John Hay then Sheriff of Lancaster 
County, who delivered the same to Mr John Penn. This piece of Land 
was afterwards claimed by Sir William Johnston in behalf of the Heirs, 
in consequence of which the use of the Land was given to Mr. Thomas 
'Barton, who is gone over to the enemy. Mrs. Susanna Wright could give 
I believe a more satisfactory account of this affair than I can. It may 
be proper perhaps to enquire into this affair. I have therefore thought 
it my Duty to give all the Information I have been able to collect. 

I am with due Respect 
Sir 
Your obed* hum. Servant, 

William Henry. 

His Excellency Joseph Rbed Esq. 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 123 

Printed Form of Affidavit, under Act of Parliament, 1G78, 
for the Encouragement of the Woollen Trade. — The size 
6} x 5 inches, with rude engraving of skull and cross-bones at top, 
and skeleton in coffin in the margin. A penalty of £5. was inflicted 
on anyone burying a body in a shroud made of any other stuff than 
wool. 

Surry, ss* 

I one of His Majestys Justices 

of y e said Counts- 
Do "hereby Certify that of 

the Parish of 

before me and made Oath, That 

of the Parish of. 

lately Deceased, was not put, wrapt, or wound up, or Buried in any Shirt, 
Shift, Sheet or Shroud, made or mingled with Flax, Hemp, Silk, Hair, 
Gold or Silver, or other than what is made of Sheep's Wool only ; nor 
in any Coffin lin'd or faced with any Cloth, Stuff, or any other thing 
whatsoever made or mingled with Flax, Hemp, Silk, Hair, Gold or 
Silver, or any other Material, contrary to the late Act of Parliament 

for burying in Woollen, but Sheep's Wool only. Dated the day 

of. Anno Domi 1714. 

Signed and Sealed by us Witnesses [seal] 

present at the taking this Oath. [seal] 



Queries. 

Tash. — In living's "Life of Washington," vol. ii.,p. 32, we read 
of a Colonel Tash being ordered by General Washington, to repair to 
Fishkill with a regiment of New Hampshire militia. Is anything 
further known about Colonel Tash? Was he a native of New Hamp- 
shire and are any of his descendants living? Information desired by 
M. C. Tash, 200 N. Thirty-Fifth Street, Philadelphia, Pa. 

Pennsylvania, A Poem. By a Student of the College of Phila- 
delphia. Printed in Philadelphia by B. Franklin and D. Hall, 1756. 
Who was the author ? J. C. W. 



Dericksson. — Lars Petersson married, December 29, 1713, Catharine 
Dericksson. Swedesboro, New Jersey, Protestant Episcopal Church 
Record, p. 299. Who were the parents of Catharine ? C. H. C. 



IReplies. 

Pennsylvania, A Poem. It is claimed that Jacob Duche, Jr., 
is the author of Pennsylvania, A Poem. Ed. Penna. Mag. 



124 Notes and Querfei 



ffiook Notices. 

The American Revolution. By the Eight Hon. Sir George Otto 
Trevelyan, Bart. 2 vols. 

The volumes which have been published, deal with two distinct 
phases of the struggle of the American colonies of Great Britain for 
independence. In the first we have the account of the abortive efforts 
to avert a struggle, and the growing hostility among the colonists, which 
culminated in the definite severance of the tie which had held the 
American colonists as subjects of the British crown ; the lauding of 
Howe's army aud the creation of the colonial forces under Washington, 
and closes with the skirmish at Lexington. The second volume deals 
almost exclusively with the momentous year 1776; the effect produced 
by the news of the affair at Lexington and the battle of Bunker Hill, 
upon public opinion in England ; the capture of New York and the 
inconclusive campaign, terminating in Washington's successes at Trenton 
and Princeton ; aud the conflict of opinion in England on the merits of 
the issues raised by the rebellion of the colonists and the efforts made to 
suppress it. 

As to the conflict of opinion at home Sir George Trevelyan lays the 
whole responsibility of the struggle on George III. " The King was his 
own prime minister, and as autocratic a Prime Minister as Whitehall 
has ever seen. The King's policy caused the war ; the King kept it 
going, long after everybody except himself was weary of it ; and in 
1782 that war was terminated against his will by nothing except a 
peremptory injunction from the English people, who, if they had been 
properly represented in Parliament, would have brought it to an end 
long before." Another contention which Sir George seeks to establish 
against the King is that, if despotism had been once established in the 
American colonies, arbitrary government at home would certainly have 
followed. 

This history of the American Revolution, by a British historian, is 
justly regarded by students and historians of both England and America 
as the most adequate history of the great controversy that has been 
written. It is finely planned, possesses a gracefulness and strength of 
style, with so intimate a knowledge of the events of which he writes, 
and his judgments and sympathies so fully accord with those of our 
best historians, that we hardly know which part to select for special 
commendation. 

Gass's Journal of the Lewis and Clark Expedition. By 

Sergeant Patrick Gass, one of the persons employed in the Expedi- 
tion. Reprinted from the edition of 1811, with facsimiles of the 
original title-page and the five original illustrations, a reproduction 
of a rare portrait of Gass, and a Map of the Lewis and Clark route. 
With an analvtical Index and an Introduction. By James Kendall 
Hosmer, LL.*D. Chicago. A. C. McClurg & Co. 8vo, pp. 29S. 
Illustrated. Price, $3.50 net. 
Especially timely, owing to the marked interest in all matters that 
pertain to the history of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, is the reprint 
of the Journal of Patrick Gass. Gass's narrative for a number of years, 
was the only source from which any authentic knowledge of the great 



Notes and Queries. 125 

enterprise could be obtained. When at last the work based on the 
diaries of Lewis and Clark was given to the world, the earlier book was 
found to be most important, as confirming and supplementing what had 
been recorded by the Captains. And Ga.-s's narrative, which is as sim- 
ple as may be, has the interest which any first hand narrative of danger 
and adventure, must always carry, and recommends itself to the general 
reader as a pleasant and lively description of an untrodden region. 

In Dr. Hosmer's admirable Introduction he pays a tribute to the rank 
and file of the expedition, and sums up the character of Sergeant Gass 
himself as well as the importance of his Journal. " Gass belonged to the 
wheel-horse type of men. He was quite without initiative. Led, however, 
and restrained by a commanding intelligence, with his course distinctly 
marked out for him, held to his work by some harness not to be escaped, 
he could draw — none better — at weighty responsibilities. He stands in 
an humble place, but it is in the forefront, among the pioneers who 
wrested the continent from savagery — rough, indomitable, without pre- 
tence, heading fitly the rank and file of Lewis and Clark." The work 
is printed from old style type, with facsimiles of the quaint old illus- 
trations of the original edition and a rare portrait. It is uniform in 
style and binding with the other volumes in McClurg's Library Reprints 
of Americana. There is also a large paper edition with illustrations on 
Japan paper, limited to seventy-five numbered copies, price $9.00 net. 

The History of Negko Servitude in Illinois and of the 
Slavery Agitation in that State, 1719-1864. By N. Dwight 
Harris, Ph. D. Chicago, 1904. A. C. McClurg & Co. 8vo, pp. 
276. Illustrated, 81.50 net, 
Negro slavery was introduced into what was then known as the 
"Illinois Country," about the year 1744, by the way of the Mississippi, 
and there, in spite of much opposition it maintained its footing until 
1845, when a decision of the Supreme Court of the State showed that 
slavery could not exist there. Nevertheless, under the "voluntary" 
indenture system many negroes were retained under bondage. Emanci- 
pation within the State was completed by the Supreme Court in 1864, 
and the following year the Legislature wiped from the statute books the 
"Black Laws." How the slavery problem was argued and fought over ; 
the origin of the Liberty Party and the Free Soil Party, the Free Soil 
Democratic and Republican parties ; how the fugitive slave laws were 
defeated by means of the " Underground Railroad ;" how the best men 
of the country came to see that the question was one of justice and 
national honor ; how it inspired Trumbull, Lovejoy, Stephen A. Doug- 
lass and Abraham Lincoln, is all clearly and forcibly set forth in this 
book. In the execution of this task Prof. Harris has expended much 
time and patient research, and has drawn his information, as far as pos- 
sible, from original sources, to all of wdiich he refers in his footnotes and 
appendixes. Portraits of prominent anti-slavery citizens and a facsimile 
of an Underground Railroad advertisement, add* interest to the text. A 
helpful index is appended. 

Heinrich Gernhart and his Descendants. By Jeremiah M. 
M. Gernerd. Williamsport, 1904. 8vo, pp. 315. 
Heinrich Gernhart emigrated from the Palatinate to Pennsylvania in 
the year 1765, and first settled in Northampton County ; thirty years later 



*v 



126 Notes and Queries. 

he removed to Berks County, and after a short residence there, to Turbot 
Township, Northumberland County. His descendants are scattered over 
twenty-six States, and the genealogical data of the seven generations 
which the compiler has gathered, is valuable and interesting. The 
brief biographical sketches of many members of the family, with their 
military service in the Civil and Spanish wars, is carefully arranged for 
convenient reference. The work is well printed and bound; the text 
very liberally illustrated with portraits; and it is a valuable contribu- 
tion to Pennsylvania genealogy. Copies may be had by addressing the 
compiler at Muncy, Fenna. ; price $4.50. 

Chronicle of the Yerkes Family with notes on the Leech 
and Eutter Families. By Josiah Granville Leach, LL. B. 
Philadelphia, 1904. 4to, pp. 262. Printed for private circulation. 

The Chronicle of the Yerkes Family, Col. Leach's latest book, is not 
only an important contribution to our local genealogy, but it is also a 
beautiful art book. The numerous photogravures are exquisite and the 
title page and decorations, fine examples of the designer's skill. It is 
printed with clear black type, on special handmade white paper, with 
wide margins, and bound in attractive style. 

The Chronicle had its inception in 1848, when John K. Yerkes began 
the collection of the records of the family in Pennsylvania. After his 
death, the manuscript passed into the possession of Judge Harman 
Yerkes, of Bucks county, who made material additions, and finally to 
Col. Leach, who completed the work and prepared it for publication. 

Anthony Yerkes, the founder of the family in Pennsylvania, came 
into the Province about the year 1700, and settled at German town, 
where in 1702, he became one of the burgesses. In 1709, he purchased 
a plantation of 300 acres, watered by the Pennypack Creek, in the 
Manor of Moreland, and removed his family thither, since which time 
the business activities of his descendants have been chiefly exerted in 
the line of agriculture, although the ministry, the bench and bar, the 
military service and finance, have had prominent representatives. The 
notes on the Leech and Putter lines of the family are valuable. A full 
index has been prepared, so that names may be readily traced. 

Jenkins Family Book, Being a Partial Record of the Descend- 
ants of David Jenkins and Genealogical Notes of Families 
Intermarried with Them. By Robert E. Jenkins. Chicago, 
1904. Pp. 244. Price, $5. 
Family history is one of the most absorbing of subjects, and the com- 
piler of this volume acknowledges the interest and pleasure with which 
he pursued his genealogical researches, and he has executed his task 
clearly and well. It is a real and important contribution to Pennsyl- 
vania genealogy. David Jenkins emigrated from Wales about 1700, 
and settled in the Great Valley of Chester County. His son John, born 
1711, married Rebecca Meredith, and later removed to the Conestoga 
Valley, of Lancaster County, where he became a well known iron-master, 
and left a large estate. The old homestead has continued in the family 
through all succeeding generations to this day. It was descendants of 
the fifth generation, who left the ancestral environment in Pennsylvania, 
and went west and southwest. The volume is divided into five parts : 
Jenkins Genealogy; Maternal Ancestors of the Children of Robert 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 127 

Jenkins of Clark County, Missouri ; Ancestors of Marcia (Raymond) 
Jenkins; Masters Memoranda; Logan Memoranda. The Jenkins 
genealogy and the larger portion of other facts collected, have not been 
heretofore published. An index of Jenkins names and one of other 
names than Jenkins, will aid the reader. Copies of the volume may be 
obtained from the compiler, 89 Madison Street, Chicago, 111. 

A Short Constitutional History of the United States. By 
Francis Newton Thorpe, A.M., Ph.D. Little, Brown & Co. Bos- 
ton, 1904. 8vo, pp. 459. Price, $1.75 net. 
This book will fill the need, so often expressed, of a good, modern, 
one-volume text-book in American constitutional history. Its basis is 
the material consulted in the preparation of the author's larger works : 
"A Constitutional History of the American People, 1770-1850," and 
"The Constitutional History of the United States, 1765-1895." The 
chapters on the State constitutions treat of a subject too much neglected. 
A study of the subject quickly reveals its importance. Since 1805 the 
thought of Americans has turned chiefly to national matters, not with- 
out a distinct decay of interest in commonwealth affairs. Yet it is in 
the State constitutions adopted since 1S05 that one may read the record 
of serious attempts to adapt the written form of government to the im- 
mediate needs of the people. The Constitution, with citations of cases, 
printed as an appendix, is taken from the Manual of the Senate of the 
United States. In addition to a general index to the volume, there is a 
special index to the Constitution. 

The Declaration of Independence : an Interpretation and 
an Analysis. — By Herbert Friedenwald, Ph.D. New York. 
The Macmillan Company, 1904. 12mo, 299 pp. 
The first part of this book consists in a review of the rise of the 
independence sentiment, and of an original interpretation, based on a 
close study of the sources, of the means by which independence was 
brought to consummation, through the ceaseless energy and persistence 
of a few of the more radical members of the Continental Congress. In 
the second part an account is given of the adoption and the signing of 
the Declaration, respecting which a considerable amount of new and 
hitherto unused material has been discovered. This is followed by an 
elaborate analysis of the Declaration, explanatory of the meaning of 
each paragraph of the document from the view-point of the Fathers. 
The concluding chapter describes the popular reception accorded to 
the Declaration throughout the states upon the occasion of its promul- 
gation. 

Annual Proceedings Pennsylvania Society of Sons of the 
Revolution, 1903-1904. Edited bv Ethan Allen Weaver. 8vo, 
pp. 91. 
The year book of this patriotic society, in addition to the lists of its 
officers and standing committees, contains the report of the Board of 
Managers, with its valuable necrological roll ; an account of the dinner 
given to commemorate the birth of General Washington, and the ad- 
dresses of George F. Baer, Esq., Rev. Dr. Kerr Boyce Tupper, and Hon. 
Hampton L. Carson ; and the Evacuation Day address of Rev. Cyrus 
Townsend Brady at Valley Forge, June 18, 1904. A reproduction in 



*v 



128 Notes and Queries. 

colors of the flag of the First Pennsylvania Continental Line regiment, 
and the standard of the Commander in Chiefs Guard, are attractive 
illustrations. 

Woodhull Genealogy. The Woodhull Family in England 
and America. — Compiled by Mary Gould Woodhull and Francis 
Bowes Stevens. Philadelphia, 1004. Svo, 422 pp. Illustrated. 
This attractive compilation is divided into four parts: The Wood- 
hull Family in England, 10CG — 1620 ; The Woodhull Family in Amer- 
ica, 1020 — 1904; Genealogical Appendix, and Biographical Sketches, 
to which is added a comprehensive index of fifty-six pages. The com- 
pilers- have expended a great amount of labor upon the records, and 
displayed ability in the arrangement of the material. The book is well 
printed and neatly bound, and contains many portraits of prominent 
members of the family. The family arms in colors is the frontispiece. 
Copies may be obtained of the publishers, Henry T. Coates & Co., or 
the compilers. 

A Short History of Oregon. Bv Sidona V. Johnson. Chicago. 
A. C. McClurg & Co., 1904. 329 pages. 
This work has been primarily compiled for those whose mani- 
fold duties preclude the possibility of acquainting themselves with his- 
torical details. It is divided as follows : Part I, discovery ; Part II, 
Exploration by the Lewis and Clark expedition ; Part III, settlement ; 
Part IV, territorial and State government ; Part V, Indian wars, which 
subjected the settlers to harassing anxiety, wanton treachery, and massa- 
cre ; Part VI, the last, is devoted to phenomenal progress and develop- 
ment. The plan of the work is well conceived and executed, and it 
will be helpful to the many who are not in position to read voluminous 
history. The illustrations add much to the interest of the volume. 

The Papers of Captain Rufus Lincoln of Wareham, Mass. — 
Compiled from the original records. By James Minor Lincoln. 
Privately printed 1904. Svo, 272 pp. 
Rufus Lincoln of Wareham, Mass., entered the Continental service. 
in 1775 as a sergeant in the company of minute-men from Taunton, and 
was honorably mustered out in 1783, as a captain in the Seventh Mas- 
sachusetts Line. His papers consist of diaries, written while in the 
army and a prisoner of war ; circular letters to the army and army 
friends ; company rosters and books, (the latter reproduced in facsimile), 
and a list of the prisoners of war on Long Island, August 15, 1778. 
The publication of these papers is an important contribution to the his- 
tory of the times with which they deal. A few copies are for sale at 
$5 per copy, and may be obtained from the compiler, No. 405 Lenox 
Avenue, New York City. 



*v 



THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 

OF 

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 



Vol. XXIX. 1905. No. 



GUSTAYUS HESSELIUS. 

THE EAELIEST PAINTER AND ORGAN-BUILDER IN 
AMERICA. 

Gustavus Hesselius was born at Folkarna Dalarne, 
Sweden, in 16S2, and came of a family distinguished for 
piety and learning. 1 Two of his brothers were commis- 
sioned by the king, Charles XII., to go to America and 
preach the Gospel to the Swedes on the Delaware. Andreas, 
the eldest, arrived at Christina, now ^Wilmington, Delaware, 
on May 1, 1711, and was accompanied by his brother the 
artist, of whom the Swedish record states, " Magister Iles- 
selius' brother, Herr Gustaff Hesselius, a portrait painter, 
came up some days after with their things by boat from 
Apoquinema," [below New Castle] ; and a later entry, 
" Mons. Gustaff Hesselius after a few weeks nyted, on account 
of his business, to Philadelphia." Shortly after this his 
brother Andreas joined him in Philadelphia, and they paid 
their respects to the Deputy Governor, Charles Gookin, 
t u when these Honorworthy gentlemen showed him their 
^passport and commission and Gov. William Penn's letter 
from London, and thereupon were received very favorably." 

1 The editor of The Penna. Mag. Hist, and Biog. is mainly in- 
debted to the researches of Charles Henry Hart, Esq., for the compila- 
tion of this sketch. 

vol. xxix.— 9 (129) 



180 Gustavus Hesselius. 

"Within two years of their arrival in New Sweden, Mag- 
ister Hesselius married Sarah Wallrave, and Gustavus seems 
not to have been long behind him, for on July 29, 1716, a 
son of Gustavus and Lydia Hesselius was baptized in Trinity 
Church [Wilmington] , and named Andreas, for his brother, 
the pastor, who had succeeded Provost Bjork. In 1719, a 
younger brother, Samuel, came over to take charge of the 
church and relieve his brother Andreas, who had been re- 
called, and returned to Sweden in 1723. The Hesselius's 
maternal uncle was the celebrated Dr. Jesper Svedberg, 
Bishop of Skara, and father of Emmanuel, commonly called 
Swedenbor2\ 

Shortly after the arrival of his brother Samuel, Gustavus 
Hesselius removed to Prince George's County, Maryland, 
where in the parish church of St. Barnabas, of which Rev. 
Jacob Henderson was rector, he was given " the first com- 
mission on record for a work of art for a public building in 
America." In June of 1720, the Yestry engaged him to 
paint the church, and in August following, "to paint ye 
Altar piece and Communion Table, and write such sentences 
of Scripture as shall be thought proper thereon." 

On Tuesday, September 5,1721: "The Vestry agrees 
with Mr. Gustavus Hesselius to draw ye History of our 
Blessed Saviour and ye Twelve Apostles at ye last supper, 
ye institution of ye Blessed Sacrament of His body and 
blood, proportional to ye space over the Altar piece, to find 
ye cloth and all other necessaries for ye same (the frame 
and gold leafe excepted wch. Mr. Henderson engages to 
procure and bestow on ye Church) Mr. Hesselius to paint ye 
frame for all wch. ye Vestry is to pay him wn. finished 
£17. currt. money. And Mr. Henderson further engages 
to have it fixed up over ye Altar at his own cost." As late 
as July of 1725, Hesselius was employed to paint " the 
Altar and Bailes of ye Communion Table." What has 
become of this painting is unknown. 

" That more than seven years prior to the arrival in this 
country of John Smibert," writes Mr. Hart, " who is com- 



*v 



Gustavus Hesselius. 131 

monly regarded as the father of painting in the colonies, 
an elaborate altar-piece of the ' Last Supper/ with thirteen 
iigares— Christ and the twelve disciples — should have been 
commissioned to be drawn by a resident artist for a public 
building, surely marks an epoch to receive more than pass- 
ing consideration." 

How long Hesselius continued to reside in Maryland is 
not known, but he was back again in Philadelphia in 1735, 
for in that year he purchased a house and lot on the north 
side of High Street below Fourth, where he resided until 
his death, May 25, 1755. On September 26, 1740, he quali- 
fied as a citizen of Pennsylvania. That he continued his 
vocation on a broad scale is evidenced by an advertisement 
in the Pennsylvania Gazette for December 11, 1740: 

Painting done in the best manner by Gustayus Hesselius from Stock- 
holm and John Winter. from London. Vig. Coat of Arms drawn on 
Coaches, Chaises, &c. , or any kind of Ornaments, Landskips Signs, 
Shew-boards, Ship and Ilouse painting, Guilding of all sorts, Writing 
in Gold or Color, old Pictures cleaned and mended &c. 

He seems to have been at times much unsettled in his 
religions convictions, for he swerved from the Swedish 
Lutheran Church to the Church of England, thence to the 
Moravians (through the preaching of his fellow-countryman 
Rev. Abraham Reinke), and back again to the church of 
his fathers, through the influence of his son-in-law, Rev. 
Erick Unander, and was interred at Gloria Dei Church, at 
Philadelphia. 

Between the years 1743 and 1750, the name of Gustavus 
Hesselius appears on the registers of the Moravian Church 
at Philadelphia ; and in the diaries of that congregation, 
and the correspondence between Bishop J. C. F. Camrner- 
hoffand Count. Zinzendorf, we find frequent personal refer- 
ence made to him. In 1745, " Bro. Hesselius has a scheme 
to go to Maryland again," and in February of 1748, he 
exhibited in one of his windows, his painting of the < Cruci- 
fixion/ which attracted attention. We also learn of another 
claim to distinction for Hesselius — that of being the first 



132 Gustavus Hesselius, 

organ-builder in the colonies. In 1746, he built a pipe- 
organ for the church at Bethlehem, for which he was paid 
£25., after it had been put in place by his foreman John 
Klemiri. A description of this organ and an account of 
the first time it was used by the Rev. J. C. Pyrlaeus, is on 
record. In his will he specifically gives to his son John 
'< my chamber organ." 

The portraits herewith reproduced of Gustavus Hesselius 
and his wife Lydia, (painted by himself), have come down 
through their grand-daughter who married Adolf Ulric Wert- 
mtiller, the artist, and were presented to The Historical Soci- 
ety of Pennsylvania by the late Charles Hare Hutchinson 
Esq. The Society also possesses another from his easel, that 
of Robert Morris, the father of the " Financier of the 
Revolution." 

Gustavus Hesselius, in his will, names the following 
living children : 

I. Elizabeth, b. June 8, 1724, m. Oct. 16, 1745, at Christ 

Church Philada.,to Samuel Price; m. 2dly- 

Brainerd, of Mt. Holly X. J. ; d. 1793 of Yellow 
Fever, 
n. John, b. 1728. Subscriber to Philadelphia Dancing 
Assembly 1749 ; m. Jany. 30 1763 Mary (b. 1735), 
only child of Col. Richard Young and widow of 
Henry Woodward, of Primrose Hill, near An- 
napolis, Md., by whom she had four daughters. 
From 1764 to 1766, vestryman of St. Ann's 
Parish, Anne Arundel Co., Md. ; d. April 9, 1778, 
and buried at Bellefl eld, on the Severn River, an 
estate of 1000 acres which he devised to his son 
. . - ; John, charged with legacies to his unm. daugh- 

ters Charlotte, Caroline and Eliza Dulaney. 
Children of John and Mary Hesselius named in 
his will : 
John, md. Mary Wharton, and had 

Mary Young, m. Dun das. 

Rachel, m. Smith. 



Gustavus Hcssdius. 133 

Charlotte, b. June 14, 1770, m. June 5, 1792, 
Thomas Jennings Johnson; cl. 1794, and had 
a daughter who m. Hugh "W. Evans. 

Caroline, m. 1st Claggett ; 2d De Butts. 

Eliza Dulaney i b. 1775, m. June 5, 1792, Walter 
Dulaney Addison, d. July 31, 1808. 

III. Sarah,. m. August, 1746, Walter Porter, d. circa 

Dec. 1783." 

IV. Li/dia, in. David Henderson May 15, 1756, at 

Gloria Dei Church, Philada. He was ad- 
mitted to bar in Aug. 1755, and d. circa 
March, 1784. She d. Jany. 13, 1796, and 
buried in St. Paul's church-yard, Philada. 
Issue : 

John, b. March 1, 1757; appointed Sept. 19, 
1777, by warrant from Benjamin Flower, 
Colonel and Commissary General Military 
Stores, " Superintendant and Conductor of 
the Painters in the Middle District/' at Car- 
lisle, Penna. His business was that of a 
coach painter (see Penna. Mag. Vol. xxvii, 
p. 374). He was also organist of St. Paul's 
church, cl. Nov. 24, 1792, and buried in the 
church-yard. 

Gustavus Jlessclius, d. Jany. 7, 1784, and buried 
in St. Paul's church-yard. He was a Sur- 
geon's Mate in the 7th Penna. Line, and also 
served in Hospital, until reorganization of 
army in 1781. Appointed by Commodore 
Gillon a Surgeon in the navy of South Caro- 
lina, and served on the frigate South Carolina. 

Lydia, m. Jany. 8, 1801, by Rev. Nicholas Collin, 
to Adolf ITlric Wertmuller, the distinguished 
Swedish painter; d. Jany. 17, 1812, aet about 
50. Buried at Gloria Dei Church Philada. 



134 Extracts from. the Diary of James B. Longacre. 



EXTRACTS FROM THE DIARY OF JAMES B. 
LONGACRE. 

[James Barton Longacre was born in Delaware County, Pennsylva- 
nia, August 11, 1794. His earliest forefather in this country was Anders 
Langaker, a Swede, who was settled on the banks of the Delaware be- 
fore 1648. At school he excelled in drawing and mathematics, and at 
an early age began to study engraving in Philadelphia. From 1819 
until 1831 he illustrated some of the best works published in the United 
States, as for instance, Sanderson's "Lives of the Signers." In 1833, 
with James Herring, of New York, and afterwards alone, he issued 
" The National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans/' in which 
many of the engravings were from sketches by his own hand. Of this 
important publication no less an authority than W. Loring Andrews 
said, in 1902, "It is a book which deserves to be well bound, for it 
contains the finest cabinet-sized steel engraved portraits ever executed 
in this country. This truth we have been slow to recognize, as also 
the fact that the book is becoming difficult to find." From 1844 until 
hi3 death, Mr. Longacre was engraver to the United States Mint, and 
designed all the new coins that were struck during this time, such as the 
twenty-dollar, the three-dollar, and the one-dollar pieces, the nickel five- 
cent, the three-cent, and the small copper one-cent. In 1867 by permis- 
sion of the authorities in Washington, he was employed by the govern- 
ment of Chili to remodel the entire coinage of that country, following 
their original designs made in France. The reason for this recoining, 
was the slight relief of the original coins, which permitted them to be 
too easily worn away. Mr. Longacre felt this to be a gratifying public 
approval of his own coin work. He died in Philadelphia, on January 
1, 1869, aged seventy-four years. — A. M. L.] 

Tuesday July 12. 1825. — Left Philad a in company with 
Mr. Jno. Neagle in the Steam Boat Trenton for New York. 
On account of the lowness of the tide in the Delaware the 
boat landed her passengers 6 miles below Trenton on the 
Pennsylvania side, where the stages were waiting. We 
suffered from the heat of the weather and the dust in 
riding. We arrived at Bunker's, Broadway, IsTew York 
about 7 P. M. Much genteel company at the house, among 
the rest Gen 1 Lafayette. 



Extracts from the. Diary of James B. Longacre. 135 

Wednesday July IS. — We found the accommodations at 
Mr. Bunker's very agreeable. Made an engagement to go 
out with Mr. Henry Pickering, at 10 o'clock; in the mean- 
time Neagle and I called on Mr. Catlin, Rem. Peale and P. 
Maverick respectively. Visited the Academy of Fine Arts 
with Mr. Pickering, in co. Messrs. Neagle and Catlin. Saw 
Col. Trumbull, who showed us a beautiful miniature of a 
protege of his, a fine looking young man in a British mili- 
tary dress, painted by Robertson of London, brother to Mr. 
Robertson of the N. Y. Academy. The statues in the N. 
Y. Academy are in better preservation than those in the 
Pcnn a Academy. We then visited the panorama of Athens 
by Barker, under the care of Mr. Vanderlyn; — it is the 
largest and the best, in many respects, I have seen. I do not 
think it superior, if equal, to the panorama of Paris by the 
same artist in effect but the execution is unrivalled, particu- 
larly that of the figures. But even the effect is such that a 
little enthusiasm will transport the spectator, in imagination, 
to Modern Greece. We called then, to see Mr. PafT's col- 
lection of paintings ; some of the old pictures are valuable 
and curious. A sketch by Rubens, in color (Mars and 
Venus) is undoubtedly genuine ; two heads by Rembrandt, 
very good, — a curious small painting, (Esther before Ahas- 
uerus) which is called a Van Dyke. In the evening, with 
the same company, took a walk through the Castle Garden. 
The scene was to me, novel, gay, and exhilarating; the 
handsome appearance of the ladies, the lights, the music, 
the refreshing sea breeze seemed to breathe upon the soul 
an air of enchantment. 

July !£. Thursday. — Mr. Neagle, Mr. Catlin and myself 
set out to visit some of the artists in the morning. We 
called first on Mr. Morse, found him well, and were very 
handsomely received by him, and much interested by his 
conversation, which, on almost every subject but particularly 
on the arts, is rich and instructive. He had a very fine por- 
trait nearly finished of Prof. Silliman, of Yale College. It 
would do credit to any painter with whose works I am ac- 



186 Extracts from the Diary of James B. Longacre. 

quainted. From his house, walked to that of Mr. Durand 

the Engraver. Saw some of Mr. Durand's paintings in oil : 
they are certainly very respectable, and would bear an ad- 
vantageous comparison with the works of most of our pro- 
fessional portrait painters. The remainder of this day I 
spent at Mr. Maverick's, making some alterations in the 
plate, of Dewitt Clinton. 

Friday July 15. — I went with Mr. Pickering to see a col- 
lection of lithographic engravings; some were very favour- 
able specimens, particularly a set of views in Venice, printed 
on India paper — the sketchy groups of figures, animals and 
pieces of landscape were very meritorious. • Mr. ]STeagle and 
I called on Mr. "Wall. I saw but a few of his paintings, but 
they were sufficient to give me a very high idea of his powers. 
Though always an admirer of water colour paintings, I did 
not know their excellence before — the perfect illusion, par- 
ticularly of the still water in Mr. W's paintings surpasses 
any work of the same character in oil that I have ever seen. 
Mr. Xeagle Mr. Catlin and myself took a ride in the after- 
noon around the environs of the city of N. Y. in company 
with Mr. Maverick — returning, took tea and spent the even- 
ing with Mr. M . 

Saturday July 16. — Mr. X. and I took our passage on 
board the Olive Branch Steam Boat for Albany. On ascend- 
ing to the upper deck I was agreeably surprised to find 
seated under the awning Mr. S. of Philad* his lady and 
sisters. The ladies like myself were strangers to the scenery 
of the Hudson River and the pleasure of contemplating ior 
the first time its grand and beautiful banks was greatly 
heightened by the communication and interchange of our 
mutual impressions. In the morning the Palisade rock3 on 
the west side elicited our admiration, but these were almost 
forgotten in the afternoon and evening through the masrnifi- 
cence of the Highlands. The most impressive, wild and new 
to me were the rocks on the water side near West Point, 
rising out of the water, smooth and bare like a leaning wall 
overhung by the most beautiful bushes and 



*v 



Extracts from the Diary of James B. Longacre. 137 

Immediately after passing West Point we perceived the 
celebrated ruins of Fort Putnam, partly hid by the mantle of 
trees and shrubbery which covered its lofty and commanding 
site. We lost these beautiful hills and the sunshine nearly 
at the same time. We took our last look at them from 
the town of Xewburgh on the west bank where the Steam 
Boat stopped for a few minutes and the night soon after 
closed around us, bringing a most refreshing coolness. The 
night was pleasant, and much to my regret Mr. S. and his 
company were to leave the Boat at Catskill where we ex- 
pected to arrive at 11 or 12 o'clock P.M. Mr. 1ST. and 
myself determined to keep them company on deck. At the 
request of the ladies we brought up our flutes and played 
some airs together, and on some were accompanied by the 
voice of one of the ladies. Our music though simple ap- 
peared to delight the strangers by whom we were sur- 
rounded and its salutary effect was remarked by one of the 
ladies, and I believe by us all, in regard to their behaviour. 
We had witnessed some degree of rudeness during the day, 
as indeed might be expected in such a motley collection, 
but our little plaintive melodies seemed to quiet every bois- 
terous feeling and we experienced nothing but the most 
respectful attention. We accompanied Mr. S. and his inter- 
esting party in the boat which landed them at Catskill and 
in the darkness of the night took leave with strong feelings 
of regret. It was the closing scene of a day to which I shall 
long look back with pleasure. 

July 17. — The Steam Boat arrived at Albany a little before 
6 A.M. We took our seats in one of Mr. Young's stages 
(after some annoyance from the drivers and owners of va- 
rious coaches and stages soliciting our custom) for the Sara- 
toga Springs where we arrived about 2 P.M. after a warm and 
not very comfortable ride. I should except, that the coach 
on account of its spring-cushion seats was so remarkably 
easy that, combined with the melting influence of the atmos- 
phere, it rocked and swung the whole party to sleep, except 
the driver. We took dinner at the United States, with two 



s*^ 



138 Extracts from tlie Diary of James B. Lonyacrc. 

Bostonian gentlemen who rode with us from Albany, Messrs. 
Draper and Lamsden whose intelligence and agreeable man- 
ners made us regret parting with them. We found on 
inquiring at Albany that the stage for Boston by way of 
Bennington, V* ran but three times a week (we had pre- 
viously agreed to adopt this route) so we decided to take 
the first stage leaving Albany at 2 A.M. on the 18 th . This 
made it necessary for us to procure a conveyance from the 
Springs, so as to meet the stage at Lansingburg before 4 
A, M. We left the Springs at 6 o'clock P.M. & reached 
Lansingburg about 11. 

July 18. — We took our seats in the stage about daylight, 
and after travelling through an interesting and varied coun- 
try we reached Bennington at 11 A.M. and soon after began 
to ascend the Green Mountains. We reached Brattleboro' 
about 9 P.M. and. were called to take the stage for Boston 
at 15 minutes past twelve. 

July 19. — Before daylight we found our stage filled with 
passengers, taken up some for Boston and some for other 
places on the road. The day proved very warm, and being 
crowded in the stage our situation was far less pleasant than 
on the preceding day. We breakfasted at Athol, dined at 
Lancaster, Mass, and arrived at Boston about 11 P.M. stop- 
ping at The Exchange where the accommodations are good 
in most respects. 

July 20. — We took a carriage and called on Mr. Stuart, 
were very handsomely received by him ; his age does not 
appear in the least to have impaired his faculties so far 
as judgment and conversation are concerned. His powers 
are still displayed in his most recent pictures; they are full 
of likeness and animation. We then went out to Bunker'6 
Hill and saw the foundation stone of the monument to be 
erected. Returning, called on Mrs. Burr and agreed to take 
boarding with her the next day. In the afternoon we rode 
over to Cambridge Port to call on Mr. Dowse; left my 
letter without seeing him. We then went to Cambridge, 
saw the College; a beautiful situation, spacious buildings, 



Extracts from the Diary of James B. Ixmgacre, 139 

lawns and handsome trees. We proceeded afterwards to an 
elegant village and settlement called Brookline, through a 
delightful country. In the evening, at 8 P. M. we called on 
Mr. Allston at Rouillard's Restorator. Found him at din- 
ner; we sent up our letters, (our names having been re- 
quested); after waiting a few minutes Mr. Allston entered the 
parlour, and received us very cordially. He took ns up to 
his dining room (quite private) and invited us to partake 
of his wine and cigars. His appearance indicates delicacy 
of temperament and constitution. He, however, said he 
was well. We conversed on various subjects, generally 
connected with the arts till 11 P.M. 

July 21. — Mr. I. P. Davis accompanied Mr. Xeagle and 
myself to the Athenreum where we saw a fine head by 
Stuart of the founder Mr. Perkins, among a variety of in- 
teresting and tasteful objects. There is a copy by Leslie of 
B. West, after Sir Thomas Lawrence, presented to the in- 
stitution by my friend Mr. Pickering. "We then went with 
Mr. Davis to Faneuil Hall, saw a fine military whole length 
portrait of Washington by Stuart of which I had not before 
even heard. In the afternoon went with Mr. G. W. Pratt 
to see Allston's Florimel at Mr. Williams'. Then to Mr. 
Pratt's to see the portrait of Col. Pickering by Stuart, a 
most noble painting. There were some other good paintings 
and fine engravings : one by Longhi of Milan after Raphael ; 
a fine mezzotint of the Chapeau de paille from Rubens. 

July 22. — Neagle went to see Stuart and showed his 
portrait of Mr. Carey, which he had nearly faltered in, in 
spite of all my exhortations and entreaties. 

July 23, Saturday. — In the morning I called on Mr. 
Stuart — much interested in his conversation from 11 till 
nearly 2 o'clock. We were in his painting room. Among 
other things he told me that the portrait of Washington 
from which Heath's engraving was made, was painted by 
him (Stuart) for William Bingham of Philadelphia, and de- 
livered under an express stipulation that it was not to be 
copied or engraved. Mr. Bingham subsequently presented 



*v 



140 Extracts from the Diary of James B. Longacre. 

the picture to Lord Lansdowne, without any reference to this 
stipulation. After the engraving was published and offered 
for sale in Philadelphia to the surprise and vexation of 
Stuart, lie called on Mr. Bingham and reminded him of the 
stipulation under which he had parted with the portrait, the 
fact of which was not denied. But on asking Mr. Bingham 
how he proposed to compensate him for the injury he had 
sustained by the publication of the print, Mr. Bingham re- 
plied — "Have you anything to show for it?" — which ended 
their intercourse, Stuart leaving him abruptly and indig- 
nantly without further remark. Went later with Mr. I. P. 
Davis to see the portraits of J. and J. Q. Adams at Mr. 
Craft's. Mr. Cruft politely offered me an opportunity of 
copying the head of J. Q. Adams by Stuart. We then 
called to see a portrait by W. West, (now in Europe), on 
which picture so many encomiums had lately been passed in 
the papers ; did not think it extraordinary. 

July 24, Sunday. — Visited the Methodist Church Brom- 
field Lane in the morning. In the afternoon called on Mrs. 
S. daughter of Mr. Stuart, & went, by her previous invita- 
tion to D r Greenwood's church. Called later for Mr. 
Xeagle to go to Mr. Stuart's to tea. Spent the evening 
most agreeably indeed in the rich and instructive conversa- 
tion of Mr. Stuart. 

July 25. Monday.— From 12 to 2 with Mr. Stuart's 
daughters. Then Xeagle and I visited the painting rooms 
of Mr. Alexander, Mr. Mason, Miss Goodridge and Miss 
Schetky; saw only the ladies. r ' • • 

July 26. — Took a carriage at 8 o'clock, called for the 
daughters of Mr. Stuart and Miss Wheeler, a niece of D r 
Bigelow, and went out to Cambridge Port to see the collec- 
tion of Mr. Dowse. Most remarkable are the water colour 
copies from the Marquis of Stafford's collection. They are 
exquisitely beautiful, and surpassing in delicacy of execution. 
Dined with D r Taylor. Called on Mr. I. P. Davis, went 
with him to see Leslie's portrait of Sir W. Scott at Mr. 
Ticknor's, also a painting by Mr. Allston. Then to see Mr. 



Extracts from the Diary of James 13. Longacre. 141 

Codman's collection. A superb still-life painting, Flemish, 
some beautiful landscape and cattle pieces. Spent the even- 
ing at Mr. Stuart's with his family and Misses Sehetky 
and Goodridge. 

July 27. Wednesday. — Began a drawing at Mr. S. A. 
Wells' of Samuel Adams from Copley. Dined and spent 
the evening with Mr. Allston. He was pleased to speak 
very handsomely of my engravings, particularly the small 
portrait of Jackson, said the head alone would not disgrace 
the best engravers of the English school. He has had only 
two of his designs engraved and published, both of which 
he is dissatisfied with; a third, he paid for the plate (25 
guineas) to prevent its being published. He speaks in the 
highest, terms of Sir Joshua Reynolds, considers him supe- 
rior to Van Dyke, and the founder of the excellence which 
distinguishes the modern English schools of painting and 
engraving. 

July 28. — Finished my drawing of Mr. Samuel Adams or 
sufficiently so for the time. Spent the evening at Mr. 
Stuart's. 

July 29. Friday. — Began my drawing of Col. Pickering 
from Stuart's painting in possession of Mr. W m Pratt. Went 
with Mr. Allston, who called on Mr. Xeagle and myself for 
that purpose, to see a fine painting by Stuart of Gov. Phil- 
lips, at the Hospital. We accepted Mr. Allston's invitation 
to dine with him at Rouillard's at 3 o'clock P.M. 

July 30 Saturday. — I took passage on the SteamBoat 
Patent for Kahant, at 9 A.M. and had a fine opportunity of 
seeing the beautiful harbour of Boston ; in going down ob- 
served the porpoises and seals swimming in the harbour. 

July SI. — In the afternoon went with Mr. jSTeagle and Mr. 
Stuart's four daughters to D r Gardner's church. Heard the 
D r preach a funeral sermon on Mrs. Winthrop. 

August 1. Monday. — At work on my drawing of Col. 
Pickering. 

Aug, 2'' id .—At the same. 

A.ug. S rd . — Finished my drawing of Col. Pickering. Com- 



142 Extracts from the Diary of James B. Longacre. 

menced, at Mr. Cruft's my drawing of J. Q. Adams, from 
portrait painted by Stuart Aug. 1818. 

Aug. 4- th > — At the same. 

Aug. 5 th . — Still with my drawing of J. Q. Adams. 

Aug. 6 th . — Finished my drawing of J. Q. Adams, to the 
satisfaction of Mr. Cruft who is to write to the President of 
the U. S. (whose property the picture is) for his permission 
for me to engrave it, which Mr. Cruft is anxious I should do. 

Met unexpectedly with Mr. Marston of the United States 
]STavy who had just received orders to join the Brandywine 
Frigate, appointed to convey Gen. Lafayette to France. 
Concluded to join him the following morning to set out 
for Philad 6 . I saw Mr. Webster this morning at his office. 
He thinks his portrait in the hands of Mr. Stuart will be 
finished in October ensuing; says he will call on me on his 
way to the South in the autumn. I called in the afternoon 
to take leave of Mr. Stuart's family, and in the evening on 
Mr. I. P. Davis who was pleased with my drawings of Pick- 
ering and J. Q. Adams ; he said he had conversed with Mr. 
Stuart on the subject of my engraving the latter, who was 
desirous that I should do it. 

Aug. 7. — Set out in the stage for Providence E. I. leaving 
Boston at half past four, A.M. Arrived at Providence be- 
tween 10 and 11 and reached Norwich, Conn, about half 
past seven P.M. Took the Steam Boat Fanny, Capt. David- 
son, for ISTew York. Through the politeness and attention 
of the captain I was enabled to deliver my letters wmile the 
boat held on at the wharf at New London. We reached 
New York about 2 P.M. Stopped at Bunker's. 



*v 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. H3 



SOME LETTERS FROM WILLIAM HAMILTON, OF TUP, 
WOODLANDS, TO HIS PRIVATE SECRETARY. 

BY BENJAMIN H. SMITH. 

(Continued from page 78.) 

London, November 2 4 1785 
Dear Sir 

Tours of the 28 th of August I duly received & am happy to 
hear the family at the Woodlands was then all well. Tins 
is a satisfaction I had not for a long time experienced for 
your preceding letter was dated in June. Anxious as I 
am respecting my friends I must entreat you will not sulier 
any opportunity pass without informing me how they all 
are & how situated. 

I observe your account of the state of the plants &c &c 
sent last spring from this country & confess myself some- 
what at a los3 to understand it. You say for Instance " of 
the cherries X° 4, 5, 7 & 8 are dead" but do not say that 
each of the plants (of which there were 3 to every number) 
is dead. Of the platanus orientcdis 1 there were 12 plants, — 
of ~N° 61 prunus pactum Lusiiardca 2 there were 25, — of Ulcus 
coiinus z 6 — of myrto cistus 4 5 — of viburnum tinus angus- 
tifol* 6— of the Eoses N° 2 included 12 plants ... & in 
the lesser catalogue X° 10 included 50 Portugal Laurels. 
Pray am I to infer that all the plants included under those 
numbers are dead — pray are none of the eastern plane, the 
Portugal Laurels (between 500 & 600) the evergreen sweet 
Briar, 6 Singletons Rose, the evergreen Rose, the moscheute 

- * Oriental plane-tree. 
3 Portugal laurel. 
3 Smoke-tree or Venetian sumach. 

* Hypericum balearicum L., from Majorca. 
6 Laurestinus, from Southern Europe. 

* Rosa rubiginosa or eglantine, of Europe and Central Asia. 



*v 



144 Letters from. William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

double rose, the white Damask rose, the variegated Damask 
rose, the yellow Austrian Rose, the Burgundy rose, the 
monthly Portland rose, the monthly red rose & the monthly 
Variegated rose — now living ? If so at least 250 plants ex- 
clusive of the fruits have gone to y e shades. By Capt a 
Willet there went 300 silver firs, 1 500 Portugal Laurels, a 
great number of Myrtles which you do not mention at all ; 
are these all gone too ? Did not any of the seeds vegetate 
of a Bushel of Horsechesnuts, a peck of Spanish chesnuts, 
3 pound of pistichia, 11 quarts of Portugal Laurel, 5 pound 
of silver Fir of the different cypresses Laurels, cluster pine, 
stone pine, pine-aster, the different kinds of Broom & cytisus, 
of 7 or 8 dozen of cedar of Lebanon cones ? or have they all 
gone to the Dogs too ? TVhen you recollect the expense & 
trouble of sending these things & of replacing the Dead 
ones, you will certainly advert to the necessity of sending 
me the mo3t particular account of them. I therefore 
request that it may not be delayed. Another circumstance 
should be punctually attended to i.e. to secure the tender 
plants from the severe weather, otherwise all my pains will 
have been to no purpose — Rhus 2 lavigalum, Bhus trifoli- 
atiwi, silver convolvulus, phyllica ericoides, viburnum Unas 
S 1 Johns Bread 3 & all the Jasmines require a green House 
& all those plants which you put into pots, such as the 
magnolias, myricas &c should be also kept in the green 
house. The Cisius's the Heaths, eleagnus, Ginkgo, Lauriis's, 
Tamarisks, Yucca glorioso, the Carolina mahogany* Zantoxylon 
sempercirens &c, should be secured by skreens of Dry straw 
or some other means, but by [no] means let dung be put to 
their Roots for it will inevitably kill them. ... I have 
also to desire that you will immediately on the receipt of 
this get Mr Thomson to procure 2 dozen small fine plants 

1 Abies pectinata, of Europe. 

2 These two species of rhus and the Phylica ericoide3 are natives of 
the Cape of Good Hope. 

8 Ceratonia siiiqua, of the Mediterranean region. 

* Persea borbonia, a tree of the coast from Virginia to Texas. 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 145 

pf the persimon, as many of the sassafras, & of the broad 
leaved laurel and also of the dwarf laurel from the valley, 
and a parcel of snake root plants, pack them well up in 
moss k direct them to Robert Barclay Esquire at Clapham 
to the care of Jn° k Robert Barclay & Co in London. 
Besides these I must beg you to direct Mr Thomson to pack 
up the same number of plants of the like sorts & two or 
three dozen of Double Tuberose roots k forward them to 
my address. The Roots should be put into dry sand k you 
should endeavor to have them kept in a dry part of the 
Ship. The plants must be packed in cases or Boxes with 
that kind of swamp moss that grows at the Head of the 
valley about the spot where the dwarf Laurels are (in the 
manner which M r Young used to put up his plants of 
[which] Mrs Young will give you particular information). 
If my stock of Tuberose roots should have been from any 
accident exhausted you can be supplied by Jn° Slaughter 
who lived when I left home in a new House at the upper 
end of Arch St (the last next the common) where was a 
very large quantity of fine ones. 

You never mentioned what had been done with the 
ground on the west side of the road to Mrs George's or 
wdiether any Body had taken it to remove the Briars- — I 
hope at any rate none of the suckers have been touched. 
Having many Letters to write & much straightened in point 
of time, I must hasten to conclude with my best wishes for 
your health k Happiness. 

I am with truth k sincerity 

Your friend & humble St 

W Hamilton 

Was my Thermometer sold or not. 

Lancaster June 11, 1787 

I am much obliged by yours of the 9 th informing me of 

the welfare of my family. . . . There is to be fine fun here 

with the dutch Girb tomorrow, it being Lancaster fair, when 

they will come in from all quarters. . . . Peter Musser has 

vol. xxix.— 10 



146 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary, 

footed it on the occasion from Philad*. ... I expect to 
leave this on Thursday or Friday, at any rate my endeavour 
will be exerted to be at Home or at the Woodl dB in time on 
Saturday for Miller. ... I would not have you say when I 
am expected for several reasons, particularly to prevent any 
expectations of another Monday party which just now will 
be inconvenient. I must go and dress for its near dinner 
time & I expect 27 of my tenants to dine with me. I cannot 
add more than to desire you will present my most affec- 
tionate wishes for m}' mother, grandmother, the Girls & 
Mrs McCall. 

& believe me yours sincerely 

W H 

Downing* s tavern Jan'ry 3 a 1788 
10 at night- 
Well knowing my mother's anxiety, I would not let pass 
the opportunity of relieving it. Fifty minutes after I left 
Bush Hill l the chariot drop'd me about half a mile beyond 
Owen Jones's House & I arrived here well just before eight 
o'clock without having suffer 'd much by the cold. During 
the last ten miles altho after sundown, the weather was so 
mild that I was really comfortable. At the Buck I first 
perceived there had lately been a considerable fall of snow. 
From that to this place there is excellent sleighing the roads 
being hard beaten & vastly better than I ever saw them. 
Had my chariot horses been rough'd they could have 
brought me here in it without difficulty at the same rate as 
I came the first ten miles. The Roads were indeed too 
smooth for Getten's Horse who (altho rough'd) could scarce 
keep hi3 feet from his awkward manner of going. He once 
came fairly down on his side & threw him off but luckily 
without injury. I certainly cannot sufficiently value the 
old Horse who made not one false step. The snow I am 
told is more than a foot deep at Lancaster. From the 

1 At this time the family of Mr. Hamilton occupied Bush Hill tempo- 
rarily while extensive repairs were being made at The Woodlands. 



-* 



iMters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 147 

present appearance & feel I am apprehensive we are to have 
a good deal more tomorrow. The present snow fell here 
on Sunday last. . . . 

I have no more to add than to desire my love to all at 
home & am sincerely yours 

W. H. 

Lancaster 16 th Febry 1788 
I rec d yours of the 9 th instant & am glad to hear the 
family at B. Hill continue well. I am pleased to find Mr 
Thomson has began to fill the Ice House being persuaded 
he can not have a better season, for a colder spell I never 
experienced than it has been since I left Home. ... I do 
not suppose in such weather much time will be lost altho 
the plaistring at the Woodlands should be at a stand untill 
my return. You w^ill however be pleased to tell Mr Child 
if I find when I come there an air Hole as large as a quill in 
the windows or any other part of the west wing or that the 
directions I gave him have been unattended to I shall not be 
in a very good Humour. . . . Money is as scarce here to 
the full as at Philad a so that I shall derive little advantage 
from my Journey but that of fair promises of great things 
on my next visit. I shall therefore look towards Home the 
latter end of the week but as I am not yet determined on 
the route may not reach B. Hill before Monday or Tuesday 
next, ... I want you also to secure Spotswoods newspaper 
that was published on the 5th instant. I find Mr Ogden 
is really to leave the ferry & that one of, the Hubley family 
here has taken it at £750 p r annum. 

I intended writing to my mother but have been busied 
with my tenants the whole day and am just going to dress 
for a sleighing party & Ball two miles in the country & 
its now past five o'clock, I dare say we shall be as happy 
as at Mr Binghams where I hope Ann will not fail to go. 
I wonder you say nothing of the grand twelfth night at B. 
Hill on Monday last. At a Ball last week here one of the 
best dancers put me so much in mind of Jn° Shorts pounding 



148 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

that I thought myself at least within hearing of my servants 
Hall. Shew this to my mother & present her with my hest 
love k duty. Give my love k duty to my Grandmother, k 
love to Mrs McCall & the girls. 

I am truly your friend 

W Hamilton 
Ann should not fail to visit Miss Yeates. 

. . . When the plaister is taken to the Woodlands Watt 
or Doll and should be engaged by the day to finish the: 
dining parlour ceiling & cornice. ... I hope Willy has 
got some one to thrash the oats & that he will take care to 
get a proper place to put them when thrashed. I would 
have you see Dr Parke & beg him if possible to prevent 
Mrs . . . &c to defer going to the Woodlands untill the 
dining p. is done. I mean this God knows as no compli- 
ment to that family, but think a hint of this sort will serve 
to prevent others going thither. 

Mr Child said somewhat to me about a winch for y* 
Garden well. I know not what he means & cannot there- 
fore guess what may be the nature or expense or whether 
materials of any kind (not at y e Woodlands already) may 
be wanted. But if on conferring with him the matter can 
be accomplished so as to get the well walled the sooner it 
is done the better on account of the Heat which we may 
now daily expect. . . . The pumpions, [pumpkins] Bon- 
net pepper, squashes, Kidney Beans, Carolina and lima 
Beans, early & whisk corn, casavarces, S. American peas, 
another crop k peas k Beans (from the garret) Dill fennel r 
coriander, aniseed, doub. parsley &c should all be in the 
ground & to prevent its being done improperly with respect 
to the distances of the rows from one another Conrod should 
sow them or you should consult Mawe. There were two 
or three cuttings of the China rose which I planted in pots, 
but do not recollect where they were put. They should be 
by rights on the Back flue of the Hot-House. Do let them 
be look'd for & attended to by watering k shading them. 



*v 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 140 

I would not have them get into other hands on any account. 

The variegated geranium and the narrow oak leaved should 
be kept in the Hot House under lock & key or else there 
will be a flemish ace't of them altho nobody but 0. should 
get a sight of them. If George docs as he ought no soul 
should be SiijjY'd alone in the pot or Tub enclosure. I left 
a paper with white flowering Bean, some convolvulus, Ipo- 
moea, nasturtium and different gourds. I meant to have 
made a small 3 feet wide Border in front of the necessary 
skreen of cedars & Lombardy poplars & to have planted 
some of these runners at the foot of them to run up and 
hide the dead cedars. . . . Hilton should take the remain- 
ing poplar cuttings which are implanted and plant them 
in the gaps along the orchard fence next the road placing 
them at not to exceed a foot from each other. ... In 
the Border on the sides of the walk leading to the I. House 
there are a great many plants of the polianthos snowdrop, the 
seeds of which must be now nearly ripe. If so I would 
have every one of them preserved. . . . George should 
not forget Roupe's double white narcissus . . . and when 
he is there he should see if there are any of the sweet 
scented yellow day lily, of which I wanted a great number, 
as also of paeonies. I should suppose it might be worth 
while for you to ride there & see what is in Bloom as also 
to Leech's for the same purpose. ... I can add no more 
than to desire my love to all at Home. 

& am yours &c sincerely 

- W. H. 
12 o'clock Monday night June 1st. 

Dowxings July 8 lh 1788 
Being the only person who heard the knocking at the 
tavern door at one this morning, all the house being asleep 
except myself, I was for a short time greatly alarm'd on 
calling out from my chamber window who's there, to be 
answerd by Torn. I fear'd some accident had happen'd 
in my family & would not believe otherwise untill relieved 



•^ \, 



150 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

by D r Parke's Letter. ... If I see nothing of Tom 
before tomorrow day light I shall take it for granted 
the papers are found & shall proceed on my Journey. Mr 
Pollock mentioned to me some vessels being about to sail 
for England . . . should the vessels going be too soon 
for the next weeks stage send off Tom this afternoon in 
order that I may write my English letters k send them 
down express by him. When you see Mr Habacker about 
y* Boards forget not to mention to him my insisting as a 
citizen on paying my proportion of Saturdays Club. If he 
mentions repaying the wine then lent, you will recollect it 
must not be ree'd. Moses Franks, Frazer & Miller talk of 
a jaunt to Lancaster. Endeavour to find out it they are 
serious & give me timely information lest I may have gone 
to Carlisle when they visit the Borough. When you write 
let me know whether the Scotchman has begun to plaister 
at the "Woodlands Sc whether Child has engag'd two fresh 
men for the doweld flooring & whether W m the plaisterer 
has return'd to his work. 

Yours sincerely W. H. 

Lancasteh July 1788 

12 at night 
I have been so hurried since I arrived here that I have 
had scarcely a moment to call my own. The whole of Fri- 
day and Saturday last, notwithstanding the violent heat, I 
was on the pad from 6 o'clock in the morning untill dark 
in the evening (dinner time in each for an hour only ex- 
cepted). I have been again at the same work to day & have 
at length compleated my round. The heat has really been 
almost too much for me. I am however I believe not all 
the worse for it. Altho my Journey may not be immedi- 
ately productive of any considerable matters, I am satisfied 
with myself for undertaking it on my present plan, not in 
the least doubting, I shall within an year or two reap the 
Benefit by the wiping off all arrears which might not other- 
wise have happened during my life, although it should be a 
long one. I have personally plny'd the Dun within these 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 151 

three or four days at more than 500 Houses & have applied 
for rents on unimproved lots, pastures k out lots. The 
people far from being displeased, are many of them flatter'd 
with what they call my condescension, k all approve the 
measure so unlike what they have been formerly used to. 
Not an uncivil word did I receive from any one, nor have I 
discovered one instance of a disinclination for payment, or 
an attempt at evasion. Scarcity of money is their only plea 
k there is surely every reason to believe it a just one. But 
although the poor of which there are a very great propor- 
tion can possibly never pay, they all acknowledge the jus- 
tice of my claims k their wish to have the power to satisfy 
them. . . . 

I had hopes ol seeing M, Franks here this even'g k ex- 
pected particularly to hear how Ann is, for you say so little on 
the subject in yours, k Doctor Parke not mentioning at all in 
his letter, my anxiety* which you must know to be extreme 
has not been relieved. I should have written to Doct r Parke 
by tliis conveyance but have not been from the time I got 
up to the present without a room full of people on Busi- 
ness. ... If he writes to me again do desire him to be 
particular in his account of Ann, k I do insist upon her en- 
deavouring to write to me herself by the return of the stage 
if it be possible altho it should be only two lines. If she 
knew the satisfaction it would afford me I am certain she 
would not refuse. ... I have a little money here which I 
should have sent for contingent occasions, but being ex- 
tremely angry at the stage man for leaving my box of clothes 
at Philad a do not chose to entrust it to his care. . . . 

I desire my best love k duty to my mother k grandmother 
k love to Mrs McCall k to the Girls k am with truth 

Yours &c 

W. H. 

York Town (July) 21" 1788 
I was prevailed on to make an excursion to this place 
yesterday k have had great pleasure in seeing the Town k 



152 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

its neighborhood having never before been here. I had 
intended returning to Lancaster this evening: . . . but fear 
I shall not get from hence in time, being so warmly sollicited 
by Col 1 Hartley l to view his improvements a few miles from 
hence. . . . MrYeates 2 accompanied me this far on his way 
to Carlisle & will not return to his family in less than a 
fortnight. Whether I shall return to Bush Hill within that 
time or not will depend on circumstances. . . . The stage 
man has again left my box of clothes which you will readily 
suppose puts me to great inconvenience. ... I am greatly 
pleased to hear that Ann is getting the better of her com- 
plaint & that swinging agrees so well with her. I hope to 
God she will shortly be perfectly well. ... I have a letter 
from Mr Child by which I clearly see matters go but ill at 
the Woodlands. The plaisterer came not to work for 
several days after that he appointed which must greatly 
delay the finishing of those rooms immediately wanted. . . . 
I will not think of Davidson's Horse at his price £60 cash, 
but if John still thinks he will suit will give him from 
£17-10 to £20 & Herring-bone in exchange. 
Sincerely yours &c 

W. Hamilton 

Lancaster half past 10 at night 
July 21 st 1788 

Xot expecting to be here this evening, I wrote to you at 
12 o'clock to day from York just before I set out to dine 
with Col 1 Hartley 4 miles beyond that Town. I got off how- 
ever by .half past 5 & by a hard ride reached the Borough 
half an hour ago. ... I beg you will let me know by the 
return of the stage how Ann & my mother, Grandmother & 
Peggy are & that you will inform me precisely what has 
been done & is doing at the "Woodlands. You will also 

1 Colonel Thomas Hartley, a distinguished soldier, lawyer, and states- 
man. He was present at Brandywine and Paoli. Died December 21, 
1800, at the age of fifty-four. 

* Jasper Yeates, of Lancaster. 



*v 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 153 

direct my Box of Clothes lying at the King of Prussia to be 
forwarded by y e stage. I suffer greatly by the want of it. 
I have no more to add than my best wishes for the health & 
happiness of all at Bush Hill. I am so tired with eating 
dinners & riding that I can no longer keep open my eyes. 
I am nevertheless yours &c sincerely 

V ii 

Lancaster 22 d October 1788 
. . . If Mr Child pays so little attention to my other 
directions I must in my own defence immediately give up 
all thought of removing to the Woodlands during this year 
of our Lord. Should that be the case, I shall as soon as I 
return Home discharge every workman & shut up the 
House until! the spring as I am determined not to be subject 
to the inconvenience of leaving my family during the short 
days to attend any workmen whatever. 

As I see little prospect of doing anything of consequence 
by tarrying here longer than this week, I propose leaving 
this place on Sunday & if the weather is good expect to be 
at Baltimore the following day. AVe are told there are to 
be races at Annapolis on Thursday following. If so we 
shall proceed to that city after a clays tarry at Baltimore & 
return Home by the Eastern shore. I do not wish my 
mother to know anything of our Route as she will be uneasy 
about our crossing the Bay. . . . Your next letter should 
be directed for me to the care of Mr Daniel Grant at Balti- 
more. 

Yours sincerely 

W Hamilton 

Sorrel Horse May 2 1789 
Friday 5 o'clock in y e morning. 

In all the times and seasons I have travelled this Road I 
never found it so bad as at present. From Jesse George's 
Hill to this place I could not once get into a trot, but could 
not compare it to anything but being chin deep in Hasty 



;*V 



154 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

pudding & obliged to trudge thro it. The Hills its true are 
not 80 slushy but are worn into lopsided ruts so as to be 
scarcely passable. What with the fatigue of yesterday be- 
fore I left Home & the badness of the Road I could not make 
out any mem ms last night nor have I time this morning for 
y e purpose being anxious to get forward for although I have 
a long day before me I fear it will be hardly possible to 
reach Lancaster, unless there has been less rain above & the 
Hills are in better order than I expect I dont suppose I shall 
get out of a walk all day. . . . You must not fail to go 
to the "Woodlands every day for more reasons than one & 
take a mem m of the occurrences of each day. Hilton should 
[make] some mark immediately on y e pot of each newly 
transplanted exotic, so as to prevent its being disturbed on 
my return. The aloes water'd twice a week gently, and all 
the Carolina & newly imported English plants should be 
frequently refreshed with water. I would have you mark 
all the jyolianthos snow drops in the Bord'rs of the Ice II. Hill 
walk & direct George to attend to the ripening of the seeds 
so as to save them. As soon as George has done the above 
all the exotics should be arranged according to their sizes in 
the way I directed particularly the pots on the shelves, the 
melon boxes may be taken into the garden & the plants 
taken out & transplanted on forming the 3 d leaf into good 
hills & labell'd. The Rose Bush Box should be removed 
into y* shade behind the Hot House there to remain during 
the summer. The Exotic yard if I may so call it & all the 
space between the green H & the shop should be made clean 
& neat as I have no doubt there will be visitors to view them. 

WH 

L^xaster Monday June 8 th 1789 
. . . An account is arrived here of a person of the 
name of Brown an Inhabitant of Strasburg having been 
robbed yesterday at or near the Spread Eagle on the Philad* 
Road & this has had the effect of putting the stage people on 
their guard for this trip . . . 



*v 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary, 155 

Lancaster 13 lb June 1789 
10 at night 

. . . Tell Dr Parke he shall hear from me next week. 
Also tell him I yesterday went in a Boat from Slough's Mill 
down the Conestogoe into the Susquehannah in five hours 
(heing between 15 & 20 miles) with 4 people in the Boat & 
without once being stop'd or impeded in the whole way not 
one soul of us haying to get out at the Fish dams although 
there was no fresh in the creek. The Baskets in those dams 
have been destroyed this spring . . . 

Lancaster 20 th June 1789 
. . . From what at present appears I should suppose 
my Business here will draw to a conclusion about Tuesday 
next & I shall be looking homewards as soon afterwards as 
possible, but of this I would not have you hint a syllable to 
the family lest they should be disappointed & of course un- 
easy. Although what I have gotten here in the money 1 
way would be no object to any one, having remitted to you 
already almost the whole. But from the number of people 
with whom I have had to do Business an idea has been false- 
ly taken up of my having ree'd an immensity & some rascals 
or other may think me worth a speculation on the Road. 
It will therefore be no more than prudent to be on my guard 
the more especially as within these three days a gang of vil- 
lanns have arrived in this town, with one at the Head of 
them of the name of Livergood who has been at the Barrow. 
Pray do you think William Slade could be spared from home 
for a few days ? If it was possible I should be glad to have 

1 The character of the money current at Lancaster in January 1789, 

may be gathered from the following memorandum by Mr. Hamilton of ft 

remittance at that time by stage to Philadelphia. 

9 crowns £3 15 

G5 dollars 24 7 6 _ , . . _. . -'-.-, 

40 K of a Dollar 3 15 Banknotes fl notes each of 10 dollars | £28 26 

,„ ;* , , n , n r. in y e letter 17 do each of 5 do J 



Specie 
in the J 



eBag 



56 % of a do 2 12 6 

a doubloon 5 12 6 Total sent by the stage £S1 15 

2 moidores 4 10 A few days before an order on 

3 half Joes 9 Mr Ilubley sent by Mr Hubley 37 10 

£53 12 6 Total sent since I arrived here £119 5 



156 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

him with me on my return. jSo idea of the intention of it 
should be breathed but merely that I had gratified William 
Jn his desire to take the jaunt. If the thing can be accom- 
plished, you should endeavor to equip him as well as possible 
with a handsome hired horse, pistols kc &e & he should be 
here Tuesday evening or Wednesday morning at furthest. 
He should on no account whatever be suffer d to set out un- 
less you can continue to do without him, and be certain of 
John & scots Billy being every night at Home during his 
absence. Be particular in getting him a sightly horse. . 
My love to all at Home k believe me yours &c 

IH 

New York August 30 th 1789 
I got no further than y* Billet on the evening I left Home. 
The next day not finding Mr Emley at Home I proceeded on 
20 miles further than his House and the following morning 
arrived at Elizabeth T. The gout which I complain'd with 
before I set out encreased so much as to make my journey 
very disagreeable k I was so fatigued with the motion of 
the chair violent heat k the pressure of my boot that I was 
obliged to rest the remainder of the day at Elizabeth & did 
not arrive here untill Friday at noon since which I have not 
untill this moment been six minutes together off the Bed k 
this has prevented my writing before. ... On Thursday 
the Question 1 will be taken up by Congress but when deter- 
mined I cannot foresee. As to Lancaster being fixed on it 
appears to me to be the most unlikely thing that can happen 
there being no member of Congress or Senate interested in 
the measure, at the same time that every one of them has a 
place in view in order to serve his own interest. So that 
were it not for the satisfaction of having comply'd with y a 
wishes of my Tenants I had better been at home. ... I 
desire you will remind George Hilton of the magnolia seeds 
which must be ripe by this time & of his promise to sift 

1 Congress had under consideration the selection of a site for the 
National Capital. 



*v 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 157 

earth on y* seed Boxes & to mark all y e double Convolvulus 
& to pull up all the single ones. . . . Tell the Girls I hope 
to inform them of some of the fashions on my return. This 
moment passed my window three negro girls with fashion- 
able Bonnets & in other respects drap'd in y 6 mode. They 
had each of them long sleeves which are worn here by 
everybody & they had Bracelets of Black velvet. One of 
them had a white muslin Bonnet with Black Lace, a white 
gown with a black velvet girdle. By this they may judge 
of. the Ladies dress. The men for the most part wear 
strings in their shoes, even Jn° Marston, and as they are a 
convenient fashion for my gouty feet they must not be sur- 
prised at seeing me in the fashion. Jn° Marston speaks 
with great friendship of Miss Levy. 

Yours &e W II 

Lancaster October 3 d 1789 
I ree'd your Letter of the 28 th ult & shall, you may be 
assured attend particularly to its contents. . . . Ben Miller 
beg'd me to purchase him a rifle in this town. The 
prices are from £3-10 to £8. I wish you would ask Lira 
particularly to inform you what kind of a one he wants & 
how far I may go as to price. I trust the plants have all 
been secured before the frost which has shewn itself for 
some mornings past. . . . Mr Child told me he would 
not fail to remind you of getting Mcllvee out to mend the 
hot house. Unless this is done the West India plants can- 
not be safe. ... I directed him also when I came away, 
to secure seeds and plants of the Budbeckia in y* track of the 
old Road leading to the House from the former entrance 
into y* grounds. I told hirn also to get some violet seeds, 
& plants or seeds of the herbaceous Glycine with 2-colour'd 
cluster'd flowers (that we took for a Vicia before Michau 
undeceiv'd us). I would have him trim and weed about his 
double Azaleas in the Garden & Box. . . . You should 
not forget the seeds of the Kymjmcea, the pitcher Lychnis, 
striped convolvulus & Cassia chamcechiista which you promised 



lbS Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

to procure. I think it would be well enough for you to go 
to Bartrams & know from him what Hot House plants he 
intended for me and also his prices for* each of the plants in 
y" enclosed list. Its possible Mrs Eulen and her daughter 
will sail for the West Indies before my return. In case 
Miss Markoe comes to the Woodlands I wish Ann k Peggy 
w T ould beg her to think of me in the flower seed way when 
she is at Santa Cruz. Those of all fragrant and beautiful 
plants will be agreeable, particularly y e Jasmines. . . . 

Yours sincerely W H 



Lancaster Tuesday night 
October 6th 1789 
... I have enquired particularly for a rifle this day k 
And that such an one to have it eompleatly made according 
to the memorandum which ~W m shewed me this morning 
will cost £5 . . Slade has enquired for pistols for M r Child 
& Tom of the same kind as those of W m Gittens'. But 
they are all gone. If however they will have a little pa- 
tience they maybe supplied, for the man who brought them 
from Germany is hourly expected from thence with another 
cargo of the same sort as his last .... 

WH 



Monday evening Oct r 12* 1789 
. . . You do not say a word of what M* Child is doing, 
at which I am much surprised. I desire that he may di- 
rectly make models of the weights of all the windows k 
that you will forward them by y e stage with the number 
that will be wanting so that I may direct for their being 
cast before I leave this. I wish ako to have the exact di- 
mensions of my cannon stove given me in such a way as 
that I may purchase here an exact companion to it in order 
to warm the Saloon this winter . . 

Yours sincerely W II 



*v 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 150 

Lancaster June 1790 
... If George for one clay neglects the necessary attend- 
ance on the Hot-bed everything in it will he lost . . If the 
Antwerp Raspberries too are not waterd they will be lost 
The Lomb : pop : & magnolias & other terrace shrubs 
Willy promised the utmost attention to & I own I have 
some reliance on him & that by his constant watering the 
three sumachs they will be saved. The one leaning sumach 
on the Strawberry Hill can be yet set up right if done dur- 
ing a hard rain & staked immediately. The Boxes of Caro- 
lina plants back of the Green House should be also re- 
freshed frequently with water as many of them are valuable. 
I shall really be sorry if George has forgotten to mark the 
red & y* double Thorns as a whole year will be lost for 
propagating from them. The Rope too for the west side of 
the front door to secure the plants should be fixed . ♦ . I 
would have you take an opportunity of going as soon as 
may be to Bartrams and hear what he has to say of his 
plants which I sent home. He should be reminded that 
they were sent too late to me, being absolutely dead when 
they came to y e ^Woodlands . . remind him of his promise 
to give a few of his East & "West India seedlings. I shall 
write again tomorrow so will not detain you any longer 
with the present than to desire you will not let our folks 
know I have been unwell & beg Xancy to prevent if possi- 
ble the Chews coming while I am away. 

I am yours &c sincerely W H 

(To be continued.) 



160 Bishop Gzmmcrhoj^s Journey to Shamokin, Pa. } 17^8. 



BISHOP J. C. F. CAMMERHOFFS NARRATIVE OF A 
JOURNEY TO SHAMOKIN, PEXXA., IX THE WIN- 
TER OF 1748. 

BY JOIIN W. JORDAN. 

John Christopher Frederick OammerhofT was born July 
28, 1721, near Magdeburg, Germany, where his father was 
a Justice of the Peace. After being instructed by private 
tutors, he entered the " Cloister Bergen," originally a Bene- 
dictine monastery, and in 1738, the University at Jena, 
where he became acquainted with the son of Count Zinzen- 
dorf. In 1745 he completed his studies at the Moravian 
Theological Seminary, at Marienborn, and two years later 
became the private secretary of Count Zinzendorf, and was 
subsequently admitted to holy orders. In July of 1746 he 
was married to the Baroness Anne von Pahlen, and in 
September was consecrated to the Episcopacy in London, 
and sent to Pennsylvania as coadjutor to Bishop A. G. 
Spangenberg. 

Bishop CammerhofF was a man of natural gifts, learning, 
and eloquence, as well as piety, zeal, and energy. He 
devoted himself with almost reckless energy to the duties 
connected with the Indian mission of his Church, making 
journeys of extreme peril in all kinds of weather, although 
never inured to hardships, and of a physique far from robust. 
His career of activity was brief, for he succumbed to the 
strain, and died at Bethlehem, April 28, 1751. His widow 
returned to Germany after his death. He left no issue. 

Shamokin was situated a short distance below the junc- 
tion of the north and west branches of the Susquehanna, 
and was, in consequence of its position, the most important 
Indian town in the Province. The Six Nations held it as a 
strategic point, and made it the seat of a viceroy, who ruled 
for them the tributary tribes that dwelt along the waters of 
the " Windy River." At the date of this narrative it con- 
tained upwards of fiiy cabins and three hundred inhabitants, 



Bishop (hmmerhqfs Journey to Shamokin, Pa., 174$. 161 

one-half Delawares, the others Senecaa and Tudelars, who 
Brainerd describes, " the most drunken and ruffian-like 
fellows of any in these parts." 

In September of 1742 Zinzendorf, with Conrad "Weiser 
as guide and interpreter ; Bishop Peter Boehler, Anna 
Nitschmann, Rev. John Martin Mack, Henry Leinbach, and 
Joshua and David, Indian converts, visited Shamokin. The 
acquaintance which the Moravians made with Viceroy 
Shikellmy ripened into a friendship which ceased only with 
his death. At his solicitation, in 1747 a mission house and 
a smithy were erected by the missionaries Joseph Powell 
and John Hagen, and Anton Schmidt was made the smith ; 
and Rev. John Martin Mack and his wife began to organize 
a mission. 

" The mission house," states Bishop Loskiel, " was fre- 
quently injured by the violent storms prevailing in that 
district. Sometimes their plantations were destroyed by 
hail, earthquakes shook the house, and filled them with 
apprehension; but their principal danger arose from the 
drunkenness of the Indians. They were also often alarmed 
by parties of warriors of different tribes, then at war with 
the Catawbas, passing to and fro with captives." 

The missionaries Zeisberger, Post, Pyrlaeus, Bruce, 
Rauch, and others served the mission until its abandon- 
ment in the autumn of 1755, in consequence of the Indian 
War. 

Bishop Camnierhoff's Narrative. 1 

January 6. — Accompanied by Bro. Joseph Powell, 2 1 set 
out for Shamokin in the afternoon. We proceeded this 
day as far as Macungy. 3 

1 Translated from a letter written by Cammerhoff to Zinzendorf, dated 
Bethlehem, March 13, 1748. 

1 Joseph Powell, born in 1710, near White Church, Shropshire, Eng- 
land. Immigrated to Pennsylvania in June of 1742, and served in 
various congregations in Pennsylvania, New York and Maryland. 
Died in Sichem, New York, in September of 1774. 

3 ,A Moravian settlement, since 1701 called Emmaus, in Lehigh 
County. 

VOL. XXIX.-— 11 



*v 



162 Bishop Cammerhoff's Journey to Shaniokin, Pa., 1748* 

January 7. — Set out for Tulpehocken [Berks Co.]. The 
snow lay deep on the ground and being covered with a 
hard crust, the horses which carried our supplies, could 
travel but slowly ; and as all traces of a road were fre- 
quently obliterated, evening had set in, when we struck the 
Ontalaunee. 1 We passed the night at the house of Moses 
Starr, a Quaker, with whom our itinerant missionaries often 
lodge. 2 

January 8. — Early in the morning arrived at the Schuyl- 
kill. T7e found the river frozen in the middle, and open 
along its banks. Knowing that we were making a venture, 
and yet there being no alternative, we leaped upon the ice, 
halter in hand, our horses following. When half-way 
across, Brockden's bay, whom I was leading broke through 
the ice, but by a well directed spring regained its footing. 3 
Powell, and the gray, had a similar mishap near the farther 
bank, but my companion more unfortunate than I had been, 
got into the water waist deep. After a ride in intensely 
cold weather, with no other adventures we entered Heidel- 
berg [Berks Co.]. Here we met Bro. Xeubert 4 who was 
on his way to Bethlehem from Swatara, He informed us 
that one of his members had set out for Shamokin with 
supplies for the Mission, three weeks ago, but finding the 
mountain road obstructed by snow, had returned. In the 
evening we reached Michael Schaeffer's in Tulpehocken. 5 

1 Maiden Greek, which empties into the Schuylkill, about seven miles 
above Reading. 

2 A number of Quaker families settled in Maiden Creek Township, as 
early as 1738. , 

8 It is evident that Zinzendorf knew the horse so particularly de- 
scribed. It may have been his favorite riding horse while was a resident 
of Philadelphia, or it may have carried him in his travels into the In- 
dian country. Charles Brocken, Master of the Rolls of the Province, 
was a member of the Moravian congregation in Philadelphia. 

*Rev. Daniel Neubert, from Koenigswalde, Saxony, who immigrated 
to Pennsylvania in 1742, and was pastor of a number of rural congrega- 
tions. Died in Bethlehem, January, 1785. 

5 Michael SchaefFer, a Palatine from Schoharie, New York, settled in 
Tulpehocken in 1725. 



*v 



Bishop CamyncrhqfTs Journey to Shamokin, Pa., 1748, 163 

January 9. — Resumed our journey, and at 9 o'clock ar- 
rived at George Loesch's ; l both parents and children gave 
us a cordial welcome, and showed us much kindness. 
They also urged us to take a supply of provisions for the- 
missionaries at Shamokin, hut as we were desirous of hus- 
banding the strength of our horses, we accepted only ot 
some meat, butter and dried fruit We now held a consul- 
tation on the choice of a route for the remainder of the 
journey, and after weighing the advantages and disadvan- 
tages offered at this season of the year respecting the moun- 
tain road 2 and the Indian path along the Susquehanna, 
leading from Harris's Ferry, decided to follow the latter. 
The decision, it is true, imposed upon us additional miles 
of travel, but we reflected that we would have the river for 
a guide, and that at the settlements we could bait our 
horses. Taking leave of our kind friends at noon, we rode 
on through the snow. Dismounted at Peter Kucher's in 
Quittopchille, 3 and after loading our horses with oats for 
their feed at Shamokin, rode on five miles to Henry Zan- 
ders, where we passed the night. 4 

January 10. — Set out for Harris's Ferry. This proved a 
long day's journey through a wild and dreary region of 
country. We struck the Great Swatara at noon, and after 
a short halt crossed it in safety on the ice, although the 
stream was open along its banks. We were now seven 

George Loesch, born near Worms, 1699, immigrated with other 
Palatines in 1710, and settled in Schoharie, New York. In 1723, re- 
moved to Tulpehocken, and united with the Moravians in 1747. Died 
in Nazareth, August, 1790. 

'The mountain road was yia Great Swatara Gap, Second, Third, 
Peter's, Berry's and Mahantango mountains in Dauphin Co., and over 
Line and Mahanoy mountains in Northumberland Co. 

8 John Peter Kucher, imported on the Loyal Judith, in September of 
1732, settled on what i3 now the Harrisburg turnpike, a short distance 
from the borough of Lebanon. In 1750 he donated the land upon 
which was erected the " Hebron" Moravian Church. He died in July 
of 1788. 

4 He was a member of the " Hebron" Church, and his house was the 
usual stopping place of the Moravian missionaries. 



164 Bishop Gammerhoff's Journey to Shamokin, Pa., 17£8. 

miles from the Ferry, but loosing the way, we strayed 
through the woods until sundown, and it was seven o'clock 
before we reached our place of destination. "We found a 
hirge company of traders at Harris's ; one of whom had 
just returned from an attempt to reach the Allegheny coun- 
try, in which he had been baffled by the increasing depth 
of the snow, after he had penetrated the wilderness to the 
distance of one hundred miles west of the Susquehanna. 
On making enquiry about the course of the path that leads 
to Shamokin, we were told to follow a trail left in the snow 
by a party of Indians, who had a few days ago come down 
to the mill above the Ferry. 

January 11. — Kept along the river, and after having rid- 
den some distance through the Narrows at the base of the 
first Blue Mountain, at 9 A. M., came to Chambers' Mill, 1 
at the mouth of Fishing Creek, seven miles above the 
Ferry. The people of the house were very courteous ; 
mentioned that Anton Schmidt 2 had lodged with them sev- 
eral times, and evidenced sincere regard for the Moravians. 
The miller's mother stated that, she had attended worship 
in our church in Philadelphia, and that as for herself she 
sympathized with us in our religious views, having experi- 
enced what we taught, namely, — that love towards Christ 
the Saviour was the sinner's only source of true happiness 
in this life. Although our entertainers sought to dissuade 
iis from venturing any farther, assuring us that in the 
event of a long-continued storm, the journey would be im- 

1 James, Robert, Joseph and Benjamin Chambers immigrated from 
County Antrim, Ireland, between 1726 and 1730. Soon after their ar- 
rival in the Province, they started for its frontiers, and appropriated a 
tract of land at the mouth of Fishing Creek [now in Dauphin Co.], 
■ where they built a mill. James settled subsequently in Cumberland 
Co. ; Robert, near Shippensburg ; and Benjamin and Joseph on the 
site of Chambersburg. Later Joseph returned to the Fishing Creek im- 
provement, and was residing there at the date of this narrative. 

' Anton Schmidt, a native of Hungary, came to Bethlehem in 1746. 
The following year he was appointed the blacksmith at Shamokin. The 
Indians gave him the name of Rachustoni. 



V*V 



Bishop Cammerhoff's Journey to Shamokin, Pa., 17^8. 165 

practicable, we set out at noon. After a few miles ride we 
struck the base of Second Mountain, at a point where it 
butts down to the river's edge, 1 which point is in a line 
with the northern limit of the Proprietaries' land, as fixed 
in the last purchase. 2 We were now in the Indian coun- 
try. The rain continued to beat down, and as we toiled 
through the snow in the JSTarrows, we occasionally lost the 
Indian trail, where it led into the Susquehanna, which had 
overflowed its banks. Nevertheless we kept up heart, and 
felt as though we were being carried along on invisible 
hands. After having crossed several streams, 3 the path left 
the river (which here suddenly bends to the West, and then 
returns upon itself several miles higher up, after describing 
an arc of a circle) and struck up Peter's Mountain, 4 which I 
am inclined to believe is a continuation of the Thurnstein. 5 
The ridge was high and precipitous, and the ascent tried 
our loaded horses' strength. Just as we reached the sum- 
mit, the rain poured down in torrents, and in a few min- 
utes we were wet to the skin. Below us the thick clouds 
were drifting along, the snow lay on the ground to the 
depth of three feet, and there was no longer any vestige of 
a trail. Not venturing to make a random descent, we lost 
some time in searching for tracks, and on discovering what 
had the appearance of a path, led our horses cautiously 

1 In Middle Paxton Township. 

2 By treaty of October 1736, the Five Nations deeded to the Penns, 
"all the lands lying on the east side of the Susquehanna as far as the 
heads or springs running into the same — and all the lands lying west 
of the said river to the setting of the Sim — and to extend from the 
mouth of the Susquehanna northward, up the same, to the hills or 
mountains called in the language of the Five Nations the Tyannu-stasaeta, 
and by the Delawares, Keekaohtanin, i. e., Endless Hills." One of the 
signers of this deed was Caxhayton, an Iroquois Sachem, who was en- 
tertained by Zinzendorf at the Moravian House, Philadelphia, in 1742. 

3 Fishing and Stony Creeks, in Paxton, and Clerk's Creek in Middle 
Rush Township. 

4 Opposite the site of Duncannon. 

5 Named in honor of Zinzendorf, who was also Baron Thurnstein, by 
Conrad Weiser in September of 1742. 



.* 



166 Bishop Cammerhoff's Journey to Shamokin, Pa., 171^8. 

down, after crossing several lesser spurs of the mountain, 
entered the valley in safety. We next forded Powell's 
Creek, 1 and a mile above the point where we again struck 
the Susquehanna, came to the house of a trader, Armstrong 
by name. 2 AVe were now eighteen miles from Harris's 
Ferry. Here we resolved to end the day's journey and pass 
the night, as the rain had not abated, and we were com- 
pletely exhausted. The trader bid us welcome and showed 
us much kindness during our stay. He was well acquainted 
with Schmidt. In the evening a violent storm blew up 
from the South, with rain that poured down in torrents, 
and about midnight there was an appalling crash, and a 
booming report like the discharge of heavy ordnance, which 
told us that the ice in the river had suddenly broken up. 
Amid the fury of the elements, our thoughts reverted to 
Bethlehem, where our Brethren we knew were at this mo- 
ment keeping the vigils of New' Year, according to the old 
style. Daylight revealed a wonderful change without; for 
the deep snow that had filled the valleys had vanished as 
if by magic, and the water-courses were running with ice. 

January 12. — The words of Scripture given us on this 
day for meditation, " Jacob went on his way, and angels 
met him/' 3 reassured us, as we thought of the obstacles 
that w r e would in all probability have to encounter in the 
next stage of our journey. The trader pressed us hard to 
stay with him, urging that we could not possibly continue 

1 A short distance from where Matamoras, in Halifax Township, now 
stands. 

1 James and Alexander Armstrong, Ulster-Scots, were commissioned 
captain and lieutenant in May of 1748, for the defence of the Province. 
Near the mouth of Armstrong's Creek there was a blockhouse built by 
Col. William Clapham in June of 1756, and named by^jrov. Morris 
Halifax. 

s The custom of issuing a collection of daily texts consisting of a 
selection of verses from the Bible for each day, with appropriate col- 
lects, has prevailed in the Moravian Church since the year 1731. They 
are published in the English, German, French, Dutch, Swedish, Dan- 
ish, Bohemian, Eskimo, and Negro-English for Surinam, S. A. 



Bishop Cammerhoffs Journey to Shamokin, Pa., 17 4.8. 167 

on our journey, because of the swollen streams and other 
perils, to which we would expose ourselves. Having 
crossed the creek near his house, 1 and after having passed 
the plantations of several squatters, we suddenly saw the 
river before us. In a narrow part of its channel, 2 the ice 
was dammed up to the height of ten or twelve feet, and the 
Narrows, through which the path along the river wound, 
was overflowed and choked with cakes of ice. It was in 
vain that we endeavored to effect a passage or keep to the 
trail. Foiled in this, we were compelled to climb the spurs 
of the mountain which here abut against the river, until 
we again struck a wide expanse of lowland. It was a la- 
borious task; but we kept brave hearts, and our poor 
horses did their part nobly. After toiling on in this way 
for seven miles we reached the Wisconisco, 3 which ran very 
far above its banks, with an impetuous current, and w T as full 
of floating ice. We were told that any attempt to ford it, 
would be at the peril of our lives. But Powell rode in, 
and as I followed, I encouraged him by the words of the 
text. It was a special Providence that we reached the 
farther bank in safety. A short distance beyond we came 
to a house where we halted. Our host was acquainted 
with our brethren at Shamokin, and had assisted them in 
transporting their supplies. He informed us, that on the 
west bank of the river opposite to his house, began the 
great path to the Allegheny country, estimated to be three 
or four hundred miles distant. 

The country was populous with Indians, and a trader 
with a train of twenty or thirty pack-horses, could in a very 
short time dispose of his wares. He also stated that many 
of the Indians living along the river were removing thither, 
among the number Andrew Montour. 4 Continuing on our 

1 Armstrong's Creek, in Halifax Township. 
3 Probably Berry's Falls. 
8 In Upper Paxton Township. 

* The oldest son of Madam Montour. Zinzendorf thus describes 
him : " Andrew's cast of countenance is decidedly European, and had 



v*V 



168 Bishop Cammerhoff's Journey to Shamokin, Pa., 174.8. 

way, we overtook in the woods two Indian squaws, who 
lived fifty miles above Shamokin, returning from Chambers' 
Mill. At three in the afternoon we reached Benigna's 
Creek, 1 near its outlet, which we found was as wide as the 
Lehigh at Bethlehem. Turning our horses' heads up the 
creek we commenced the search for a ford which had been 
described to us, but were unsuccessful as the large rock 
which was to be our landmark, was covered with water. 
Darkness fist approaching, we resolved to build a fire, and 
encamp under some pines, but to our great joy, we descried 
on the other side of the creek, a house in the distance. 
Our shouts soon attracted the attention of the inmates, who 
upon learning of our situation, volunteered to first bring us 
over in a canoe, and afterwards to swim the horses over. 
At first we hesitated to trust ourselves in so frail a boat, in 
the creek filled with running ice; but commending our- 
selves to the care of the Lord, I crossed first, with all our 
effects, then Powell followed, swimming the horses. One 
of the latter, at one time, was earned by the current under 
the canoe, and almost upset it. Being now but three miles 
from Capt. Thomas McKee's, 2 we determined to press on, 
and took the path over the hills. Losing our way, after 
proceeding about two miles, we turned and attempted to 
force our way between the ice-barrier and rocks along the 
river, but were compelled to return to the house near the 
creek, where we passed the night ; thankful that our Saviour 
had safely brought us one day's journey nearer to Shamokin. 

not his face been encircled with a broad band of paint, applied with 
bear's fat, I would certainly have taken hirn for one. He wore a brown 
broadcloth coat, a scarlet damasken lappel waistcoat, breeches, over 
w T hich his shirt hung, a black cordovan neckerchief, decked with silver 
^bugles, shoes and stockings, and a hat. His ears were hung with pen- 
dants of brass, and other wires plaited together like the handles of a 
basket. He was very cordial, but on my addressing him in French, he 
to my surprise, replied in English." 

1 The Mahantango or Kind Creek. So named by Zinzendorf, after his 
daughter, in September of 1742. 

3 In Lower Mahanoy Township, Northumberland Co. 



Bishop Cammcrhoff's Journey to Shamokin, Pa., 17£8. 1(39 

January 13. — During the night it froze, and the high 
water somewhat subsided. Wc have before us twenty long 
miles to Shamokin, also two bad creeks and the narrowest 
passes along the river to pass. At nine o'clock we readied 
Thomas McXee's, 1 the last white settlement on the river 
below Shamokin. McKee holds a captain's commission 
under the government, is an extensive Indian trader, bears 
a good name among them, and drives a brisk trade with 
the Allegheny Country. His wife, who was brought up 
among the Indians, speaks but little English. They re- 
ceived us with much kindness and hospitality. We took 
the opportunity to converse with him concerning the object 
of our visit to Shamokin, and of our missions among the 
Indians. He is recovering from a serious sickness, and is 
still feeble. During the past summer, he informed us, 
probably one-half of the settlers living along the river died 
from fever and a cough, and that even now many still lay 
sick. He also asked Powell to request me to baptize his 
child on my return. At parting, he cordially invited us 
and our brethren to always make his house their home, 
and that he was willing and ready to serve them as the cir- 
cumstances required. 

Proceeding on our journey we came to the long stretch 
of narrows by the river, and for a short distance worked 
our way between the rocks and ice, but were compelled to 
retrace our steps. Thereupon we crossed three steep hills, 
thence to the low lands, and again to the river. At three 
in the afternoon reached the Mahanoy Creek, 2 up which we 

, In 1743 McKee was an Indian trader and bad his store "at an 
Indian town on the Susquehanna inhabited by Shawneese, whose dialect 
he spoke." In "Gov. Shirley's War" he was chosen a captain by the 
Association of Lancaster County, and commissioned by the Provincial 
Council May 25, 1748. In January of 1756, he was commanded to 
raise a company, and to complete and garrison the fort at Hunter's 
Mill. He was employed in various capacities in Indian affairs, and was 
one of the " Interpreters for the Crown." 

2 Zinzendorf on his way to Shamokin in September of 1742, named 
the Mahanoy, Leinbach's Creek, for Henry Leinbach, one of his fellow- 
travellers. 



*v 



170 Bishop CammerhorY's Journey to Shamokin, Pa., 174.8. 

rode to a ford described to us by McKee. Powell, heading 
his horse up stream, crossed in safety, but mine got into a 
hole, and was carried down some distance, he, however, 
swam with me to land. Night overtook us while still five 
miles from Shamokin, but as it was moonlight we deter- 
mined to push on. Reaching the precipitous Spangenberg, 1 
we laboriously climbed to the summit, and when searching 
for a path to descend on the other side, too late realized 
that the warnings we had received from the settlers, of the 
dangers attending the crossing, were not exaggerated. In 
this search we were unsuccessful; so resolving to trust our- 
selves to the guidance of the Saviour, we began the perilous 
descent, leading our horses by their halters. The snow on 
this side, (north) knee-deep to the horses, was covered with 
a hard-crust, which by the rain had frozen into glib-ice, and 
at the base ran the impetuous Eva Creek 2 into which we 
would have been precipitated, had we slipped. Thanks be 
to God ! for his angels watched over us, and we descended 
in safety. While searching for a ford, we found what we 
thought was a road leading into the creek, but struck a 
wrong one as we subsequently learned. Powell insisted 
upon making the perilous crossing first, with the gray horse, 
laden with three bushels of oats and other baggage. "When 
but a short distance from the shore, the impetuous current 
soon swept both several hundred feet down the stream, and 
all that I could see was the heads of each, and the occasional 
rearing and plunging of the horse, which threatened to 
throw both backwards. Fortunately Powell succeeded in 
grasping the branch of a tree that was hanging over the 
water, and with his left hand controlled his horse. Lifting 
himself to the trunk, he walked along it to the shore iead- 
i ing his horse. My heart and eyes overflowed with tears of 

1 Named for Bishop Spangenberg. Zinzendorf crossed it in 1742, and 
describes it, "a precipitous hill, such as I scarce ever saw. Anna 
Nitschmann, who Is the most courageous of our number, led in the 
descent." 

8 Shamokin Creek. So named in honor of the wife of Bishop Span- 
genberg by Zinzendorf in 1742. 



*v 



Bishop CammerhoJjPs Journey to Shamokin, Pa. y 17 IS. 171 

joy when I saw him land, although so exhausted and chilled, 
he could scarcely utter a word. He begged of me not to 
follow him, but await his return from Shamokin with assist- 
ance. I then called to him to be of good heart, and prayed 
to the Lord to give him strength, as I was apprehensive he 
might from exhaustion, give out and be frozen to death. 
Meanwhile Mack 1 who had been expecting our arrival for 
a day or so, had a feeling that we could not be far distant, 
and although nine o'clock, left his house, and when half a 
mile from the town met Powell, now almost insensible from 
exhaustion and the cold. Together they hastened to the town, 
where my companion was provided with warm clothing and 
restoratives by his brethren. After Powell disappeared, I 
succeeded in finding a protected spot near the creek for a 
camp, unloaded my horse and tied him to a tree, and en- 
deavored to make a fire, for I was cold and wet, and my 
clothes stiff with ice, since swimming the last creek. "While 
thus engaged, my horse tore loose, swam the creek, and 
went in the direction of Shamokin. I was in a fearful 
frame of mind thinking he might be met by some of my 
brethren, who would be terrified lest some accident had 
befallen me. Fortunately he was not found until three 
o'clock, when my situation was fully known. After wait- 
ing one hour and a half, Mack and Anton Schmidt, who 
had been informed by Powell of my situation, appeared on 
the opposite bank, and commenced to construct a raft with 
which to bring me across. By two o'clock they finished 
building it, but owing to the wood being green, it would 

1 John Martin Mack, for many years a missionary among the Indians, 
was born 13th April, 1715, at Leysingen, in Wurttemberg. In 1740 be 
came to Pennsylvania, and was one of the founders of Bethlehem. In 
1745, he and his wife were sent to Shamokin, " the very seat of the Prince 
of darkness," he states in his autobiography, "where we resided four 
months, and were in constant danger. There was scarcely a night hut 
we were compelled to leave our hut, and hide in the woods, from fear 
of the drunken savages." In 1747 he again visited the town, where he 
remained until the arrival of Bishop CammerhofF, as noted further on 
in this narrative. He died on Santa Cruz, W. I., January 9, 1784. 



V*V 



172 Bishop (Jammer ho fjP s Journey to Shamokm, Pa., 1748. 

only bear the weight of one person, so this attempt to succor 
me had to he abandoned. In the meantime I had succeeded 
in making a fire, when seeing me more comfortable my 
brethren returned to Shamokin for more assistance. By 
five o'clock my heart was gladdened to see Mack, Anton, 
and James Logan [a son of Shikellmy] , dragging a sled 
after them upon which was a canoe, which Anton quickly 
launched and crossed over to me. Hastily collecting my 
things together, I recrossed with him, and finalVr, escorted 
by my rescuers, we entered Shamokin at daybreak on 
Sunday. 

January 14. — Shikellmy, 1 when informed of my arrival, 
came to see me, gave me his hand and welcomed me with 
smiles, and also expressed regret at my fatiguing journey. 
When he was told that I was T'girhitontie's [the Indian 
name of Bishop Spangenberg] younger brother, he greeted 
me as such without scruple. After leaving me, all his sons 
and their children called, and later sundry Delawares and 
Tudelars. During the day I visited Hagen's 2 grave, which 
is in the corner of a field near the Susquehanna. I ascer- 
tained that our brethren are on intimate terms with Shik- 
ellmy and his family; that the Indians begin to understand 
and appreciate our motives in coming to live among them, 
and say that we are different from other white people ; and 
contrary to their reluctance and prejudice to teach whites 
their language, cheerfully instruct us. Bro. Mack and his 
wife 3 are especially held in high esteem, as they speak their 

*For a biographical sketch of Shikellmy and his sons, see Memorials 
of the Moravian Church, Vol. I. pp. 83-84. 

'John Hagen, from Brandenburg, was sent in 1740 to the mission 
among the Cherokees in Georgia. In 1742 he returned to Bethlehem, 
.and served in the mission among the Mohicans of New York, and the 
Delawares and Susquehanna tribes. He died at Shamokin, September 
16, 1747. 

3 On September 14, 1742, Mack married Jeanette Kau, whose knowl- 
edge of the Mohawk dialect she had acquired in the home of her child- 
hood, and of the Delaware, rendered her an efficient assistant in the 
mission. She died in December of 1749. 



Bishop Cammcrhoff's Journey to Shamokin, Pa., 17 £8. 173 

language and are always ready to assist in cases of sickness. 
Our smith is kept constantly employed, many Indians com- 
ing from a great distance. 

Recently an Indian from Wyoming came to our house, 
when he was invited to enter and warm himself hy the fire. 
After a long silence he turned to Sr. Mack and said : " I 
have heen in Shamokin nearly two days and have visited in 
all the houses, yet no one has offered me anything to eat. 
Will not the white squaw give me something to eat, for I 
am suffering ?" Thereupon she gave him some bread and 
meat, for which he expressed hearty thanks and departed. 

Last August turnips were planted in our lot, and the 
yield was large. A quantity was distributed among our 
friends, and Shikellmy, who is always delighted with a 
present of some, and in return treats us to venison. 

Logan's wife, who is a Mohican and a relative of Abra- 
ham's, 1 was much impressed with the visit of Mack and 
Nathaniel last autumn. While away on the annual hunt 
last November, her little daughter died, being as she in- 
formed us, bewitched by a Delaware sorcerer. She immedi- 
ately returned home with the body, and asked for nails and 
wood to make a coffin, which we gave her. To Sr. Mack 
she related that the child, shortly before it died, said to her, 
" Mother, I wall soon die ; greet the white people, and tell 
them that I never stole turnips ; they must not suspect me 
of such a theft, for when I wanted any, I asked for them." 
When the mother asked whether her daughter would go to 
our God, Sr. Mack replied in the affirmative, and spoke of 
the love of God to children. Our brethren attended the 
funeral. The mother showed them the corpse in the coffin 
with its presents, viz. : a blanket, several pairs of moccassins, 
buckskin for new ones, needle and thread, a kettle, two 
hatchets, and flint, steel and tinder ; so that on its arrival in 
the new country, it could go at once to housekeeping. Be- 
sides, it was beautifully painted, and had a supply of bear's 

1 "Mohican Abraham," or "Captain Abraham," was one of the first 
Moravian converts. He died at Wyoming in December, 1762. 



v* V 



174 Bishop Ga?nmerhoff' i s Journey to Shamokin y Pa. y 17 4.8. 

meat, Indian corn and a calabash. The family thought it 
cruel in us not to have supplied Bro. Hagen with all these 
things when he was buried, but we explained to them, that 
as soon as we come to the Saviour, He would supply us 
with all we needed. The mother sat by the grave, and 
wept and sang "Wake up, my child, arise and eat; for five 
days ye have tasted no food — this my child was killed by the 
sorcerer!" In these lamentations she was joined by another 
squaw. After the funeral she presented Sr. Mack with a 
quart iin y saying: " This belonged to my daughter — accept 
it in remembrance of her." It is an Indian custom, that 
when one dies, not all the effects are buried, but some are 
reserved for distribution among friends. 

During the afternoon, with Bro. Mack, we visited Shik- 
ellmy and his family. Last autumn many of his family 
died, viz. : his wife, his oldest son's wife and five children, 
three of Logan's children, and his son-in-law and some of 
his children. 

January 15, — This morning I sent for Shikellmy, and re- 
quested him to assemble his council in our house, as I had 
something to communicate to them. "We decided upon the 
afternoon for the interview, after which he sat awhile with 
us and smoked by the hearth. The cap I was wearing 
seemed to " strike his fancy," and he asked whether we 
made such things in Bethlehem. " Yes," I replied, " and 
if you visit Bethlehem in the spring, I will present you with 
one." I then invited him to dinner, which he accepted, 
deeming it a great honor. After dinner we sat around the 
fire, and for nearly an hour he instructed me in the Maqua 
tongue. Later he left to summon his councilors, and we 
conferred with Bro. Powell, who is now to take charge ot 
the Shamokin Economy. The Council met, viz. : Shikellmy 
and his two sons, with Logan's wife as interpreter. His 
oldest son is sick, and the other Iroquois councilors are 
absent on the hunt. Bro. Mack translated my words into 
Mohican to Logan's wife, she then into Shawanese to her 
husband, and he into Oneida for his father. Shikellmy 



*v 



Bishop Cammerhoff's Journey to Skamokin, Pa., 1748. 175 

arose and said : " Do not take it amiss, my brother, that I 
speak first. You said that you wished to tell me and my 
brethren some words ; but first I must tell you something. 
Mv brother, do not take it amiss, that the smith at Shamo- 
kin up to this time, has not had more meat to eat. I have 
been sick, and so have my sons and their children, and 
many of them have died. We have been mourning and un- 
able to go on the hunt, but when we recover, we will go 
on the hunt, and the smith and his wife shall have plenty 
to eat," 

Cammerhoff. — " Shikellmy my brother ! T'girhitontie, your 
and my brother has heard of your sickness, and he sym- 
pathizes with you. We rejoice to see that you are conval- 
escent, and T'girhitontie wishes you to keep up a good 
heart. (These remarks appeared to please them all very 
much.) Shikellmy my brother ! my brother the smith, and 
his brethren in Shamokin, are not dissatisfied, they have 
had as much meat as was necessary. T'girhitontie and his 
brethren are also not dissatisfied, but rejoice of your kind- 
ness towards them." 

Shikellmy. — " So far the smith has only taken deer skins 
compensation for his work. Cannot he also take raccoon, 
fox, wild-cat and otter skins, at the market price? Some 
of us are old and can no more follow the deer. T'girhi- 
tontie and his brethren could as well take other skins and 
sell them, and in this way the smith will be paid for all his 
work." 

Cammerhoff. — " Shikellmy my brother ! T'girhitontie 
and his brethren are no traders, nor do they traffic in furs. 
This is not their business, and hence the smith cannot take 
all kinds of skins. The deer-skins, T'girhitontie uses to 
make breeches, caps, gloves, &c, for his brethren. But as 
1 we love you, the smith may sometimes take otter, raccoon, 
and fox skins, when they are good. We have also instructed 
the smith not to deliver any work until it is paid for, else he 
be cheated." 

Shikellmy. — " My brother ! I always have told the smith 



v*V 



176 Bishop Cammerkoff's Journey to Shamokin, Pa,, 17 4.8. 

not to trust every Indian, but as soon as lie mended a gun 
or put it in order, to keep it until it is paid for. "Why did 
he trust? I knew he would be deceived!" [He aimed 
this cut at the Delawares, whom the Iroquois despised. — 
Cammerhoff.'] 

Cammerhoff. — " Shikellmy my brother ! The smith loves 
the Indians, and hence he trusted them. "When Indians 
come to him from out of the woods with their broken guns, 
he dislikes to send them back to get skins, for they would 
lose several days of the hunt, hence also be trusted them. 
But he finds that he is being cheated, and is unwilling to 
trust any more." 

Shikellmy. — " Cannot the smith also take bear and elk 
skins for his work ?" 

Cammerhoff. — " He can take as many bear skins as are 
brought, for be and his brethren need them to sleep on. 
But it is best that he be paid in deer skins, for T'girhitontie 
and bis people are no traders." 

Shikellmy. — " Now, my brethren, I have said all I had to 
say, and I thank you for your answers. Now you can 
speak." 

Cammerhoff. — " T'girhitontie and all his brethren, send 
greetings to Bro. Shikellmy and his brethren ! T'girhiton- 
tie said * Shikellmy my brother, I send to you this my 
younger brother, to greet you and to state my joy, that you 
are again well, for I love you tenderly. Johanan [Zinzen- 
dorf] my brother, who lives over the great water and whom 
you know, for you accompanied him to Wyoming — has 
sent his younger brother over the great water, to greet you 
and your brethren and tell them that he loves you.' I have 
sent the smith here, to aid and work for you; and I rejoice 
that you all love him. Continue to do so. I need my Bro. 
Mack and his wife at Bethlehem, but I have sent Bro. 
Powell to live with the smith and to help him. I love him 
and do you also love him. 

" Shikellmy, my brother ! You said that you would give 
the smith and his brethren more land to plant corn, pump- 



.Bishop Cammerhop's Journey to Shamoldn, Pa., 174.8* 177 

kins and turnips. Do as you said, so they may begin to 
split rails and fence it in before planting time. 

" Shikellmy my brother ! It would delight us to have 
you visit Bethlehem. If you are accompanied by your son 
James and his Mohican wife, and your other sons, they will 
be heartily welcomed. 

" I have said all that I had to say, and thank you for your 
attention. You have leave to reply if you have anything to 
say." 

. Shikellmy, — " Greet Bro. T'girhitontie and his brethren, 
and tell them, that as soon as the weather becomes warmer, 
so that I can sleep in the woods, I will come to Bethlehem." 

At the close of the interview, I distributed the following 
presents, viz.: to Shikellmy, a pair of fine red blankets; to 
his three sons, each a knife; and to the Mohican woman, a 
gay colored handkerchief. We then accompanied Shikellmy, 
who pointed out to us the land he proposed to give to the 
smith. I stated that Bro. Powell would make the rails, and 
when finished, they should direct him where to run the fence. 

After our return to the house we held a Conference and 
resolved : 

First, That the smith decline to trust. 

Second, That we entertain no Indians, as it makes Shikell- 
my distrustful. There are special houses provided for visit- 
ing Indians in the town, and for us to lodge them would be 
a mark of great confidence. 

Third, The smith must decline to trust a trader. 

Fourth, No Indian must be trusted on a trader's account, 
lest the Indians think we will trust a trader sooner than 
them. 

Fifth, Our brethren must not interfere with, or pass judg- 
ment in case of any dispute between Indians and traders, nor 
interfere with their bargains. 

Sixth } We must impress upon the Indians that we are not 
traders. 

Seventh, That we must not lead them into temptation by 
allowing many things to be about the shop. 
vol. xxrx. — 12 



;*^ 



178 Bishop Cammerhoff*s Journey to Shamokin, Pa., 17^.8, 

Eighth, Traders shall not be entertained — send them all 
to Shikellmy. The only exception is Capt. McKee. 

Ninth , Always be punctiliously and scrupulously truthful 
to the Indians, — never say that we have nothing, when we 
have. 

Tenth, Owing to our circumstances, we cannot be as hos- 
pitable to the Indians here as at Bethlehem ; but always be 
self-denying " to the last crust," to the needy, suffering and 
sick. 

Eleventh, Our brethren are to visit the Indians frequently 
in their huts, and no partiality must be shown to Iroquois, 
Delawares or Tudelars. 

Twelfth, Strive to secure the good-will of Shikellmy and 
his family, and invite them frequently to dinner. 

Thirteenth, Xo more land is to be accepted of the Indians 
than is absolutely necessary for our wants, and is to be 
farmed in the Indian manner. Only corn, beans, potatoes 
and turnips are to be raised. 

At the conclusion of our Conference, we celebrated the 
Holy Communion, all six of us being present. 

January 16. — After taking leave of Shikellmy and our 
brethren, at seven o'clock I set out on my return journey, 
accompanied by Bro. Mack and his wife. Crossed the Span- 
genberg in safety, and struck the trail which leads over the 
three high ridges between the Spangenberg and the Thiirn- 
stein. 

Towards evening we crossed Benigna's Creek, and thence 
to the Double Eagle, 1 and encamped at a spring two miles 
beyond. As it rained hard until midnight, we had but little 
sleep. 

January 17. — By three o'clock (A.M.) the weather cleared, 
*and the moon shining brightly, we continued on our way. 
At dawn of day, as we were passing through Anna's Val- 
ley, 2 a sudden storm of thunder and lightening overtook 

1 The "Spread Eagle" is noted on Scull's map of 1759. 
3 Probably Lyken's Valley. Named for Anna Nitechmann, who ac- 
companied Zinzendorf to Shamokin in 1742. 



*v 



Bishop Cammer hop's Journey to Skamokin, Pa.> 17 £8. 179 

us, and for one hour it rained in torrents. This was suc- 
ceeded by so dense a fog, that we could scarcely see a few feet 
in front of our horses. At noon we reached the Thiirnstein, 
where we found deep snow. The ascent was perilous as 
well as fatiguing, owing to the glib-ice. By two o'clock we 
had crossed the Mountain, and struck the Swatara thence 
through Anton's Wilderness, 1 to the Kittatinny Hills by sun 
down. Being but twelve miles from Loesh's we determined 
to push on, and by ten o'clock arrived at this house, where, 
although unexpected, we were given a hearty welcome. 

January 19. — To-day we safely reached Bethlehem, by 
the way of Heidelberg and Mexatawny. 2 

1 Noted on Lewis Evans' map of 1749. 

2 The name of a township in Berks County. 



*v 



180 Letters of James II Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 



LET*TEES OF JAMES II. WATMOUGH TO HIS WIFE, 

1785. 

BY JAMES II. WATMOUGH U.S.N. 

(Continued from page 43.) 

Saturday 95. Nov., in Belfast. — Oh ! my beloved: I wish 
I had words adequate to describe to you the horrors of a 
storm. Soon after we put to Sea, the wind came contrary, 
and blew T so violent a hurricane; the current set so much to 
the Northward, that we could not get back. The channel 
is dangerous and bad; we beat aud w r ere tossed about at the 
mercy of the waves. The storm continued increasing till 
yesterday, we then attempted to get into the Isle of Man, 
but the weather was so foggy and bad that w r e could not 
weather the Island to get in to the Harbour. To stay at sea 
we could not any longer without being inevitably lost, so the 
Captain resolved on bearing away for this place as the only 
port we could get in. The storm still continued increasing, 
however, providentially, we got in at night, and happy was I 
to see ourselves once more safe. This morning w r e came up 
to Town in a Boat. Your heart my beloved Anna, would 
have melted to have seen the distress of the poor passengers 
in the Hold of the ship, for expecting a short passage they 
were short of provisions, and a parcel of sick children. You 
know I am a tolerable nurse. I had my hands full in the 
Cabbin. The Town of Belfast is situated at the Head of the 
Bav or Lough of Belfast, about 12 miles from the sea. We 
passed the City of Carrickfergus, a place famous in the annals 
of Ireland, as also for the Landing of Thurot, in the year 
1759, which however, cost him dear, as he lost his life and 
his squadron was captured by Corn 6 Elliot. It is now a 
paltry place and going to decay. Belfast is a place of con- 
siderable trade, the chief market for Irish Linnens. The 



Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 17S5. 181 

Town is small" and in it there is nothing remarkable; it is 
without exception the most filthy dirty place I ever was in. 
The streets are paved, but I had rather walk through the 
deep clay of Wilmington, than in the street of this abomin- 
able filthy place. The Linnen Hall is a large building 386 
feet by 250 feet; I went in to see it, but at present there is 
no Linnens in it; they tell me it i3 full four times a year. 
The Exchange is a neat place, and the Xew Church is as 
elegant a building as ever I saw ; the inside is real Mahogony, 
which makes it look gloomy. There is a play House in the 
Town : I went to see the " Beaux Stratagem," the farce 
was " Midas." The House is small, the musick shocking, 
the Actors but indifferent, except one, a Mr. Lee Lewis, who 
is from London. I wash I had something worthy your notice 
to mention, but helas ! Belfast is everything that is dirty and 
indifferent. It is now Monday, and still detained here; the 
volatile Lady keeps up all our Spirits. I am invited to the 
play by Mr. Lewis and his Lady, also to sup and drink Tea 
with them ; therefore you may expect something tomorrow 
from me, — so adieu, My beloved Anna! 

Tuesday 22. Nov. — I w T as at the play last night; they acted 
" "Which is the man," a most excellent comedy. I never 
was more entertained at a play; the characters were all 
well supported; Lewis shone in that of Lord Sparkle. I 
shall send you the play by Capt. Gilpin ; the farce was 
"High Life below stairs;" you know it is a vulgar piece. 
The House was full and some very well looking women 
though not dressed in best style — rather in the outre of 
the old style. I supped w T ith Lewis, the actor; his wife is 
a fine woman, and exceeding sensible ; I w^as well pleased 
with her; she and our volatile fair passenger, made w T it 
pass about gallantly. You may condemn me for my ac- 
quaintance, but w T e retired home at midnight. This part 
of the Country is terrible, we have nothing but rain. I am 
now happy to inform you, the wnnd has got fair, (if you 
knew it at present, as also my situation) I am sure my 
beloved Anna ! you would say was the best thing yet men- 



182 Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 

tioned in my Journal;— I hope soon now to get to my 
destined port, and meet Gilpin, who will then convey my 
Epistles to you. Should he be sailed, for America, (I 
tremble at the thought) What would you think of me ? I 
doubt not but in Liverpool they will think the pacquet lost; 
Gilpin will undoubtedly imagine I was in her. Cap' n . Gil- 
pin used me very ill, in leaving me behind at Cork. I am 
called to go on board; Adieu to Belfast, never, never do I 
desire to put my feet in the disagreeable, filthy place again. 
Adieu my love ! I hope soon to renew my Journal in that 
blest Isle, Britain. There was at the play a Lady that re- 
sembled you ; I believe she thought me very impertinent 
for I gazed very hard at her; it gave me some satisfaction, 
as it put agreeable ideas of my beloved Anna in my head. 
Adieu ! 

Liverpool, 7. Decern. — Happy at last my well beloved ! in 
writing from this place. We sailed from the Harbors of 
Belfast on the 29 th , past, early in the morning, but did not 
make much progress, as it was calm, but in the evening the 
wind got round to the North-West and blew a fresh gale. 
The next morning, made the Welsh Coast, and about five 
in the evening landed. We all adjourned to a public House, 
and the next day I got into private Lodgings at a Miss 
Glegge, in Drury lane. I was made happy the next morn- 
ing in finding Gilpin was arrived that day, accordingly I 
got my things ashore, as well from the paquet as from the 
B ri gg, and cleared them at the Custom house. Now as 
soon as I have finished my letters to go out by Gilpin, I 
shall loose no time, and proceed on to London from whence 
my next shall be directed to you. I have seen Liverpool 
and of course must attempt to describe it to you. It is 
situated on the North side of the River Mersey, about three 
miles from the sea, and though a large commercial Town, 
the navigation to it is intricate and dangerous to strangers ; 
the tide is rapid, and ebbs and flows very considerable, ac- 
cordingly for the safety of shipping, they have been obliged 
to build docks for them, which are grand and spacious ; 



Letters of James II Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 183 

they have cost an immenseity of money, and from the num- 
ber of ships in them, the major part of them large and 
beautiful!, a stranger is immediately struck with amazement 
at the commerce and riches that must naturally come and 
£0 from this place. I am informed that really more ship- 
ping are owned here than in London ; their Guinae Trade 
alone employs near 200 sail of large shipping ; their W. 
India trade twice the number; on the whole, between 1500 
and 2000 sail of ships are owned in Liverpool. Every 
person in the place are in Trade; in the last 30 years Liv- 
erpool has become twice its size. In the begennlng of this 
century the Town was a paltry place, but now is the second 
place of Trade in the Kingdom. The new streets are 
spacious and well built, Duke Street in particular is elegant; 
some of the squares are neat, particularly Clayton Square 
and Williamson square ; in this last is the Theatre which 
is a neat and elegant House at which I was much pleased 
being well contrived for the Spectators to come in and go 
out. I saw them act several peices, though none of the 
actors are Capital, they are in general tolerable. I saw the 
other night " Venice preserved," Jaffier by a Major Hallay- 
day, and Pierre by a Cap tn Hash, both of the Army ; they 
really acted well as private gentlemen : Belvedere by Mrs. 
Kemble; she did exceeding well, tho' the first time she 
appeared in that Character. I saw Major Hallayday act 
Hamlet, was pleased with him. The Churches in Liver- 
pool are in general beautiful, of Hewn stone; the Exchange 
is a spacious building, but from the overload of Archi- 
tectural ornaments appears very heavy and clumsy. The 
Concert room is a large, neat building. The Corporation 
of Liverpool are very public spirited ; they buy up all the 
old Houses, enlarge the streets, and build new ones in a 
tasty style, which they either lett or sell, as may suit the 
people ; in short, this place bids fair to be in the course of 
a few years an elegant place. The form is now a half circle, 
but from the building going forward, will soon become a 
square. The people are by no means sociable, being all 



184 Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 

merchants, they are reserved to strangers. I had a letter 
to a Mr. Leland, but though I waited on him twice, left a 
card, still he never returned my visit; he had however, the 
politeness to ask me if I wanted any money. The women 
in general are neither handsome or ugly; I have not seen 
one handsome woman in Liverpool, though have been at 
all public places ; nor do they dress tolerable. There is 
here a most elegant Inn; the building is large and fitted up 
in the most elegant manner; the Coffee room is about 70 
feet by 30, kept in the most neat and cleanly manner. I 
was amazed at the neatness of it. The man showed me 
the whole House ; they accommodate to dinner between 6 
and 700 people. Living is cheap, and the markets well 
supplied, and I believe House rent is reasonable. I have 
nothing more to say respecting this town. 

Tims far, my Dear Anna! I have transmitted you my 
remarks per Gilpin, who has also two private letters for 
you, also one for Mr. Footman, one for our Dear sister 
Sally, also a Box containing two pieces of Chintz, 2 Shawls, 
some books, needles, pins, etc., which I hope you will re- 
ceive safe. Adieu My beloved Anna! to-morrow I start 
for London, and believe me most devotedly 

Yours 

J. H. W. 

Liverpool, 7 Dec. 1786. 

Letter 2d. 
My Dearest Anna. 

The continued rains and exceeding bad weather detained 
me in Liverpool till this day, Monday the 18. Dec. I 
crossed the River, took a post-chaise for Chester in com- 
pany with a Mr. Foster; we stopped at a small place called 
Nesson. I waited on the old Lady, I mentioned to you in 
my last ; conversation with her I shall mention to you in 
my private line. We arrived in Chester in the evening, 
put up at the White Lion. The ride from London to 
Chester is very bad, being a bye road and the rains had 



Letters of James II. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 185 

made it almost intolerable. I was sorry no stage was to 
post till Wednesday morning. 

19. Dec. — I walked round the walls of the City, and 
went to see everything that was worthy of notice. This 
City is one of the most antient in England, and is really a 
curiosity, the walk on the Top of the Walls is really ele- 
gant, and the prospect from them elegant. The Town is 
situated on the River Dee, the circumference of it is about 
ten miles and a half — not much more; there is an old 
Castle, which is now Garrisoned by some invalids; the 
Cathedral is an antient building and very extensive, the 
style is Gothic; the choir is really beautiful and the carved 
work and ornaments are peculiar, more to be admired for 
their antiquity than for anything else. Besides the choir, 
their is a Chapel in the Cathedral, and also a Parish 
Church, and an amazing extensive Hall, in which are many 
elegant monuments; round the Choir are several antient 
tombs. They opened one in which was a leaden coffin ; 
the keeper told me was the Tomb of Henry the Fourth, 
Emperor of Germany ; I told the man that I believed he 
must be mistaken, for that Henry was murdered by his 
own son in Germany, and that of course he would hardly 
be sent to Chester to be interred; but these keepers* 
must have something to amuse the people with and some- 
thing wonderful to relate. I took no pains to contradict 
him. The Cathedral was really worth seeing; it suffered 
considerably during Cromwell's usurpation. The Town is 
very singularly built; the Houses are all antique, the streets 
narrow, few people walk in them — as for Foot passage they 
go up steps : — and passages leads nearly similar to a Gal- 
lery in the Houses; and you have shops each side of you, 
and the second story of the Houses, goes over your Heads, 
therefore, at all times, you are sheltered, it really forms an 
odd appearance. Some parts of the Town is built in the 
modern style, and those Houses are neat if not elegant. 
The Bisop's palace, ajoining the Cathedral, was formerly 
a part of the monastry but is now a little modernized. The 



*v 



186 Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 

Trade of Chester is triffling, excepting the fair held twice a 
year for Irish linnens; they have a cotton manufactory, but 
it is in its infancy. I saw a remarkable Mill here, worked 
merely by steam of boiling water, it grinds with five pair 
of stones — it is really a curious piece of Mechanism, in- 
vented by a Mr. Bolton, who has a patent for the making 
of them ; where fuel is cheap and water scarce, they are 
amazing useful. 

December 30, at 3 o'clock on the morning, I left Chester, 
in the post coach, it snowed and was disagreeable weather, 
and being solus, made it very uncomfortable. I arrived 
just at daylight at Wkitechurch, the first Town in Shrop- 
shire, where at the stage house we breakfast and take fresh 
Horses. 

As we rode through the Town I was pleased with it, 
being a neat, well built place, and though only an inland 
trade, the people all appeared busy and industrious ; it is 20 
miles from Chester. We passed through Fernhill and 
Newport, as also through several neat Villages ; the Country 
was elegant and highly improved. Shropshire is reckoned 
one of the most fruitful Counties in England. We passed 
several elegant seats, particularly those of a Mr. Sandford, 
Lord Clive, a Sir E. Halls, and many others whose names I 
did not learn. Newport is a considerable Town and neatly 
built; the improvements of a Mr. Lloyd about it are con- 
siderable and extensive. Four miles beyond Newport we 
entered Staffordshire, the first sixteen miles was really ele- 
gant and a rich Country; we passed a most magnificent 

seat of a Sir Bridgham; his House, out Houses etc., 

appeared like a small Town. We passed several Towns of 
small note, and arrived at 4 oclock at Stonall, 54 miles 
from Chester, dined here. We soon left this place and 
rode over an immense heath; it was about 7 miles broad, 
only here and there are improvements, it belongs to Lord 
Thanet; it is near 30 miles long, and it is a pity it is not 
improved. On the Heath are very considerable coal mines, 
which supply the neighboring Towns of Litchfield, Bir- 



Letters of James IL Watmoiigh to his Wife, 17S5. 187 

rningham and Coventry. I arrived at the last mentioned 
place at about nine oclock at night; it is in Warwickshire. 
Staffordshire is famous for its manufactories of Queensware, 
porcelain etc., which supply almost the whole world, and is 
brought to the greatest perfection by Mr. Wedgewood, 
Wolfe, and others ; the latter Gentleman invited me to his 
House, but my hurry to get to London, deprived me of that 
pleasure. Coventry is a poor insignificant Town, but very 
antient, famous for the manufactory of Ribbons and Gowns. 
Yen* few genteel families reside in it; the present Mayor of 
Coventry is a peruke-maker and Hair dresser; from which 
you may easily judge of the consequence. The Country 
about it, is beautiful, and I heartiful wished to have had day 
light to have seen it. I left this place at four in the morn- 
ing of the 21st, passed the Town of Dunchurch,and entered 
Northamptonshire; arrived at Daventry, 19 miles from 
Coventry, at about 9 o'clock, and breakfasted. It is a 
small market Town ; took up a Young Gentleman who is 
going to London for the Hollidays ; I was happy to have 
some body to talk with. This is an elegant Country and 
exceeding well wooded, and we had not left Daventry above 
two miles, before our driver had a quarrel with a Carter on 
the road; — from words a challenge ensued; they both 
stripped, had a boxing match, and in about eight minutes 
victory was in favor of the Carter. I cannot say but I was 
pleased as the Coachman was the first offender. Some 
more blows were given, the Coachman had two black eyes, 
a most terrible bruised nose, and looked miserably, he how- 
ever, dressed, mounted his box and drove on. We passed 
Towcester, near which is the elegant seat of Earl Pornfert ; 
the House is beautiful. From Towcester to Stony Strafford 
is 8 miles, six miles of which you ride through the seat or 
grounds of the Duke of Grafton, called Wakefield Lodge. 
His lands are 17 miles wide; the forest is elegant; this 
place belongs to the Crown, but the Grafton family are 
Hereditary Rangers thereof, which brings him in an immense 
revenue. The Timber i3 for the use of the Navy. 



188 Letters of James II. Watmough to Ids Wife, 1785. 

Stony Strafford, is a neat clever Town ; here we changed 
Horses and carnage, and took up an elderly Lady. We 
soon entered Bedfordshire, passed the Town of Brickhill, 
and after passing through a delightful Country, and crossed 
an immense high mountain which was entirely chalk, we 
arrived at Dunstable about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, 57 
miles from Coventry. Had we taken the road through 
Northhampton, we should have passed the seat of the Duke 
of Bedford, called Wooburn Abbey ; but we left it on the 
left, about 2 miles. At Dunstable we dined ; this Town is 
remarkable for nothing but the Hats which are called after 
it and made here ; from hence to St. Albans, in Hartford- 
shire, is 12 miles. As it became soon dark, I can say 
nothing about the Country, except that as it advances near 
the Metropolis, you may imagine it is highly improved and 
filled with seats of the Nobility and Gentry. St. Albans is 
a very old Town and large, and gives the Title of Duke, or 
more properly speaking is a Duchy, there is the remains of 
an old convent, I was exceedingly sorry it was dark, as 
the improvements about here are grand. We passed Barnet, 
another small but neat Town, just the entrance of Middle- 
sex. Leaving Barnet we crossed Finchley Common, a 
noted place for Highwaymen, but as all coaches travel with 
a Guard, it now seldom happens they are stopped. We 
arrived at Highgate about J past 8 o'clock, and as soon as 
the coach stopped at the Inn, some chaps came out to swear 
us at Highgate ; Mrs. Footman will inform you of the cere- 
mony. I could not help smiling at the different ways peo- 
ple have to get money to drink. At Highgate they have 
had this custom time immemorial. This place though for- 
merly 6 miles from London, now joins it, for from hence 
through Bentish Town and Tothill Court-road is one con- 
tinued line of buildings. We arrived at the Golden Cross 
Charing Cross at \ past nine o'clock; I was heartily 
fatigued, being just 186 miles from Chester. I lodged at 
the Inn and was so tired that I did not get up till near 12 
o'clock the next day. 



Letters of James II. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 189 

Dec. 22 nd - — I walked down to my friend Jordan's, only 
about four miles ; he was astonished to see me and insisted 
on my making his House my Headquarters. I found my 
friends both of London and Amsterdam were at Bath, and 
my other friends out in the Country for the Holy days. 
Mr. J. sent for my trunks, and I went with him to his 
father's seat near Chislehurst, in Kent, about 15 miles from 
London, where I was most friendly received. The place is 
elegant and the House spacious, and in the neighborhood 
are the seats of Lord Camden and Lord Sydny. On Xmas 
day dined with a Mr. Bernard, and on Tuesday, 26 th , re- 
turned to London. T went to Mr. AYmthorps, who received 
me most cordially, and gave me one invitation to make his 
House my own when not better engaged. His Children 
are grown up, they were exceeding happy to see me and 
asked rne many questions about you. On Saturday dined 

with a M r . and M™. S , went with them to Drury Lane 

Theatre, saw " Every man in his Humor," with " Harlequins 
Invasion," I wished most ardently that you and our dear 
sister were there : — Smith did Betely wonderfully, Young- 
Bannister Cap*. Bobbadil; I was exceedingly entertained. 
Drury Lane play House is neat and elegant; the Boxes all 
with crimson paper and a neat gold Border ; the Musick 
was divine. The Boxes were filled with Belles ; it is the 
fashion for Ladies to come in dishabille, neither Cap nor 
Hat; you can see this custom is the Ton. After the play 
I went to M rs . L.'s seat, at Peckham, in Surry, and spent 
the Sunday most agreeably with them and their amiable 
family of Young Ladies. I have walked about this over- 
grown City ; I shall then attempt to give you a small de- 
scription, as by that time I shall have seen it and its curi- 
osities. It is eight years since I was in London, and I am 
confident it is one-fifth larger than it was then and amaz- 
ingly improved. Apropos Col. Smith is married to Miss 
Adams, our Ambassador's daughter. The Prince of AVales 
is in London, he pretends to be amazingly poor, in order 
to get money to support Fox against Pitt ; he even pretends 



*v 



190 Letters of James II. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 

to be a Bankrupt; he has called his creditors together; 
stopped the Building of his Palace; in short he is using 
-, every artifice to raise compassion in the minds of the people 
to get money; — he has no other wants but money to use in 
Political persuits. I am told he has quarreled with Mrs. 
Fitzherbert, his supposed wife ; — what a fool that woman 
must be with £8000 per annum, to become the mistress of 
the Prince of Wales. He is a handsome, elegant man, (so 
much in his praise); his sisters are three divinities, and 
universally admired and adored. The Duchess of Devon- 
shire is become domesticated, suckles her child, seldom 
goes to Court. In my next, I shall have an abundance to 
relate. I shall now" conclude, Adieu my ever beloved 
Anna! 

I remain 

Yours 

J. H. W. 
London, 2 Jany. 1787. 

(To be continued.) 



v* V 



Letters of Some Members of the Old Qmgress. 191 



LETTERS OF SOME MEMBERS OF THE OLD 
CONGRESS. 

[The originals of the following letters of some members of the Old 
Congress, are in the Ferdinand J. Dreer Collection of Manuscripts, of 
The Historical Society of Pennsylvania.] 

SELECTED BY MISS J. C. WYLIE, CUSTODIAN. 

Gunning Bedford to (Gen'l Schuyler ?) 

Philada March 20 th 1776 
Hon d Sir, 

I transmit you by the hands of my worthy friend Mr. 
Chase, the Rolls of three Regiments. I have now in my 
hands five more raised in this Province, and one in the 
three lower counties on Delaware. The Rolls of two of 
them are nearly compleated, and shall be able to transmit 
them in a few days, the rest in the course of a few weeks. 

I understand you were pleased some time ago to write to 
the Congress, to order the M. Master to the northward, An 
order in consequence passed for my repairing immediately 
to Canady, but before this, I had received instructions 1o 
muster the Troops above mentioned k when I waited on the 
Presid 1 Col. Hancock, he told me the orders for Canady 
were not to be complied with until I had gone through the 
troops I had previous orders to muster, k then, that I should 
repair to you at K. York k take your directions respecting 
the Troops stationed there, as to my going to Canada, he 
could not see the necessity of it, for there was a Deputy 
appointed by Gen-1. Wooster there k the appointment con- 
firmed by Congress, that it wa3 impossible I could attend 
at Canady k ISTew York too, and that there was a necessity 
for a M. Master at each place; k further, that by a late re- 
solve, I was confined to the Middle Department, including 
Is. York, the Jersies, Pennsylvania, the lower counties & 
Maryland. 

Mr. Chase tels me the order of Congress is positive for 
my going to Canady, k he is apprehensive some difficulties 
may arise from Col. Hancock's construction differing there- 
from. I should be extreemly sorry anything of the kind 
should happen, especially if it might reflect on my ready- 
ness to obey the orders of Congress. Mr. Hancock as 



192 Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. 

Presid' 1 should think, is the person from whome I am to 
receive the orders of Congress, they are as above, & I am 
now acting in obedience to them. But on another principle 
(I speak it with great diffidence) had the Congress consulted 
the saving to the publick, the order would have run, as Mr. 
Hancock has directed me to act, For if I was to comply 
with the order, there must be a Deputy here, there must 
some one attend at X. York, & I go to Canad* where there 
is a person already acting in my Department & who must 
have got near thro' the army before I would get there. 

What the Congress have done, I know they have done, 
thinking it was what you wished to have them do, & I am 
satisfied if there can any difficulties attend the matter with 
one word you can set them all to rights. I natter myself 
Hon d Sir, your good wishes towards me are such that I need 
say no more in order to insure your interest in case of need. 
I confess it would be more agreeable to me to be within 
the limits of your command & confined to the middle De- 
partment ; Canada is at so great a distance I could by no 
means make it so convenient & here I am almost within the 
circle of my connections. 

In the course of about three weeks, I expect I shall be 
able to set out for 23". York & should be glad to meet your 
orders in what manner to proceed, 

Chase seems pleased with his tour to Canady ; it may be 
very agreeable when he gets there, but I am afraid he will not 
find the journey so comfortable, I recommend him strongly 
to worthy Mrs. Schuyler, for a supply of stores to help him 
across the lakes ; you will be pleased to make my best com- 
pliments to her & to the rest of your good family. I can 
assure you they took much of the severity off of the severest 
part of my campaign & could he be so happy as to be in- 
dulged with as much of their company, I am convinced he 
would find equal benefit, 

I have the honor to be Dear Sir with much respect, 
Your much oblidged 

Most obediant 

Very Hble Serv* 

G. Bedford. 

William Duer to Gov. George Clinton. 
Sir, 

Notwithstanding I have had for some Time Leave of 
absence to return to Xew York. I have forbore availing my- 



Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. 193 

self of it, till such time as I was relieved by one of the 
other Delegates, not chusing, at a very important Crisis, to 
leave the State unrepresented. 

By my long absence in Convention and in Congress my 
private affairs have got into the utmost anarchy and Confu- 
sion, and my Health, though somewhat mended from what 
it was a month since, much Impaired ; — I therefore Hatter 
myself that you will be kind enough to inform the Council 
of Safety, that I shall not be able, consistent with the Duty 
I owe to myself to stay at this Place longer than the 25th 
Inst, and to urge them to send proper Persons to represent 
the State. Before that Time, I am certain that the Articles 
of Confederation will be completed in Congress, as at this 
Day, there is only one or two Clauses remaining for Decision. 

I trust that you Sir, and the honorable Council will do 
me the Justice to think that nothing but the most urgent 
Necessity could induce me to leave the State unrepresented 
in Congress, I trust however that Mr. Gouv: Morris will be 
here before I quit this Place. 

I am, Sir, with very great Respect 

Your Excellency's and the Council's 
Most obed* IP 16 Servt. 

York Town, Penns a Wm; Duer. 

Nov. 9th. 1777. 
His Excellency 

Geo Clinton Esq, 

Gov of the State of New York. 

Abraham Clark to Lord Stirling. 

York Town, Dec r 20, 1777. 
My Lord, 

We have been much alarmed by a report that the Army 
was going into Winter quarters in or about Wilmington, 
thereby leaving New Jersey and a great part of Penns a in- 
tirely open to the Enemy. This supposed measure pro- 
duced several Resolutions of Congress, which, with a Remon- 
strance on that subject from the Legislature of Penns a are 
forwarded to the Commander-in-Chief requesting his par- 
ticular attention to the Security of New Jersey &e. We 
had before Congress the Opinions of the General officers 
respecting proper places for Cantoning the Army, and with 
great pleasure find you in favour of the Valley near Schuyl- 
kill, which in the judgment of all or most I have met with 

VOL. XXIX. — 13 



*v 



194 Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. 

is the only place for defending the Country and preventing 
Supplies to the Enemy, as the Army at Wilmington would 
leave great part of Penns* and Jersey greatly exposed to the 
Enemys Ravages, the sniping up Delaware would he lost 
and all the extensive Salt works in Jersey destroyed, and 
not unlikely a general defection take place in this State, and 
many parts of Jersey, and Supplies for the Army from the 
Eastern States greatly Ohstructed. It is now said the 
Army are sitting down in the Valley which I heartily wish 
may he true. 

Many have long depended upon the interference of France 
in our favour, they indeed supply us with many necessaries, 
hut no certain prospect opens of their declaring war. Their 
timid court are unable to shake off a Dread of Great 
Britain, they wish us well but dare not openly espouse our 
Cause. Spain is so intirely taken up with her Portugal 
affairs, that she has almost forgotten us. Austria, Prussia 
k Eusia are all seeking their own interest and Meditating: a 
Division of the Turkish Dominion, and hut little regard the 
Dispute between us and great Britain. Our Enemies are 
busy in supplicating Supplies from Germany, from whence 
she may draw a small reinforcement "but must principly 
depend upon their own subjects. We also must depend 
upon our own force relying upon the blessing of Heaven for 
success. France & Spain appear to have something impor- 
tant in view by sending troops to the West Indies, but their 
designs are wholly unknown to us and perhaps undeter- 
mined by them. 

A ship from France lately arrived at Portsmouth in Kew 
Hampshire with 48 brass field pieces four pounders with 
Carriages compleat ; 19 nine Inch Mortars with Shells, Can- 
non Shot, small Arms, Powder <fc Sulpher. We have a 
prospect of soon having in our power a full supply of 
Cloathing for the Ajrmy. 

We have no late news from France, I have given the sub- 
stance of the latest. I am my Lord, 

Your Obed* Hum. Serv fc , 

Lord Stirling. Abra. Clark. 

Josiah Bartlett to Nicholas Folsom. 

York Town June 12 th 1778 
Dear Sir, 

I arrived here the 21 rt ult° & was obliged to put up at 
Stake's Tavern for several Days before I could procure other 



*v 



Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. 195 

Lodgings ; I now put up at one Hoffman's on the west side 
of the Bridge quite at the west end of the town at a Ger- 
man House, where I am obliged to be a German in most. 
.Respects. We have been in hopes ever since I arrived here, 
that we should soon get back to Philadelphia, But the 
accounts from thence are so various k contradictory and the 
arrival of the Brittish Commis rs makes the Enemys Design 
of Removal somewhat Problematical; If they mean to 
Evacuate the place, I expect it will soon be Effected, as 
Gen'l. "Washington has Removed our army towards the 
City ; The latter end of May Genl. Clinton & Lord Howe 
sent the late famous Acts of the Brittish Parliament to G. 
Washington and requested leave to send out a person to 
him, which He Refused k informed them that if what they 
had to communicate to him was what came under the mili- 
tary Department, He Desired it might be sent him in 
writing, but if it was of any other nature their application 
ought to be made to Congress ; The Beginning of this month 
they sent the same acts in a letter signed by L d Howe k G. 
Clinton Directed to the President of Congress signifying 
their being authentick copies k saying they wished they 
might have the Desired effect, the Congress Directed the 
President to inform them that when the King of England 
was seriously inclined to put an end to the cruel and unpro- 
voked war he had waged against the United States they 
would readily concur in all proper measures consistent with 
the Rights of Independant ^Nations; The Interest of their 
Constituents k the sacred Regard they owed to Treaties ; 
The 9th Instant Genl. Clinton sent a letter to G. Washing- 
ton informing him of the arrival of the Earl of Carlisle, 
Mr. Eden k Governor Johnstone the Commis rs and Request- 
ing him to grant passports to Dr. Ferguson their Secretary 
to repair the next morning with letters to Congress ; G. 
Washington Refused the passports till he Rec'd the order 
of Congress on that matter; the Congress have not yet 
delivered on it I believe he will not be permitted to come 
tto Congress But G. Washington ordered to Receive the 
letters at the line k send them to us. A French ship of 50 
guns is arrived at Virginia with Cloathing kc. kc. 

The Congress have not yet Ratified the Confederation, 
two or 3 of the States not having signified their assent, I 
expect it will not be long before it will be confirmed. The 
Indians k some Tories have committed Depredations on the 



*v 



196 Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. 

western parts of this State & Virginia, Measures are taking 
to chastise them I hope effectually. 

Give ray sincere regards to the Council of Safety & 
accept the same yourself from him who is your sincere 
friend 

And Humble Serv' 

JOSIAII BAPvTLETT. 

General Folsom. 



Silas Deane to John Hancock. 

Philadelphia, Septem r 14, 1778 
Pear Sir, 

I have not had the Pleasure of a Line from you since you 
left us, which I impute to your having been so much en- 
gaged in public Business. I hope the Articles sent you 
arrived safe and were found to satisfaction and that we shall 
soon have the Pleasure of seeing you again in Philadelphia 
by one means or another. The affairs which respect me 
have dragg'd on so heavily that nothing decisive has been 
done though I have been constantly applying, and my 
Patience is really worn out, <fc I cannot & will not longer 
endure a Treatment, which carries with it marks of the 
deepest ingratitude, but if the Congress have not Time to 
hear a man who they have sent for Four Thousand Miles, 
solely under the pretence of receiving Intelligence from 
him, it is Time that the good people of this Continent 
should know the manner in which their Representatives 
Conduct the public Business, and how they treat their Fel- 
low Citizens, who have rendered their Country, the most 
important Services. 

I freely appeal to every man of honor, & feelings, and 
will be content to be judged from what passes in his own 
breast, on supposing himself but for one moment exactly in 
my Situation. A Majority of Congress are disposed to do 
me justice, & complain of my being delayed in the manner 
I am from day to day, and from week to week, but you 
know that in Congress a few men can put off the decision 
of any Question by one means or other as long as they 
please, and you are not a stranger to what a certain Trium- 
virate, who have been from the first members of Congress 
are equal!. The baseness and ingratitude of one of them 
you have sufficiently experienced in private Life, to know 
him capable of anything in public, — and my old Colleague 



Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. 197 

Koger the Jesuit, with their Southern associates, have been 
indefatigable ever since my arrival, Roger, indeed is at pres- 
ent on a Tour, to the Army and thence to Newhaven, to 
stir up the pure Minds of the Faithful there against the 
next Election of delegates, he is expected back in a few 
Days, when perhaps they will be ready to take the Feild, 
after having suggested in whispers ev'ry thing that could 
tend to hurt the man they causelessly attack — I am no 
way discouraged, but I am greived to find our Councils, & 
our public deliberations conducted in the manner they are 
at present. — The very name of Congress, was a great while 
sacred, almost as that of the Divinity in these States, you as 
well as I know how much weakness to say nothing more, 
lay concealed from the first behind the sacred vail, from the 
view of the public. I tremble for the Consequences, when 
Americans who have served their Country with the highest 
reputation at home, and abroad, shall be forced by the 
Injuries and abuse which they receive, in vindication of 
themselves to draw this vail and hold up to the open view 
of their Countrymen certain individuals, who have by one 
circumstance or another greatly influenced the deliberations 
of Congress. Self Defence is the first Law of Nature — I 
hope, and am sure I shall not be driven to this extremity 
whilst so many appear resolv'd to see justice done me. I 
will not add, but that I most impatiently expect you here, 
and hope that you will bring Mrs. Hancock with you, to 
whom I pray you present my most respectful Compliments. 

I am ever with the most sincere attachment 
D r Sir your most Obe fc and 

Very hum le Servt 

Silas Deane. 

Hon ble J. Hancock. 

Elias Boudinot to Elisha Boudinot. 

Pheladelphia, April 1" 1779 
My dear Brother. 

I am a little surprised that I have not ree'd a Line from 
you in so long a Time ; neither have I heard a Syllable from 
Home for three weeks. I have wrote you several Times, 
which I hope you have received. I am weary of this ex- 
travagant City, and yet I know not when I shall get out of 
it, I suppose by that Time I have spent my years Pay, 
I dined yesterday at a Friends, who had a roasting piece of 



198 Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. 

Beef for Dinner, and he assured me it cost him £11 : 5 : 0. 
God only knows where the depretiation of our money will 
end. I am racking my Brain upon a Plan to he laid before 
-C — — for appreciating it, which I have vanity to hope will 
answer a valuable Purpose. I dare not write you any News 
as there is no dependance upon any Thing you hear. I have 
sold Dr. Burnet's Bills of Exch. for 6 for one, or as it is 
called here 9 for 1 that is £900 Currency for £100 Sterl. 
making Six Continental Dollars for one Continental Dollar 
mentioned in the Bill. 

If I should not get to the Supream Court, I beg you will 
appear for Genl. Wayne in case any indictment is found 
ag* him, or enter mine for him. I hope to finish here next 
week, but it is an uphill Cause, to get anything done here. 

I have been laid up with a severe pain in my Jaws & 
Teeth which alarmed me much, as I expected my fFever 
would have been brought on by it, — but thank a kind & 
gracious God, I am much better. 

My kind Love to Sister, Mr. & Mrs. South, — let them 

know that Belcher is well & determined to repair Home, 

which I think the most elegible Scheme, considering his 

Time of Life. 

Am my Dear Brother 

Yours very Aftt 17 

-c, -d ^ Elias Boudixot. 

Elisha Boudinot Esq. 



Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer to John Hall. 

Phila. May 15 th 1781 
Dear Sir, 

The late scale of Depreciation as laid down by the Presid 1 
k Council of this state, has thrown every thing into Confu- 
sion ; no Money except hard will pass in this City but at 
the most ruinous rate. Our Northern Army is starving, & 
Congress have it not in their power to remove one hundred 
barrels of Flour. 

I received from the Treasurer of our State Three hun- 
dred & forty pounds of the Xew Emission in Consequence 
of an order from the Gov. & Council, part of this money I 
exchanged for Continental being told it was money that was 
preferred in Phil a to any other paper. On my way up I met 
numbers of speculators from Phila. with quantities of Conti- 
nental to pass it oft' in our State. How they succeeded I know 



* v 



Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. 199 

not, but that, nor any other paper will now pass in this City 
but at the most destructive rate, I have therefore returned the 
Continental to Mr. Stone in hopes the Assembly will give 
directions to the Treasurer to receive this money in exchange 
for Bills of the New Emission, I should also have returned 
the Xew Bills (for I cannot pass them here) but they are too 
bulky. What the Maryland Delegates will do for want of 
Money, I do not know, there is but one mode by which 
they can be supplyed i.e., to order a quantity of superfine 
Flour, to be manufactured at the Head of the Bay, Super- 
fine flour will command hard money, Should this plan be 
adopted by the Assembly or the Governor & Council Mr. 
Joseph Gilpin will execute it with dispatch. Col. Hollings- 
worth has too much upon his hands to pay proper attention 
to this business, besides he might not be in the way when 
this order might arrive at the head of Elk. Had I hard 
money or could I procure it on my own Credit, I should 
not hesitate to pledge myself. If no mode of supply can 
be fallen upon, I must soon return to Maryland. 

Our affairs are in a most wretched situation. Congress is 
at its wits End — everything at a stand and unless the French 
fleet and army arrive very soon, we shall in all probability be 
in the most deplorable situation. 

The navigation of the Mississippi has prevented us from 
procuring supplies from Spain, Congress have relaxed & 
made this point in the Ultimatum negotiable, but too late 
for any supplies for this Campaign. The Emperor has de- 
fered his Mediation, I fear that there i3 too good an under- 
standing between the Courts of Vienna & London. 

We have received no late advices from Europe. — With 
my respectful Compliments to Mrs. Hall, I am 

Dear Sir 
Your affectionate friend 

Dan of S Tnos Jenifer. 

To John Hall, Esq. 

Annapolis 

Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer to {John Hall?) 

Phila. May 28 th 1781. 
My dear Sir, 

L thank you for your favor of the 25 th The Enemy's 
Cruizers being in our Bay k Rivers I conceived would pre- 
vent the General assemblys meeting so soon as the Exigency 



200 Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. 

of our affairs required, it is now neck or nothing every ex- 
ertion must be used this Campaign to prevent the Southern 
States being overrun. Every dispersion of the Enemy has 
its effect, & altho the prize be small yet it encourages enter- 
prize. 

Yesterday & today arrived from the Eight sail of 

vessels with Hard Money. The merchants I am told pay 
very little regard to the embargo Law, indeed the State lias 
not money to purchase the third of any vessels Cargo even 
were it to be offered to the President & Council. 

The Pennsylvania Line I believe is now on their March — 
General Wayne was obliged to order a Platoon to fire on 
part of the right wing who refused to March, four of the 
Mutineers were killed, one man it is said had 23 Balls 
through him. 

Tour Delegates are without Money or Credit. What are 
they to do, none but hard will pass at this place unless it be 
on the most ruinous terms. . . . 

There never has been a time when Men of abilities were 
more necessary in Congress than at present, therefore I wish 
that proper attention may be paid to the Delegates letter by 
this Post to the general Assembly. We are not at liberty 
to disclose particulars, but the sooner an addition is made to 
the Delegation the better as delav cannot be admitted 
Altho at every Post want prevails, yet I flatter myself that 
our affairs will soon look up & that supplies will soon be had. 

I wish you and your little woman health and happiness 
and am very truly 

My dear friend 

Your affectionate Serv* 

Dan. of S Thos Jenifer. 

Mr. Cumberland was about 
leaving Madrid the 9th of Mar. 
I think his stay there was 
rather too long for the United States — 
Mr. Carroll is not very well. 

George Olymer to Henry Hill, Philadelphia. 

Dear Sir, 

I wrote to Sam the Day after our arrival here and was 
then in hopes that would have been the last Letter from 
this Place which we had determined to leave as soon as 
a passage could be got to E. Island, but on Enquiry there 



*v 



Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. * 201 

was no Packet, nor is there one arrived yet, so that we must 
have a little Patience and wait here. Mr. Dickenson's 
Horses are sick and galled and mine have heen greatly 
.hurt by certain green headed flies that ply at the Ferries 
about Newark, in the mean Time the Ladies are making 
daily Excursions, and yesterday by a near view of Hellgate 
wore away considerably the Terrors which the necessity of 
passing through it had inspired them. Betsy wants a pot 
hook or two from her 2 Dutch School Boys, while I think 
every thing goes well when I don't hear to the contrary. 

So many Inconveniences unforeseen in going through 
Connecticut that we have determined to stay here even a 
Week longer for a Passage, so that in all probability a 
Letter will reach Us here, and fail not at your Peril. Betsy 
is much delighted with the pretty Country Seats here, ot 
which there are a great number — the views are fine and 
greatly surpass our own. 

As to Politicks I know nothing of them — Boston is a 
better Field. M c Dougal, Sears and Lamb are unknown to 
me, and as to the Politicians on the other side the Question 
I have only eat and drank with them. Here is great Strife 
and Contention but what is the Subject or who are the 
parties, I can hardly tell you. 

I am in a very bad Humour for writing but my Wife 
and Wives will have their way, has forced me to it. This 
Day was set apart for a jaunt to Long Island but having an 
Invitation a Day or two hence to dine there with a Lady of 
the Family of the Livingstons we have put it off to that 
Day — What think you of Black Fish, I have taken very 
kindly to them not having eat two ounces of Flesh Meat 
since I have been at Js*. Y. — Lobsters I have a proper Re- 
spect for, and do not pass by Crabs unnoticed — Beef and 
Mutton seem to be forgot with me at present but will be 
resumed in the Fall and Winter. Let Betsy's Love and my 
Compliments to Mrs. Hill close, 

Your mo. ob 4 S* 

G. Clymer. 

Wednesday 13 July [1774] N. York. 



John Dickinson to John Hall. 
Dear Sir, 

I have received your Letter of the 23 d of last Month, & 
tho' it begins with a Complaint, I do not find myself pro- 



*v 



V 

202 Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. 

yoked to make such a Recrimination as you apprehend — 
that you write too much. 

Indeed, if I was not a very just Man, who am unwilling 
-to receive Presents of the greatest Value, without making- 
some little Returns, such as are in my Power, I should lay 
hold of your Promise, "to keep writing, till I inform you 
that I don't care to be pesterd with any more of your Letters," 
and thus gratify myself by my silence in two things to which 
I am extremely inclined, — to be lazy & to love you. But I 
will not take advantage of your friendly threatning — & I 
assure you any remissness I have been guilty of, has been 
almost of necessity. 

I think really that your Patriots have taken deep Draughts 
of our Politics. "We left some Dregs in the cup, that might 
make another Brewing; but your Gentlemen have gone to 
the Bottom. We drank a great Deal — but it made us ac- 
tive. Your Dose was so strong, that you have kept your 
Beds these six years, and the Fumes of the Liquor are not 
yet evaporated. But I beg your Pardon for speaking so 
freely of these civil Heroes — Their Motives may be com- 
mendable though I acknowledge their Conduct would ap- 
pear as laudable to me, if they were quite idle — as when 
they are so busily employed — in doing nothing. 

Our Legislators are now assembled, after having adjourned 
in some Discontent on the Govenor's refusing the Supply 
Bill. It is yet doubtful, whether anything effectual will be 
done at this Meeting. 

A Dispute of another Nature has lately engaged the atten- 
tion of our City — In which, I am sorry to inform you, that 
your Province has lost some Credit. At our Races last 
week, the Purse of a hundred Pounds was carried away by 
a Horse called Britain, from your famous Parolet, — How- 
ever his Friends comfort themselves that he lost the Race by 
throwing his Rider, & not by want of Speed or Bottom. I 
give you this Intelligence because you tell me you are not 
too much of a Lawyer, Politician or Philosopher, to neglect 
attending a Horse Race. For my Part, I have been a mere 
Sportsman for some Time past, & can almost hold a Diologue 
in the Stile of the Turf — But the Courts are beginning, & I 
must change my Stile — However I think it will be proper 
both for you and me to remember old Cato's advice, & mix 
Pleasure with Business & Innocence with Pleasure, — Applica- 
tion & Fatigue may procure Reputation & Wealth — But de- 



*v 



Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. 203 

stroy Health k Happiness — Preserve these last, & you will 
add to the Happiness of 

Your most affectionate Friend & very hble Servant 

John Dickinson. 

My Mother k Brother who Philadelphia, 

remember you with great Es- May 3 d 1762. 

teem desire their Compliments 
may be presented to you — 

I return you Sterling's Ser- 
mon, with many Thanks for 
your kindness. 

William Grayson to . 

New Yoek June 15 th 1785 
Dear Sir, 

Your favor of the packett has been duly received for which 
I am much obliged to you, and I make use of this oppor- 
tunity by Mr. Mazzei to answer it. 

I arrived at this place early in March, since which noth- 
ing of any real importance has taken effect except the land 
ordinance which is herewith inclosed: a difference of senti- 
ment between the Eastern & Southern part of the Continent 
k an imaginary difference of interests has made the ordinance 
less perfect than it might have been. — Congress are about 
directing a treaty to be held with the Western Indians at 
Post Vincent on the "Wabash this summer for extinguishing 
their rights to the territory between the Miami & Mississippi ; 
should this be effected, I expect the ordinance will be made 
to apply to that country immediately as the paying the do- 
mestic debt in this way seems to be an object which every 
one has very much at heart. Indeed the necessity for y 9 
measure is glaring, for while the taxes continue high, we 
shall have no emigrants from beyond seas, and the want of 
inhabitants is perhaps our only calamity. A very consider- 
able part of N° Carolina has revolted. They have assumed 
the powers of governm* and a Capt. Cocke was here the 
other day with authority from them to solicit admission. 
Georgia has laid off a county on the Mississippi called Bour- 
bon & settlers are gathering fast about y e Natchez. 

There is a report that the province of Maine begins to 
make speeches respecting independence ; Vermont remains 
as it did when you left. this. 

Inclosed is a report of a comm ee for altering the 9th ar- 
ticle of the confederation ; 8 states will be for it, but whether 



204 Letters of Some Members of the Old Cmgrcss. 

or not it will suit the 5 Southern States, is a point very 
questionable: perhaps some modification maybe found out 
that will make it palatable. As the sending this report is 
against rule, I hope you will take good care that it is not 
made public : indeed I think it would be best to keep it a se- 
cret. It seems to be a doubt in Congress whether the in- 
structions to the Connn™ ought not to be changed. The 
principle of making treaties & granting to all the right of the 
most favored nations, begins to be disputed. This though 
entrc nous, & what I would not chuse should be mentioned to 
any one. 

Congress have had two ineffectual tryals for the election of 
a minister to the Hague vice John Adams, Kutledge of S° 
Carolina, Governor Leviugston & B. H. Hanson, of Mary- 
laud, the persons nominated. 

As the Dutch Minister grows uneasy I think that Rut- 
ledge will be elected very soon, & in all probability today. 

Don Diego de Gardoqui charge des affaires from the Court 
of Spain is arrived at Phil'ad* & is expected here every day : 
what are the objects of his mission, we are at a loss to deter- 
mine. 

I have the pleasure to inform you the subscriptions to the 
Potowmac C° go on well ; At a meeting the other day, it was 
found that forty three thousand pounds were subscribed ; — 
They are therefore by the Act established a Company. 

General Washington is elected President & there is a 
good prospect of success. I imagine 3-011 must have heard 
before this, that an American vessel had arrived here in four 
months from Canton in China laden with the manufactures 
of that country; & that our country men at that place had 
as much respect & civility shewn them as those of any other 
nation. The opinion here is that this trade can be carried 
on to great advantage. 

I remain y r Affe. fr'd, 

& most obed. Ser* 

I enclose also the journals Will* Grayson. 

i of Congress. "W. G. 

John Langdon to Fulwar Skipwith. 

Philad. Decern. 5 th 1794 
Dear S R , 

Your kind favor ot the 20 th Aug' I've Just Rec'd, for 
which you have my Thanks. The fall of that Monster 



Letters of Some Members of the Old Co)igress. 205 

Robertspeare was a most fortunate Circumstance for France, 
his fate will be a Constant warning to all those who are 
hereafter entrusted with the Rights of the people and betray 
their Trust. 

We are highly pleased with the Reception of our Minis- 
ter (Mr. Monroe) by the National Convention, I am full in 
the Belief, he will do himself honor, and Render his Coun- 
try essential service. 

We have nothing here worth Communicating, to be very 
particular, little good would arrise and prudence forbids, 

the astonishing successes of the French, exceed everv 

Conception we probably would have had. I am fully sen- 
seable your time must be greatly taken up with your numer- 
ous Correspondence, but as often as leisure and opportunity 
offers I shall be greatly gratified in hearing from you ; If 
any thing Turns up in the Sniping way or furnishg of 
Masts or provisions from our Part of the Continent, I shall 
be ready to Direct the Business. 

Accept my best wishes for your Happiness and believe me 
verv sincerelv your 

Friend & IP Sev fc , 

John Langdon. 

Fulwar Skipwith, Esq. 

Samuel Chase to John F. Mercer. 

Balt r 6 March 1803. 
Dear Sir, 

Your good wishes are acceptable. I received a Shock 
which would probably, have terminated fatally, but for co- 
pious Bleedings. I have not quite recovered, but believe I 
am in a fair way. I have made a small addition to the 
Card you enclosed, and will send it to the American for pub- 
lication, which I believe you will approve. 

There is but one Event (which will probably never hap- 
pen) in which I will interfere with politics ; I mean the es- 
tablishment of a new Government. I believe nothing can 
save the present one from dissolution. Some Events, as a 
"War with France, may delay it for a few years. The Seeds 
are sown, they ripen daily. Men without Sense and without 
property are to be our Rulers, there can be no Union between 
the Heads of the two Parties. Confidence is destroyed : if 
attempted they will be branded as Deserters, and lose all In- 
fluence. Things must take their natural Course, from bad 



206 Letters of Some Members of the Old Congress. 

to worse, You cannot retire, expect therefore Disappoint- 
ment, Deceit, and Disgrace as far as Party can give it. 
I wish you Health and Happiness. 

Yours truly 

Samuel Chase. 
His Excellency John F. Mercer, 

Gov. of Maryland 

Annapolis. 



v* V 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 207 



PENNSYLVANIA GLEANINGS IN ENGLAND. 

BY L0THR0P WITHINGTON, 30 LITTLE RUSSELL STREET, W. C, LONDON. 

(Including "Gleanings" by Henry F. Waters, not before printed.) 

(Continued from page 101.) 

Daniel Bundle of Philadelphia, merchant. Will proved 
17 September 1795. In the name of God amen, I Daniel 
Bundle of the City of Philadelphia, merchant, being of 
sound and disposing mind, memory, and understanding, 
praised be the Lord for the same, do hereby make my last 
wall and testament in manner following (that is to say) First 
I give and bequeath to my nephew George Bundle now of 
Wilmington in the State of North Carolina, son of my de- 
ceased Brother Bichard Bundle one legacy or sum of £1000 
lawful money of Pennsylvania to be paid to him in twelve 
months after my decease. To my nephew Bichard Bundle 
Brother to the aforesaid George and son to my aforesaid de- 
ceased brother Bichard Bundle one legacy or sum of £1000 
lawful money of Pennsylvania one half thereof to be paid 
him w T hen he attains to the age of twenty one years and the 
remaining half when at the age of twenty -four years with 
interest, the said interest to be applied towards his main- 
tenance during the years above mentioned. To my neice 
Mary Bundle, sister of the above named George and 
Bichard Bundle, one legacy or sum of £200 aforesaid. Item 
I release all debts due me from the Estate of my late Brother 
Bichard Bundle of Wilmington, North Carolina, merchant, 
deceased. To my sister Elizabeth Cole of the Kingdom of 
"Great Britain during her life only one annuity of twelve 
pounds sterling to be remitted and paid her yearly by my 
executor free of charge. To George Bundle, son of my 
brother William Bundle of Great Britain £50 sterling. To 
rny cousin Captain Bichard Bundle Burges of Great Britain 



v V 



208 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

the sum of £100 sterling. To my cousin Frances Burges 
Sister to the above named. Captain Burges the sum of £50 
sterling. To Mary Manly daughter of my said neice Fran- 
ces Manly £50 sterling to be paid her when she shall arrive 
at the age of twenty one years. To my cousin Thomas 
Murgatroyd of Philadelphia merchant £100 money of Penn- 
sylvania, to my cousin Sarah Philips [Murgatroyd wife of the 
above Thomas M. for her separate use £100 money of Penn- 
sylvania, to Samuel, Daniel, Elizabeth Gold, Mary and James 
Gold Murgatroyd children of my coz. Thomas £300 each 
when 21, to my nephew Richard Rundle of Philadelphia, 
merchant, the son of my deceased elder brother George 
Rundle, and to my neice Mary Rundle wife of my nephew 
Richard all that city square of ground situate between 7th 
and 8th streets, which I purchased of them some time since, 
from Schuylkill and between Spruce and Pine Streets in 
Philadelphia with the house thereon for life: after to the 
children of my cousin Thomas Murgatroyd. To the Penn- 
sylvania Hospital £250 Pennsylvania currency. To Mary 
Rundle wife of my residuary legatee and devisee, Richard 
Rundle, £400 and a picture of herself set in a gilt frame. 
Rest to above named Richard Rundle, executor. Witnesses : 
B: Shoemaker, Edward Shoemaker, R: Whitehead. Codicil, 
to my nephew George Rundle late of North Carolina £400, 
to his sister Mary £200, to his brother Richard Rundle £200, 
to my cousin Frances Burges now in Philadelphia £80, to 
children of my cousin Thomas Murgatroyd £200 apiece, to 
John Hurly late my servant now apprenticed to Benjamin 
Franklin Bache the printer when 21 £20. My German 
servant man Adam Dieterick I leave free. All these be- 
quests in addition to former ones. Proved by Robert 
Barclay, attorney for said Richard Rundle now residing in 
Philadelphia. New CaMle, 565. 

James Thomas late of Philadelphia. Will 24 April 1706 ; 
proved 11 February 1711. I James Thomas late of Phila- 
delphia. To my brother Micah Thomas and his children 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 209 

£30. To my brother Gabriell Thomas (and what he oweth 
me) £20. To my sister Mary Sriead and her children £20. 
To my sister Rachel Wharton £40. To my unkle James 
Thomas £20 a year for life. To my cousins or neices Eliza- 
beth, Mary, and Rachell Williams £50 each after decease of 
my said unckle James Thomas. To my nephew the brother 
of said Williams if living £50. To my cousins the children 
of Thomas Wharton and Rachell my sister after decease of 
said unckle James Thomas £20 each. To my executors 
£50 as follows : To Edward Shippen senior and his grand- 
children Edward and Elizabeth Shippen £20. To Samuel 
Preston and his daughters Margaret and Hannah £30. To 
the poor of Philadelphia the interest of remainder of my 
estate after the death of my said unkle James Thomas. 
Executors : Edward Shippen and Samuel Preston, merchants 
of Philadelphia. Witnesses: Philip Russell, Walton Hul- 
ing, Jonathan Baily, Morris Edwards, County Sussex on 
Delaware Bay. Jonathan Baily and Philip Russell depose 
to Tho: Fisher, Registrar for County Suffolk of the truth of 
the above. Date the will was made is 22/4/1706. 7 ISovem- 
ber 1710 is the date on which the above deposition was 
made. Probate says " Will of James Thomas late of Phila- 
delphia in Pennsylvania but now of the Parish of St. Mar- 
garets Lothbury, London." Barnes, 38. 

(To be continued.) 



vol. xxrx. — 14 



^ V 



210 Letters to Hon. James Wilson, 1789. 



LETTERS OF HOST. ALEXANDER HAMILTON AND 
KEY. WILLIAM SMITH, D.D., TO HON. JAMES WIL- 
" SON, 1789. 

CONTRIBUTED BY ISRAEL \\\ MORRIS. 

[The following interesting letters of Hon. Alexander Hamilton and 
Rev. William Smith, D.D., to Hon. James Wilson, contain the views 
of these noted Federalists on the candidacy of Washington, for Presi- 
dent, and John Adams, for Vice President of the United States, under 
the Constitution of 1787.] 

Alexander Hamilton to James Wilson. 

My dear Sir, 

A degree of anxiety about a matter of primary impor- 
tance to the new government induces me to trouble you with 
this letter. I mean the election of the President, We all 
feel of how much moment it is that Washington should be 
the man ; and I own I cannot think there is material room 
to doubt that this will be the unanimous sense. But as a 
failure in this object would be attended with the worst con- 
sequences I cannot help concluding that even possibilities 
should be guarded against. 

Every body is aware of that defect in the constitution 
which renders it possible that the man intended for Vice 
President may in fact turn up President. Every body sees 
that unanimity in Adams as Vice President and a few votes 
insidiously wutheld from Washington might substitute the 
former to the latter. And every body must perceive that 
there is something to fear from the machinations of Anti- 
fcederal malignity. What in this situation is wise ? 

B) r my accounts from the jftorth I have every reason to 
believe that Adams will run there universally. I learn that 
he is equally espoused in Jersey Pensylvania & Delaware & 
that Maryland is not disinclined to hirn. I hear of no per- 
sons thought of to the South, but Rutlege in South Carolina 
and Clinton in Virginia, As the accounts of the appoint- 
ments of electors will satisfy the partisans of those Gentle- 



•^ ^ 



Letters to Hon. James Wilson, 1789. 211 

men in each of those States that they will have no coadju- 
tors elsewhere, it seems not improbable that they will relin- 
quish the attempt in favour of their intended candidates. 
.Here then is a chance of unanimity in Adams. Nothing so 
apt to beget it as the opinion that the current sets irresistibly 
towards bim. Men are fond of going with the stream. 
Suppose personal caprice or hostility to the new system 
should occasion half a dozen votes only to be witheld from 
Washington — what may not happen ? Grant tbere is little 
danger. If any, ought it to be run ? 

The votes from Xew Hampshire to Delaware inclusively 
& exclusive of New York are 41 South of Delaware 32. 
Here supposing equal unanimity on each side in a different 
candidate the chance is that there will be Eight votes to 
spare from Adams leaving him still a majority. Take the 
probability of unanimity in the North in Adams & of divi- 
sion in the South between different candidates and the 
chances are almost infinite in his favour. Hence I conclude 
it will be prudent to throw away a few votes say 7 or 8 ; 
giving these to persons not otherwise thought of. Under 
this impression I have proposed to friends in Connecticut to 
throw away two to others in Jersey to throw away an equal 
number & I submit it to you whether it will not be -well to 
lose three or four in Pensylvania. Your advices from the 
South will serve you as the best guide ; but for God's sake 
let not our zeal for a secondary object defeat or endanger a 
first. I admit that in several important views and particu- 
larly to avoid disgust to a man who would be a formidable 
head to Antifcederalists — it is much to be desired that 
Adams may have the plurality of suffrages for Vice Presi- 
dent ; but if risk is to be run on one side or on the other 
can we hesitate where it ought to be preferred ? 

If there appears to you to be any danger, will it not be 
well for you to write to Maryland to qualify matters there ? 
Y r5 sincerely & affec ly 

A. Hamilton. 

New York Jan*" 25. 1789. 



^v 



212 Letters to Hon. James Wilson, 1789. 

Rev. William Smith to James Wilson. 

Chester, Kent County, Mary- 
land Jany. 19th. 1789. 

Dear Sir, 

I congratulate you on the favourable Issue of the Election 
of federal representatives in Pennsylvania, & the Probability, 
amounting, (from what I have seen in the News Papers) 
almost to a certainty of the like favourable issue in Respect 
to Electors of a President-general &c. What is called the 
Federal List has a vast majority, both for Representatives & 
Electors on the Eastern Shore of this State ; &, as I appre- 
hend, far more than sufficient to set against the Majority in 
gome of the populous counties of the Western Shore for 
the other List, called Antifederal, altho' in that List also, 
there are generally avowed federalists, & only two (Col. 
Mercer & Mr. Sterret) who are any way suspected ; & they 
themselves say the suspicion is unjust & injurious, as they 
are earnest for an effective Government, upon the whole 
Plan of the New Constitution with a few Amendments to 
be made by Congress itself, in which they wish to be mod- 
erate, &. have no Desire of Recurring to another Convention — 
But it is not probable that either of them will be elected, as 
the other Side were unwilling to trust any one, of whom 
they had the least suspicion. In 3 or 4 days we shall have 
the Election declared by Proclamation. 

We are apprehensive here of Difficulties, nevertheless, 
still remaining — especially respecting the Election of Gene- 
ral Washington, some of which, as they have occurred to us 
here, I promised to state to you, as at the Head of the 
Pennsylvania Electors; altho' I doubt not everything of the 
kind has long since occurred to your own more sagacious 
and penetrating LTnderstanding, anxious & active as you 
have been for an effective Government & a speedy opera- 
tion of it. 

Our first apprehension, respecting Pennsylva. is that, from 
the mode of election in each County by Districts, & it hav- 
ing taken more than five Weeks, before all the Returns at 



Letters to Hon. James Wilson, 1789. 213 

the former Election for Representatives were brought to 
Philada. to enable the Presidt. k Council to issue their 
Proclamation, the Four Weeks allowed by the New Con- 
stitution, between the Day of choosing Electors k the Day 
of their Meeting at Heading, for the Choice of a President 
will not be sufficient; for how, in 4 Weeks (especially from 
beyond the Allegenny Mountains & some Sheriffs, perhaps 
in no great Disposition to be in Haste with their Returns) I 
say, how in 4 weeks, shall all these Returns be brought to 
Philada., more than 300 miles down ; then a Proclamation 
to go 300 miles up again, & 3dly some of the Electors, after 
that, to come 300 miles down to Reading in all near 1000 
miles backward k forward, at this season of the year, in 28 
Days; besides the Time spent at the elections, k in Council, 
in numbering &c, and making out their Proclamation ? 
No Doubt, you have thought of this, k have sent, or will 
immediately send, Expresses to the most distant Electors, 
viz, James O'Hara, Lawrence Keene, Alex. Graydon k 
David Greer, with Copies of the Returns from the Counties 
already come to Hand, which being compared by them with 
the Counties over Susquehannah or in their vicinity will 
enable them to judge of the Probability of their being 
among the 8 Highest on the Return for Electors ; k altho' 
these accounts will not be official, yet they ought to be 
induced by their Zeal for Gen. "Washington k the Federal 
Interest, to set out immediately so as to reach Reading by 
the time appointed, k to meet the official Account or Procla- 
mation, if the Executive Council (by Returns from all the 
Counties) should be enabled to publish it before that Time. 
But if all the Counties should not have made their Returns 
by It. Wednesday in February — Qu — What is to be done ? 
Might not the Executive Council authenticate those Returns 
wch. may be made before the day of meeting at Reading ? 
And if they appear an undoubted Majority (in Whatever 
manner the Defaulting Counties might have voted) might 
not the Electors having such Majority (yourself & others) 
proceed to the Nomination directly on the Day appointed ; 



*v 



214 Letters to Hon. James Wilson, 1789. 

or adjourn, de Die in Diem, till all the Returns come 
officially to Hand ? 

But another difficulty appears to rise from the Constitu- 
tion itself. The two highest in Votes having a Majority of 
all the Electors of the confederating eleven states, are to be 
President & Vice-president — Suppose then the Electors of 
even Nine States all agreed to have Gen. Washington Presi- 
dent, k Mr. Adams, or any other V. Presdt. These nine 
States cannot say in their Nomination or vote Genl. W. 
Presdt; John Adams V. P., but must vote indiscriminately 
for both, k neither will be highest in Votes but perhaps have 
an equality. Suppose, then, but one other State, (say Vir- 
ginia, or New York, or both) give but one or two Votes, 
still keeping the Name of Adams, but joining with it either 
a Clinton or a Henry, then those two States or any one of! 
them, or a single capricious Vote of one of them, can make 
Mr. Adams President. 

We know there is one Way to secure this Business, by 
any Number of the eleven States, having a Majority of all 
the Electors, to agree, all of them, to nominate Gen. Wash- 
ington, while some of them give 8 or 10 Votes to some other 
Persons in the Room of Adams, so as to leave Him lower 
in Number than Gen. W. but yet higher than any other, if 
it is wished that he should be V. Presdt. But there ought 
to be some exchange of sentiments, and some previous Plan 
on this Head— among the 4 middle States of New Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Delaware k Maryland — who are sufficient for 
this Work ; but if Connecticut can be consulted, then so 
much the better. Then suppose it agreed that Delaware 
vote for Mr. Jay with Gen. W. k Jersey some other or the 
same; Pennsylvania a few votes for the same or any other 
— And if you will on Receipt of this let me know what you 
think Maryland had best do, Mr. Wm. Tilghman of this 
Town, whose Name will stand highest among our Electors, 
desires you to be informed that he will do his utmost, in 
Concert with us for the fed. cause, k the Election of the 



*v 



Letters to Hon. James Wilson, 1789. 215 

President whom we all wish should his Election be sup- 
posed in any Danger. 

There is still another Evil, of a very threatning aspect — 
We [hear] no election at all, either of Representatives or 
Electors, is like to be obtained in 1ST. Hampshire, & only in 
three Districts of Massachusetts — If this be certain, it will 
be an Evil indeed — Yet I hope a Majority of the whole 
Eleven States will act as Electors, <fe a like Majority of the 
Representatives meet in Congress; and a Majority being a 
Quorum, we trust they will be able to put the Government 
in Operation, .& pass new Laws respecting "the Time & 
Mode of filling up their B by new Elections in the 

defaulting States, who have adopted the Constitution. " 

I hope Mr. Lewis, as the Scire Fac. agt. the University, 
was returnable to the Jany. Term has got the money to 
enable him to take up my Note to you lately in the Hands 
of Mr. Todd, agreeably to my Directions : I hope also to 
see you in Feb. at the Meeting of the Assembly. Pray 
write me a few Lines in answer to such Parts of this Letter 
as require your Notice ; & tho' you have no Doubt thought 
of & provided for every chance respecting the execution of 
the Government, you will still ascribe what I now write to 
the well meant Zeal of Yours, Wm. Smith 

I wish Time had allowed to transcribe this Letter fair, 
but I trust you will be able to spell out its Contents. 

W. S. 

P. S. Direct by Post to me at Chester, Kent County 
Maryland. 

James Wilson, Esquire 
at hi 8 house Market Street 

Philadelphia 



216 Genealogical Records from the Bible of Thomas Say. 



GENEALOGICAL EECOBDS COPIED FROM THE 
BIBLE OF THOMAS SAY. 

Margaret Pasciiall departed this life the 17 th day of 
January 172-J. It being upon Friday about 12 o'clock at 
noon, and was buried at Sunday f . . . . 

Thomas Paschall Jr., departed this life the 17 th day of 
January 172f about 10 o'clock at night. 

Setii Flower, departed this life the 18 day of January 
about 10 o'clock at night. 

Samuel Pasciiall, departed this life the 11 th of February 
172|- about 9 o'clock in the morning. 

Elizabeth Flower, died 19 th of July 1706. 

My Mother died on the 2 nd of September 1707 about 12 
o'clock at night, and was buried by her son "William Paschall, 
(being 71 years and 9 months old). 

William Say my husband died the 23 rd of 8 ber 1714, 
being f after 10 o'clock at night. 

"William Say Jr., was born the 17 th day of January 1696. 

Joanna Say, was born the 5 th of April 1700 — 1 hr. 28 m. 
P.M. Friday. 

Mary Say, was born the 17 th of 10 b€r 1701—5 hours 30 
P.M. Saturday. 

Paschall Say, was born 24 th of 10 b3r 1703 A.M. on a 
Friday. 

Elizabeth Say, was born the 13 th of 7 ber 1706 8 hr P.M. 
Friday. 



*v 



Genealogical Records from the Bible of Thomas Say. 217 

Thomas Say, was born the 16 th of 7 ber 1709 1 hr. 20 in. 
P.M. Friday new style is the 27 th of 9 month. 

Thomas Paschall Sex*-, departed this life the 13 th of 7 b « r 
1718 about 4 o'clock in the morning in the 83 d year of his 
age and was buried upon his wife. 

Mary Clunn, (late Say), departed this life the 25 of Oct. 
1723 about half past 10 o'clock in the morning — Friday. 

Elizabeth (late Paschall) Jenkins, departed the 18 th day 
of January 1725-6 aged about 93 years on a Tuesday. 

Paschall Say. departed this life at Jamaica the 22 ad of 
October 1726 10 hr. 00 m A. M. 

Joanna Flower, (late Paschall), departed this life the ll tb 
day of January 1727-8; 25 m : to 10 o'clock at night on a 
Thursday buried the O following aged about 26 years. 

Mary Paschall, (late Say), was born the 21 st day ot 
December 1674 in the city of Bristol. 

Elizabeth Edgar, (late Say), departed this life 8 b * r 1729 
8 hr 25 m P.M. on a O 

Benjamin Paschall, departed this life the 16 day of May 
1730 at 11 hr 10 m of Sunday was taken the 7 th in the 
morning and was buried Monday following in his own 
burying ground. 

Joanna Holmes, (late Say), departed this life the 11 day 
of July 1730 between 1 & 2 o'clock in the afternoon and 
was buried the Sunday following by her Sister Mary in our 
own burying ground. 

Mary Paschall, departed this life the 19 th day of July 
1734 — 45 rn. past 5 o'clock in the afternoon on Friday k 
was buried the 20 th day following by her husband in our 
own burying ground aged about 60 years. 



*v 



218 Genealogical Records from the Bible of Thomas Say. 

Susannah Catherine Sprogell, was born between the 
10 th & 11 day of October 1713— Thomas Say was married 
^ to S. C. Sprogell the 15 " of 3 mo. called (old Stile) April 
1735 15 m : past 12 at night 6 th day. 

Catherine Say, was born the 3 of 10 mo old Stile called 
December 1736 14 m past 1 on Friday. 

Susannah Say, was born the 24 th of 8 mo old Stile called 
November 1738 58 m. p. 12 a Friday. 

Catherine Say, departed this life 27 th of 12 mo | old 
Stile | called February 1738-9 12 m to 4 in the morning 
and was buried 1 st (of the 1 mo) March. 

Thomas Say, was born the 19 th of 6 th mo : (old Stile) 
called September 1740 — 25 m . p : 11 a Friday (Son of 
Tho 8 ). 

Elizabeth Say, was born the 24 of 7 mo O.S. called 
October 1742—18 m. p. 1 in the day— A 1 st day. 

Catherine Say, was born the 19 th of 10 mo : 0. S. called 
January 1744-5 4 m. p. 4 in the morning of 7 th day. 

William Say, was born the 3 r,i of 11 mo (O. S.) called 
January 1746-7 ; 20 m. p. 8 in the morning of 7 th day. 

Catherine Say, departed this life the 6 th of 7 mo. 1747 
at 4 in the morning of a 1 st day. 

Elizabeth Say, departed this life 29 th of 8 mo 1747 — 
4 in. after 6 in the evening on 5 th day. 

William Say, departed this life 23 d of 12 mo 1748-9; 
53 minutes after 7 in the evening on a 5 th day. 

Joanna Say, was born the 7 th of 4 mo called June 1749 
about 45 m after 10 in the evening — on a first day. 



Genealogical Records from the Bible of Thomas Say. 219 

Susannah Catherine Say, departed this life the 18 th of 
the 4 mo called June 1749 about 45 m after 10 in the 
..^evening on a first day. 

Catherine Sprogell, departed this life the 16 th of 8 mo 
October 1749 : 20 m after 1 of a third day aged 73 years 
and was buried by her husband. 

Johanna Say, departed this life the 24 th of 5 th mo : 1750 ; 
32 m after 11 in the night 3 rd day. 

James Wilson, was married to my daughter Mary Say 
the 15 th of 5 mo: May 1753. 

George Wilson, the son of my daughter Mary was born 
the 1 st of 3 mo March 1754 about 4 m. before 4 of a 6 tb 
day. 

Thomas Say, was married to Rebekah Budd at Mount 
Holly the 3 rd of 10 mo October 1753, 15 m after 1 in the 
day at Mount Holly Meeting house. 

Benjamin Say, the son of Thomas & Rebekah his wife 
born 28 of the 8 mo. 1755—35 m after 3 in the afternoon a 
5 th day. 

Susannah "Wilson, the daughter of my daughter Mary 
was born the 13 th day of April 1756 about \ after 6 in the 
morning a 3 d day. 

Rebekah Say, daughter of Thomas Say and Rebekah his 
wife was born the 26 th of 4 mo 1758 about 58 m after 4 in 
the afternoon 4 th day. 

Susannah Say, was married to James Carmalt 20 th of 6 
mo : 1758 at Uptown Meeting. 

Thomas Wilson, the son of my daughter Mary was born 
the 27 tL of the 8 mo August 1758 a little before 10 o'clock 
a first day. 



220 Genealogical Records from the Bible of Thomas Say. 

Hannah Carmalt, the daughter of James Carmalt was 
born the 19 th of the 11 mo 1759 a first day about 5 oclock. 

-, Thomas Wilson, departed this life the 31 st of the 3 rd mo 
1759 36 m after 10 oclock 7 th day & buried by bis Grand- 
father Wilson. 

Rebekah Say, daughter of Thomas Say departed this life 
tbe 26 th of 10 mo 1759 about 38 minutes after 12 in the 
day. 

Thomas Say Jr., departed this life the 9 th ot the 11 mo 
1759 about 38 in p. 5 in the afternoon a 6 th day and was 
buried by his Grandmother Paschall a 1 st day (19 years and 
1 mo old). 

Mary Wilson, daughter of James Wilson & my daugh- 
ter Mary was born the 26 th of the 9 mo 1760 after 1 oclock 
in the day a 6 th day. 

Thomas Say Carmalt, son of my daughter Susannah was 
born 29 th of the 10 mo 1760 about J an hour after 2 oclock 
in the afternoon a fourth day. 

Rebekah Say, daughter of Samuel Atkinson was born 
the 13 th of the 5 mo July 1760 old stile the 24 th of the 7 mo 
new stile between 6 & 7 oclock in the morning. 

Rebekah Carmalt, daughter of my daughter Susannah 
was born the 27 th 11 mo 1762 about 25 m after 9 oclock at 
night a 7 th day. 

Rebekah Wilson, daughter of James Wilson <fe my daugb- 
ter Mary was born the 4 th of the 12 mo 1762 about 6 m 
after 9 oclock a 6 th day evening. 

Mary Wilson Sen k , wife of James Wilson & daughter of 
Thomas Say departed the 16 of 12 mo 1762 about 6 m after 
10 oclock in the afternoon on a 5 th day & was buried the 



Genealogical Records from the Bible of Thomas Say. 221 

first day following in Friends Ground by her son Thomas 
(was 27 years 7 mos & 18 days old.) 

- - Mary Wilson, daughter of James Wilson departed this 
life the 4 th of the 4 mo April 1764 about 15 m past 7 oclock 
in the morning 4 th dav aged 3 vrs 6 mos & 22 days & buried 
next her mother in Friends Ground. 

Elizabeth Budd, daughter of my wife Rebekah was mar- 
ried to Moses Bartram at Uptown Meeting House the 10 th 
of the 7 mo July 1764 about 40 m after 11 oclock. 

Jonathan Carmalt, son of James k of my daughter 
Susannah was born the 17 th of April 1765 about 23 m after 
2 o'clock in the afternoon on a 4 th day. 

James Carmalt, the husband of my daughter Susannah 
departed this life the 15 th day of the 8 mo 1765 at 2 oclock 
in the afternoon on a 5 th day & buried the next in my bury- 
ing ground. 



'& &' 



Susannah Livington, daughter of John Livington & my 
daughter Susannah was born the 16 th of the 3 mo 1772 
about 45 m after 5 in the afternoon. 

John Livington, son of John Livington & my daughter 
Susannah born the 26 th of the 3 mo 1774 about 45 m after 
5 in the afternoon. 

My daughter Susannah Livington, departed this life the 
17 th of the 7 mo called July 1778 & was buried on her 
mother in my Burying Ground. 

Benjamin Say, was married to Ann Bonsall the first day 
of the 10 rno called October 1776 at the Bank Meeting 
House Phil*. 

Polly Say, daughter of Benjamin & Ann Say was born 
the 17 th of the 11 mo called November 1778 about \ past 
12 oclock on 3 rd day. 



-* 



222 Genealogical Beeords from the Bible of Thomas Say. 

Thomas Say, son of Benjamin & Ann Say was born on 
the 27 th of 6 mo called June 1787. about \ of an hour after 
4 oelock in the morning being the 4 th day of the week. 

V 

Benjamin Say, son of Benjamin & Ann Say was born on 
the 10 day of the 12 mo called December 1790 about J an 
hour after 8 oelock in the morning on the 6 th day of the 
week. 

Eebekaii Ann Say, daughter of Benjamin & Ann Say 
was born on the 24 th day of the 8 mo called August 1793 
about 20 rn after 4 oelock in the morning it being on the 
7 th day of the week. 

Polly Say, daughter of Benjamin & Ann Say, departed 
this life on the 13 day of the 10 mo called. October 1793 at 
£ after 8 in the morning on the 1 st day of the week of the 
malignant fever & was buried in our Family Burying 
Ground on the same day. 

Ann Say, wife of Benjamin Say departed this life on the 
15 th day of the 10 mo called October 1793 about 11 oelock 
A M. on the 3 rd day of the week of the malignant Fever & 
was buried in our Family Burying Ground on the same day. 

Hannah Matlack, wife of William Matlack grand daugh- 
ter of Thomas Say departed this life on the 27 th of the 11 
mo 1793 about 3 oelock at night & was buried along side 
of her Mother in our Family Burial Ground (of the dropsy). 

Kebakah Say, wife of Thomas Say departed this life after 
a tedious spell of illness on the 26 th day of the 6 mo June 
1795 on the 6 th day of the week about 11 oelock in the 
morning and was buried in the Family Burial Ground on 
the first day following aged nearly 79 years. 

Thomas Say, departed this life on the 27 th day of the 3 
mo March 1796 about 2 oelock in the morning on the 1 st 
day of the week of a complicated complaint & was buried 



Genealogical Records from the Bible of Thomas Say. 223 

on the 3 rd day following in the Family Burial Ground aged 
86 years & 6 mos : — 
great, great, great, grand father to Clara Mitchell Carey. 

TRebeeaHj daughter of Samuel Atkinson and Ruth, his 
wife, was bom the 13th day year of our Lord 1716, between 
6 and 7 o'clock in the morning, (Dr. Say's mother.) 



\ 



*v 



224 Four Letters addressed to John Dickinson. 



FOUE LETTERS ADDRESSED TO JOHN DICKINSON. 

[The following interesting letters from Thomas Willing and D r Ben- 
jamin Rush to John Dickinson, are copied from the originals in the 
Manuscript Collection of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania.] 

Thursday Morn 5 . 
Dear Sir : — 

A Matter is to be brought on the Carpet this Morn g w h I 
think must be highly disagreeable to you; it was moved for 
yesterday k a Committee ordered to report this Morn g k 
from the Complexion of the Committee chosen, I fear we 
shall want every help to avoid it. All your friends wish 
for your presence & none more than your obliged 

hum. Serv* 

T. Willing. 

The Old Question respect 5 Cannada — its not safe to say 
more — but come to the Congress I beseech you y s Morn*. 

Dear Sir : — 

Upon conversing with several of your friends since 2 
o'Clock yesterday I find the fullest proof of Reed's highly 
disapproving of the Cons a of Pennsylvania. Col. Miles is 
willing (he says) to swear that he heard him disapprove of 
it fully or strongly while he was President, and all the lie- 
publicans who were threatned & bullied by him at a Meeting 
at the new tavern (where he convened them expressly for 
the purpose of proving that he had not altered his mind 
respecting the Constitution, but that he still thought of it k 
disliked it as much as they did) will declare in support of 
your general k last assertion. Mr. Nixon and Sharp De- 
laney were both present on that occasion. 

Taking these facts into consideration one or two of your 
most judicious friends think you had better immediately re- 



Four Letters addressed to John Dickinson. 225 

call that note from the printer in which you acknowledge 
a mistake. Yon may easily fix proofs upon him not only 
of a lie, but of the most pointed malice against you. 

Yours sincerely 

Tuesday Morning. Benj* Rush. 

His Excellency John Dickinson Esq* 

Philad a Feb. 16 1796 
My Dear Friend, 

Your friendly letter, with its entertaining enclosure came 
safe to hand at a moment when the care of the hospital, the 
labor of composing several new lectures upon a most diffi- 
cult subject viz. " the diseases of the mind," and the usual 
hurry of my private business, prevented my paying that at- 
tention to the proposed publication I wished. I have since 
looked over it, but not with the care I had proposed. The 
manner, the matter & the style are all equally interesting. 
It is calculated to arrest the running reader, and to awaken 
even the palled relish for moral and religious instruction. 
In this way onty shall we counteract the infidel writers of the 
age. They seduce by the novelty of their manner, and bril- 
liancy of their style, much more than by their arguments, for 
these are generally overlooked, or soon forgotten. Paine's 
witty reflection upon the " drab-coloured dress &c" of the 
Quakers, is more universally remembered, and quoted than 
any thing else in his absurd and impious Age of Reason. 

I return you the manuscript agreeably to your request. I 
expect to have the pleasure of introducing it into the World, 
when you have made the proposed additions. All your di- 
rections respecting the choice of a printer, capitals &c, shall 
be faithfully attended to. 

I rejoice to find the vigor of your talents, & benevolence 
still unimpaired. One of the Reformers who spent the 
evening of his life in composing books in defence of his prin- 
ciples, was requested by one of his friends to spare himself, 
and not to hasten his death by his severe studies. " What," 
said the pious Champion for truth, " would you have my 

VOL. XXIX. — 15 



*v 



226 Four Letters addressed to John Dickinson. 

Master come, and find me idle ?" May we both be actuated 
by a similar disposition to bring forth fruit in our old age ! 

I am now preparing a work for the press to be entitled, 
" An attempt to explain sundry passages in the old & new 
Testament, by the principles of Medicine, & the laws of the 
Animal Oeconomy." It will contain many new arguments 
in favor of Christianity, and will I hope render Infidelity, 
at least, among Physicians as much a mask of ignorance, as 
it is of impiety, or immorality. Should it please God to 
bless this work to the benefit of any of his creatures, I shall 
be thankful. What an honor to be employed by Him in any 
way, but chiefly in promoting the knowledge, the love, and 
the future enjoyment of himself. 

My most respectful compliments await Mrs. Dickinson, 
and my old acquaintance Miss Sally who I hear is wise in 
the things which are to be hereafter, as well as in human 
affairs. Miss Maria I hear is a fine sprightly girl, but as yet 
she says " no Quaker/' 

How I long to spend an afternoon or evening in the So- 
ciety of your amiable family, in which I have been more 
happy than in any family in the country except my own ! 

My dear Mrs. Rush joins in love to all your fireside, with 
my D r friend 

Yours very 

affectionately 

Benj n Rush. 
My Deak Friend, 

The additions and alterations to the " Fragment," to which 
you refer in your letter of yesterday, were received, and put 
immediately afterwards into the hands of Mr. Tho s Dobson. 

D r Priestley is now delivering a course of Sermons in our 
City upon the external wideness of Christianity. He has 
exhibited in the most striking manner, the superiority of the 
Jewish & Christian revelations over the pagan religions in 
principles, in morals, and in ceremonial institutions. Xext 
week he purposes to shew the truth of Christianity from 
the miracles which accompanied its establishment. I men- 



Four Letters addressed to John Dickinson. 227 

tioned to him a few days ago your zeal in the cause to which 
his late Sermons have been devoted, lie was delighted with 
the information, and expressed a desire to be acquainted 
with you. I have promised him that pleasure, the next 
time he visits Wilmington. Upon all subjects (two or three 
in divinity excepted) you will harmonize with him. I have 
never met with so much knowledge, accompanied with so 
much simplicity of manners. You will be charmed with 
him. 

Adieu. From my D r friend 

Yours sincerely 

Benj n Rush. 
Philad% 
April 5, 1796. 



v* V 



228 Tico Petitions of Citizens of Philadelphia County. 



TWO PETITIONS OF CITIZENS OF PHILADELPHIA 
COUNTY TO THE GOVERNOR OF THE PROVINCE, 
FOE PROTECTION AGAINST INDIAN INCURSIONS, 
1728. 

The administration of the State Library, at Harrisburg, as 
carried on since the appointment of the present librarian, 
Hon. Thomas Lynch Montgomery, is a model of enlight- 
ened policy and business-like methods, and should receive 
that substantial recognition and generous support necessary 
to add to its dignity and importance as a great library. 

The organization, in April of 1903, of the Department of 
Public Records, for the arrangement and preservation of 
the valuable historical manuscripts of the Commonwealth, 
has not only stimulated a spirit of local research but is 
proving of the greatest assistance to historians elsewhere. 
Of late years history and genealogy have been brought 
more closely together, and as an exhibit of how these 
blend, in many of the valuable documents in this depart- 
ment, the reproduction of two autographic petitions of 
1728, from citizens living on the frontiers of Philadelphia 
County (now Montgomery) to the Governor for protection 
against the threatened incursions of Indians are herewith 
given. 

The new series of Archives, edited by Mr. Montgomery, 
by his discriminating judgment and fastidious exactness, 
is|unquestionably a most important one, and will prove of 
the greatest value and usefulness to the historical student 
and general reader of Pennsylvania history. 






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' 



Letter of Robert Proud, the Historian, 1778. 



00 Q 



LETTER OF EGBERT PROUD, THE HISTORIAN, 1778. 

[The following letter of Robert Proud, the compiler of the History of 
Pennsylvania, addressed to his brother, William Proud, of London, in 
addition to indicating his Tory leanings, contains interesting local data, 
commercial and military. The original is among the "Proud Manu- 
scripts" of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania.] 

Pbilaj^ Anno 10. . 1778 
Dear Bro. Tv™ Proud, 

This will inform thee that I have as yet rec d no Answer 
to mine of the 1 st of 12 mo. last, in which I mentioned 
pretty fully our situation here at that Time, and that I have 
wrote thee since in 3 mo. last, respecting the scarcity and 
high Price of some kind of Provisions here, which still con- 
tinues, viz. Flour, P>eef, Pork, Beer, Cheese, etc., refering 
the same to thy Consideration, whether it might be worth 
while to ship some such Articles, if proper Permission was 
obtained, the Trade not vet beinic free to this Place; but 
that as these Articles are very profiting, and if large Quan- 
tities should come in this Spring or Summer, or should the 
Country be opened to the City, which are Things probable, 
it would be bad Consequence to be concerned in the same. 
Flour especially is said to be very plentiful in the Country, 
but not to be got into the City at present: but from what I 
then wrote, I imagine it would appear best to thee not to 
venture ; every Thing here respecting Trade being in such 
a very dubious and dangerous Situation, which is still likely 
to continue to be the case. Dry Goods in all probabiiity 
will be very low ; the People here are able to purchase but 
very little; their legal Paper Currency being entirely 
stopped, and their other means of remittance, by the Pro- 
duce of the Country cut off, or destroyd by the "War. These 
Lines, therefore, are only just to let thee hear from me, and 



230 Letter of Robert Proud, the Historian, 1778. 

give thee a Hint of the Continuation of the State of the 
above mentioned Articles etc in this Place. 

I am not yet quite recovered in my Health since my severe 
sickness, during the great Part of last Winter; I believe 1 
applyed myself last Summer too closely in adjusting some 
Papers, in part drawing up an Essay toward a History of 
the first Settlement of this Province an Affair recommended 
by some Frd's, but which now lyes interrupted; this with 
my long proceeding confinement in this City, in the Rebel 
Usurpation in it, and since it being unsafe to go out of the 
Lines, especially for such as are more obnoxious than some 
others to the Rebel Party, together with the sight of the 
affecting scene of Destruction in this once happy Coun- 
try, occasioned in my opinion by a most highly infatuated 
and mad People, and the different Way of living in these 
distressing Times, I imagine may have contributed towards 
my sickness. 

One of the Frd's who was banished from home to Vir- 
ginia last Autumn is lately dead in Exile viz. Tho. Gilpin, 
Son-in-Law of Joshua Fisher ; John Hunt, who is likewise 
there in Exile, ha3 been dano-erouslv sick; and his Disorder 
having fallen into his Leg, it has lately undergone an Ampu- 
tation ; but whether he yet survives the operation, which is 
doubtful, we daily wait to hear; several others of them 
having lately been dangerously sick; all Applications by 
Frd's for their Releasement have hitherto been in vain. 
Two of the Xumber, who were not Frd's or Quakers, 
came home without leave last Winter. I have wrote to 
Bro. John by the present opportunity, from whom I lately 
rec'd a Letter dated in London, which he informs me is his 
present Residence. I shall be glad to hear from thee re- 
specting him, how he goes on, and is likely to proceed, as far 
as is in thy Power. In daily Expectation of hearing from 
thee, it being I think several years since thy last, I remain 
with Love to thee and Family with my Dear Mother, 

thy Bro, 

R. Proud. 



v* V 



Letter of Robert Proud, the Historian, 1778. 231 

The Army still remains here in Winter Quarters, and in 

very good Condition, Washington with his Army is ab* 22 

miles distant. Nothing of much Moment that I know of 

""has happened between them or their Parties tor most Part 

of the Winter. 

P. S. Anno. 13 th . 

After having wrote the above, I have just rec d thy accepta- 
ble Letter of 1 mo. 22nd. Thy kind Information respecting 
my Relations, and Concern for myself, give me much satis- 
faction. I intend to write to the Person in Maryland men- 
tioned' by thee, when Communication opens, which is at 
present entirely shut up, and next to impossible, except by 
mere Chance. This City being still, as it were, besieged by 
the Rebel Militia supported by Washington's Army; who, 
in email parties around it in the Country, do every Thing in 
their power to prevent Provisions, coming in, plundering 
the Inhabitants of what they can find, and otherwise abusing 
and murdering many of them, and burning such part of the 
Hay, Corn, and Forage around us as they cannot carry off; 
to prevent, as they say, it's coming into the Hands of the 
English. These Parties alwavs run awav when the King's 
Troops go out after them, and return again when they 
retreat. 

Since the above was written there appears more Proba- 
bility of our banished Frds. being either released or, in some 
Manner, returning Home, than heretofore ; they are ordered 
from Winchester in Virginia to Lancaster in this Province, 
where the Usurpers of this Government sit; A few Days 
will probably shew the Event. A Fleet of above 40 Sail 
with a great Variety of Goods, Provisions, etc., are just ar- 
riving here from K York, which I expect will bring down 
the Prices of several Articles which I have above mentioned 
to thee ; but I am informed there is no Flour on board. 



*v 



232 Selected Letters of Michael Rillcgas. 



SELECTED LETTEES OF MICHAEL IIILLEGAS, 
TREASURER OF THE UNITED STATES. 

[Among the recent accessions to the Manuscript Department of The 
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, is the Letter Book of Michael llille- 
gas, Treasurer of the United States, presented hy Mr. Charles Loekrcy.j 

-^ -^ York Town Dec r . 3, 1777— 

Dear Brother : 

Have the pleasure of informing you of all our Healths, 
but withall very anxious what will become of poor Sister 
Jeninngs and her children, should she have remained in 
Philadelphia. I wrote you several letters after you left 
Heading on this subject for you to try to get her out with 
some of the Market People — I also wrote to her (which I 
hope she received) to try to get out; do let me know the 
success you had, for I feel much for them — I also wrote to 
some friends to assist her. You may write me by the way 
of Heading to the care of Mr. James Head or Mr. Mark 
Bird, of that place, either of whom can forward it to me 
either by post or otherwise. 

I have enclosed you an order on Mr. Samuel Morris 
Sen r who I believe lives at Gabriel Shuler's place, about 10 
or 12 mile below you, to pay you the moneys in his 
hand belonging to me, his son Mr. Sam 1 C. Morris left it 
with him for that purpose. You'll please to credit me with 
the amount and write me how T much it is. Mrs. Hillegas 
and Children join me in the sincerest love to you, Dear 
Sister Kuhl and all your sweet children, together with all 
our relations about you, 
and am 

Dear Brother 

Yours Most affectionately 

p. s._ M - IL 

Do let us know how you all do, and how your son has 
got the better of his fracture by falling off his horse. 

Mr. Frederick Kuhl. 



** V 



Selected Letters of Michael Hillcgas. 233 

York Town Dec r 3, 1777. 
My Dear Sir. 

I have the pleasure of informing yon and yours that I 
am once more blessed with having mv Children about me, 
after having been deprived of their Company for nine 
months, and at present Blessed be God, we are all in 
Health. Your son Mr. Saml. C. Morris wrote me before 
his departure for the West Indies that he had lodged my 
share of the proceeds of our Adventure to France in your 
hands to pay me ; as I was in Baltimore still in Expecta- 
tion of seeing you soon in Phil\, I never troubled you with 
any line about it. But it being at present uncertain how 
soon I shall have that pleasure, Have taken the liberty of 
drawing on you in favor of my Brother Kuhl no way 
doubting but that it will be equally agreeable, and that you 
will honor the same. "We hear the distress of the Remain- 
ing Inhabitants of our Dear City is great, but their being in 
the Enemies hands; I hope however, in due time the Philis- 
tines will be obliged to fly that City, nay all America, and 
that we shall see each other in that place in peace and 
safety — Which God Grant may be soon — Mrs. Hillegas 
and Children join me in love to you, good Mrs. Morris and 
all the Children, and in expectation of being favourd with a 
line from you letting us know how you Do, w T ith what else 
you may have in the Xews way to Communicate, — am Dr. 
Sir and Dear Neighbour, 

Your affectionate friend & humble Servent 
Sam l Morris Esq*. M. H. 



York Town Mar. 17, 1778. 
Dear Sir. 

Permit me to thank you for your very agreeable Letter 
of the 7 th of October last, & of expressing my Obligation to 
you for your kind Inclination of serving Mr. M c Creery in 
the Xegociating his Certificates of our Continental Loan 
Office, but am sorry you were with some reason " told that 
our Money had depredated" and that therefore "you could 



*v 



234 Selected Letters of Michael Hillegas. 

not in Coneiencc be Concerned in ncgociating them as equal in 
E<jual in Value to the Numberr of Spanish Dollars mentioned in 
4}iem." 

I must acknowledge that the high prices things have borne 
here pleads undoubtedly strong that the Money has depre- 
ciated, but give me leave at the same time to observe that 
this has not been altogether occasioned by the Quantity of 
Money which has been issued with us, but in part by a 
Scarcity of foreign Articles (and which scarcity was by the 
Traders made some what Artificial by secreting y e Goods we 
really had). This the retailers as well as the Importers 
availed themselves of, and Continued to raise in their prices 
(till lately) higher & higher. This same Spirit of Avarice 
soon got among the Farmers particularly those who were 
disaffected, who in turn when they were asked the Prices of 
the Necessaries of Life &c, they had for sale would naturally 
in Justification of their Demands plead the high prices they 
were obliged to give for Salt, Sugar, Rum, Coffee & all 
kinds of European Goods. I cant however help thinking 
this evil will soon mend, many foreign Articles being already 
more reasonable than they were some time ago. Salt at 
Baltimore has fallen from £18 to £4 ^ Bushel & I hear 
where it is made on the Shore it sold 30 @ 40/. 

As to the Money which has been issued, am well satisfied 
that it is good, because the Estates of America are & will 
be a sufficient security for the redemption of all the Money 
that has been issued and even much more. Taxes have 
already commenced in most if not all the States, which 
have been very cheerfully paid by all Whigg3 & I stand in- 
formed that this to the Eastward had the Effect of Lowering 
Goods 25 P. C\ But you & I both know that Taxes re- 
peated year after year without a Trade Foreign as well as 
Domestic will soon move heavy. And I am not without 
my hopes That this Trade will soon be Obtained, so soon at 
least, as we shall have the happiness of Compleatly beating 
our Enemies, which God of his infinite Mercy Grant may 
be this ensuing Campaign. I think I hear you say Nothing 



*v 



Sckckd Letters of Michad Hfflegas. 235 

lets will do, and then without the Art of Prophecy we shall 
see our Money daily become more and more Valuable. 

Mr. Lutterloh whom you were pleased to recommend 
tcr me lately sent me your Letter of the 23 d January 
1777, he is now in Camp, have not as yet had the pleasure 
of seeing him, as soon however as that shall be the Case 
you may depend shall shew him all the Civilities in my 
Power. 

Some time since was informed of a Lieut. Gen 1 Hille- 
gas in the Holland service whom Pve some reason to sup- 
pose a relation of mine, have wrote him on the subject, 
under cover of the enclosed Letter which I beg you'll 
forward. If you have any Acquaintance in Holland who 
may know Men in that way, would beg a few lines from 
you to them respecting this Discovery, my Character, my 
Situation in Life & what else you may please to mention of 
me, this Communicated to the General through your friend 
I flatter myself might be of no Disserrice. 

Mrs. Hillegas joins me in Compliments, and am D r Sir 
with much Esteem & regard your most Affectionate as 
well as most Humble Serv* 

Michael Hillegas. 

Doctor Feaxklix — 
One of y* ambassadors from y e 
L'nited States of America at y e 
Court of Versailles, at Passey, 
near Paris. 

York Tow:s March 17, 1773. 
Dear Friend. 

I just now hear the Post is to set ofF so that Pve no more 
time than just to acknowledge the Eeceipt of yours of the 
14 th Instant, with the two therein enclosed drafts k Letters, 
the latter I immediately delivered, but as yet have not any 
answer as to the drafts — Genl Mifflin is not yet come here, 
tho* daily expected; shall as soon a3 he comes inquire about 
the^other ali'air, and write you very soon — Pray could you not 
Interest a poor slave to his countrv to the Amount of five 



236 Selected Letters of Michael Hilkgas. 

hundred or a thousand Pounds in a good Vessel & Cargo 
to France & back again, — If you can, do write me. — Per- 
mit me to thank you for the Civilities shown Baron Holt- 
zendorff & Mr. Senf. 

We long very much to hear of the full recovery of 
Health of your Saml. Purviance, as well as always to hear 
of all your Healths & both Families, or rather If I mistake 
not the whole three Families. Mrs. II. & Son Sam'l join in 
Love to all & every of you and am D r Sir y™ &c. 

M. H. 

Mr. H. E. Purviance. 

Yorktown Mar. 25 th , 1778. 

Honor D Sir. 

Your goodness I doubt not will excuse me for troubling 
you in behalf of the Public, & for my not having any ac- 
quaintance your way to write to. 

Have to inform you of the arrival of "William Kennan 
the Copperplate printer you were pleased to find us. We 
have now to request the favour that you'll please get pur- 
chased of Mr. William Post at Poughkeepsie about ten or 
12 lb of Frankfort Black, that the same be well packed up 
& sent hence by the first Express coming to Congress. 
You'll please Address the same to me, and draw for the 
same on, Hon'rd Sir 

Your most obed* Servt. 

M. H. 

P. S. Let me pray you to be as expeditious as possible, 
as it is much wanted by the public. 

His Excellency Geo. Clinton Gov r of K. York. 

Phil ad a Nov 1 " 5 th , 1779. 
Hon'd Sir: 

Permit me to Remind you of my acquainting you of rny 
having been informed of a name sake of mine, who I un- 
derstood was in the Holland Service, either in the Sea or 
Land Department (or both) but which of these my In- 
formant could not with Certainty say. 



*v 



Selected Letters of Michael Hillegas. 287 

And to take the Liberty to request that on your Arrival 
in Holland when your more Important Business will admit 
of it, that you will please Interest yourself in my behalf 
ainl make particular Inquirey for him, if you should be so 
fortunate as to find him, to deliver or send the Inclosed to 
him so that he may certainly get it. I should be further 
obliged if you could either tell him or write him, what you 
know of me or of my Characture k to request his answer 
to my. Letter as I want to know whether or no he is any 
way Related to me ; having given him an account of our 
family. 

Wishing you now with the greatest & most affectionate 
Sincerity Health & happiness, as well as pleasant Journey & 
voyage to that Country & Success in all your Negotiations 
there — I subscribe myself with the most profound Respect 
your honours Most Obed 1 Serv* 

M. Hillegas. 

Hon blk Henry Laurens Esqr. 

Phila. Dec 11, 1779. 
My Dr. Sir. 

I am so well acquainted with business and easily can 
imagine the Multiplicity of it which will fall to your Lott 
on your arrival in France, That I take this Liberty of 
troubling you with a few lines by way of Memorandum, 
respecting the trilling matter of mine. 

You will please to purchase for & send me from the pro- 
ceeds of my Certificate of the 1000 Dollars two or three of 
those pictures you & I see hanging behind the Chair of the 
president of Congress at the House: two or 3 of the several 
Busts of Doctor Franklin which are done in a kind of 
brownish or Redish Earth & put in Round Frames, like 
pictures, about 3 inches in diameter, Also of those done in 
a kind of China of ye same size. With the remainder you 
will please to purchase Silk3 or Linens and some Lady's 
Gloves. I now take pleasure of sincerely wishing you a 
prosperous Passage to France, a happy sight of all your 
friends there, Success in your business & a safe return to 



*v 



238 Selected Letters of Michael Jlillegas. 

America, but above all Health, — and am with truth & real 
regard Dr. Sir. 

Yr. most affectionate Hble. Ser T 

M. H. 
Mr. W m M c Creery. 

Phila. May 6, 1780. 
My Dear Friend. 

In obedience to your note of the 9 th Dee. last to Mr. Jones 
requesting me to obtain Lodgings suitable for you in this 
City : I immediately made the necessary inquiry and was 
lucky enough to procure one, which I engaged for you, 
then and ever since daily expecting to have the pleasure of 
seeing you with us again. I informed you soon after the 
same of my having engaged this place, by one of the- Conti- 
nental Riders [I think it was one Brown] , which hope came 
to your Hands ; but having never since been favoured with 
a line I constantly apologized for it, on continually hearing 
you were to sett off for this place very shortly. What I 
have now to say is, the owner of the House where the 
Lodgings were obtained, has several times applied to me 
about my giving them up as Mr. Cyrus Griffin, a Delegate 
from Virginia, among many others wanted them ; But still 
as I said before expecting you, I could not do it. I should 
therefore, wish you would give me such directions as you 
may think proper, as the Man expects the pay for the 
Lodgings from the time they were taken. 

Mrs. Hillegas, Peggy & Henry all join me in Love to 
yourself & good Mrs. Hancock and to express the pleasure 
we have of hearing of your Son being so fine a Boy. 
I am with the greatest Esteem &, Regard, 
My Dr. Sir, 

Your most affectionate Friend, 
& very humble Serv* 

M. IT. 
The Honbel. 
John Hancock Esquire, 
Major Genl., Boston. 



.* 



Selected Letters of Mid tad Hillegas. 239 

Phil A. May 9, 1780. 
Dear Sir. 

I beg you'll immediately let me know how our Hessians 
ito- or come on. If any of them have deserted ; it will give 
great uneasiness with the Board of War. The Army com- 
plain that they risk their Lives to obtain {inter alia) Prisoners 
and that afterward for want of care, they are permitted to 
make their escape; If any of ours therefore, should have 
left the Works, it will be best to avoid trouble and Cost to 
conduct the remaining ones immediately to this City to be 
delivered up to Goal, from whence we took them. If they 
still remain, it will be best in you, not to hint the least of 
this Letter to any person whatever, least it might by acci- 
dent get to their Ears, and put them in mind of a thing, 
which before they had no inclination of doing. 

Should also be much obliged to you to Inform me how 
you go on ; I hope it is prosperously, and as I shall very 
soon stand in need of some Money, you will either send me 
a draft on some body or some Money by a safe hand; or 
direct me when & for how much to draw on you. 

Mrs. Hillegas & Children join me in Love to you & good 
Mrs. Slough & whole family — and am 

Dr Sir with much esteem & Regard 

Yours most affectionately 

M. Hillegas. 

Matthias Slough Esq. 



^ \. 



240 A Bit of Local Gossip of 1710. 



A BIT OF LOCAL GOSSIP OF 1740. 

BY FRANCIS YON A. CABEEN. 

Since Mr. "WhitefielcVs Preaching here the Dancing 
School Assembly and Concert Room have been shut up as 
inconsistent with the Doctrine of the Gospel : And though 
the gentlemen concern'd caus'd the door to be broke open 
again, we are inform'd that no company came the last As- 
sembly Xight. — The Pennsylvania Gazette, Hay 1, 1740. 

In my last, at the Request of Mr. Seward, I enserted an 
Article of 2sews, relating to the shutting up of the Concert 
Room &c, which it seems giYes great Offence to the Gentle- 
men concern'd in the Entertainments usually carry'd on 
there : for tho' the Article is allow'd to be litterally true, yet 
by the Manner of Expression 'tis thought to insinuate some 
thing that is not true, viz. That the Gentlemen forbore 
meeting on the Xight mentioned as thinking such Enter- 
tainments inconsistent with the Doctrine of the Gospel. I 
haYe often said that if any person thinks himself injured in 
a Public Xews-Paper he has a right to haYe his Vindication 
made as publick as the Assertion. The Gentlemen aboYe 
mentioned haYe brought me the following letter to be in- 
sorted in my Paper, believing the Publication of it will be 
adYantagious to their Reputation ; And tho' I think there 
is a good deal of Difference between a Vindication and an 
Invective ; and that whatever Obligations a printer may be 
under to publish Things of the former Hind, he can be 
under none with Regard to the latter ; Yet as the publish- 
ing of this will obviate a groundless Report (injurious to 
that Gentleman) that Mr. Whitefield had engag'd all the 
Printers not to print anything against him, but his Doc- 
trine and Practice should be expos'd and the people unde- 
ceived ; I shall therefore print it as I receive it ; And when 



*v 












A Bit of Local Gossip of 17 4.0. 241 

tlic Publick has heard what may possibly be said in Reply 
they will then judge for themselves. 

Philada May 6 1740 

"Mr. Franklin 

The Persons concerned in the Assembly and Concert 
think their Characters injur'd by the Insinuation which the 
Paragraph in your last Gazette relating thereto, manifestly 
carries in it, as if any of them had declined going to either 
on Account of their being inconsistent with the Doctrine of 
the Christian Religion. Agreeable therefore to what you 
promised, that your Press should be open to any Vindica- 
tion the Gentlemen concerned might think proper to make 
you are desir'd to publish this letter which will let the 
World Know in what an unbecoming Manner this Affair 
has been conducted. 

William Seward who came into this Place as an Attendant 
and intimate Companion of Mr. Whitefield's inconsistently 
(to use his own Expression) with the Doctrine of the Gos- 
pel took upon him to invade other Men's Property; and 
contrary to Law and Justice on the 16th of April shut up 
the Door of the Concert Room without any previous Ap- 
plication to or consent had of any of the Members; and 
being informed that he had by his Act made himself liable 
to a Prosecution he went the very Day before this notable 
Paragraph was published and is supposed after his delivery 
of it to you to be printed and ask'd Pardon of some of the 
principal Gentlemen of that Society for his Indiscretion re- 
peatedly assuring them that he Knew nothing of any Gen- 
tlemen's having hired the Rooms and that if he had had 
the least Intimation of it he would not have caused them 
to be shut up ; And in this it appears he asserted an Un- 
truth in order to have an Apology for his conduct; for Mr. 
Bolton of whom the Rooms were taken, had before 
Seward's shutting them up inform 'd him that they were 
hired by some of the chief Persons in Town for a Term 
then unexpired; which Declaration of Mr. Bolton's was con- 
tinued by Seward himself who happening to come into 
vol. xxix. — 16 



242 A Bit of Local Gossij) of 17 40. 

your Shop at the very time when you given him for the 
Author of the Paragraph to some who were come to make 
Enquiry about it he thought proper to give a Detail of the 
Part he had acted in this Affair; and therein lie own'd 
that before his shutting up the Rooms Mr. Bolton had told 
him they belonged to the Members of the Concert tho' he 
had so lately pretended and affirmed the Contrary when he 
ask'd Pardon as related. 

It is said the Paragraph is true because the Company 
did not meet to Dance on the Tuesday before the Date of 
your last Gazette; But alas will this justify the Iniquity of 
such an Imposition on the Publick? The met was: The 
same Night the Rooms were shut up by Seward the Gen- 
tlemen of the Concert judging such romantick Piece of 
Conduct cou'd only proceed from wrong TURN of HEAD 
thought it below them to take any Notice of it and there- 
fore ordering their Door to be opened again, met the Night 
after according to Custom ; and the Tuesday following the 
Company met to Dance as they used to do ; but the As- 
sembly being only for the Winter Season is now discon- 
tinued of Course and the Concert being for the whole Year 
still goes on as usual. 

After this Account of Seward's Behavior no one can 
wonder at his low Craft in getting this Paragraph foisted 
into the News-Papers just before his Departure for England 
in order to carry it along with him and spread his Master's 
Fame as tho' he had met with great Success among the 
better Sort of People in Penna. when at the same Time to 
his great Mortification he can't but be sensible that he has 
been neglected by them ; and were they to deliver their 
Sentiments of him with the same Freedom he takes with 
others he wou'd presently discover they had both him and 
his mischievous Tenets in the utmost Contempt. 

Nor is this the only Instance of Misrepresentation in 
Favour of Mr. "Whiten* eld's Success; for in all those Articles 
of News which give an Account of the vast Crowds who 
compose his Audience their Numbers are always exag- 



* 



A Bit of Local Gossip of 1740. 243 

gerated being often doubled and sometimes trebled; And 
considering that these Accounts are said to be put into the 
Papers by themselves are they not a farther Specimen of 
"their little Regard to Truth? Nay are they not a Demon- 
stration that these Men have other Designs in View than 
are agreeable to their Pretences ? And what such a cause 
must be that requires such Means to propagate it is left to 
the Judgment of all unprejudiced Men. — The Bennsyk 
Ga&lte, May 8, 1740. 



ama 



v \ 






244 Notes and Queries. 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 
"Rotes. 

A List of Some of the European Magazines in the Library 
of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. — At the request of 
several correspondents, the following list of some of the principal Euro- 
pean Magazines in the library of The Historical Society of Pennsylva- 
nia has been prepared. This list excludes local, technical, genealogical 
periodicals, etc. Most of these last are new, while the present list- 
represents periodicals which are extinct or are no longer taken, with the 
exception of Notts & Queries. 

I. English. 

Gentleman's Magazine, 1731-1862 (except January to June, 1860). 
Gentleman's Magazine and Monthly Oracle, Vol. L, 1736. 
London Magazine, 1739-1781. 
Universal Magazine, 1754. 
Monthly Review, 1749-1819. 
Royal Female Magazine, 1760. 
North Briton, June, 1762-November, 1763. 
St. James Magazine, 1762-1764. 
Town and Country Magazine, 1769-1793. 
Lady's Magazine, 1799. 

Westminster Magazine, 1777-1779 ; 1782-1784. 
General Magazine, 1776-1777. 
Political Magazine, 1780-1 7 88. 
General Magazine, 1787-1790. 
European Magazine, 1783-1824. 
Imperial Magazine, 1789. 
New Lady's Magazine, 1791-1792. 
Naval Chronicle, 1799-1818. 
Quarterly Review (American edition), 1859. 
Asiatic Journal, 1816-1819. 
Kirby's Museum, 1820 (6 vols.). 

Retrospective Review, 1820-1824 ; 1827-1828. Third Series, 1853- 
1854. 

New Monthly Magazine (American reprint), 1821-1825. 

Westminster Review (American reprint), 1859. 

Foreign Quarterly Review, 1827-1846. 

United Service (Colburn's), 1829-1859. 

Saturday Magazine, 1832-1844. 

Punch, 1842-1862. 

Ilustrated London News, 1845-1846 ; 1854-1859. 

Notes and Queries, 1849-1905. 

Willis's Current Notes, 1851-1857. 

Cornhill, 1860. 

English Historical Review, 1886. 



Notes and Quenies. 2 45 

II. Scotch. 

Scots Magazine, 1750, 1755, 1757, 177G-17S3. 

Edinburgh Review (American edition), 1859. 

Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine (American edition), 1848, 1S59- 

North British (American edition), 1859. 

Ill French. 

La Guerre Illustree, 1S70-1S71. 

IV. German, 
Gartenlaube, 1870-1888. 

Seipel-Franklix Corkespoxpexce. — After Franklin had re- 
turned from Europe and taken his seat in Congress, Bishop Nathaniel 
Seidel, of Bethlehem, wrote to him, soliciting his good offices in behalf 
of tbc Moravians. The copy of Bishop Seidel's letter and Franklin's 
reply, are preserved in the Moravian Archives at Bethlehem : 

Dear and honored Sir: — Your safe Return from England to Philadel- 
phia at so very critical a Time, has given me and my Brethren much 
Joy ; we viewed and honor' d the Hand of God in it, hoping that your 
great knowledge and long Experience in Government Affairs, will be 
once more well apply' d for the Good of this country in general and in 
particular to the settling of the unhappy Dispute between England and 
these Colonies, which at present wears a very dismal Aspect. I there- 
fore most heartily welcome you in Pensilvania for myself and in the 
name of the Brethren in Bethlehem. But dear Sir, I have still another 
Reason to trouble you with these Lines & I hope you'll excuse my Free- 
dom. 

Time & Circumstances have, with a deep Regard for your Person im- 
planted into us, also a particular Confidence, which make me address 
you in our present critical Situation. The present ferment thro' the 
whole Province has brought us into a perplex'd and distressed State in 
this County and other Places. 

Our good Neighbours with whom we lived many years in neighbourly 
Love & Union are stirred up against U3 and seem to be quite out of Hu- 
mor with the Brethren & others who on account of the Religious Prin- 
ciples can't join them in taking up Arrn3 & do as they do, some good in- 
offensive Persons have been already ill treated on account of their Refusal 
lo exercise & others have been treadned with the Ruin of their Planta- 
tions, Destruction of their Houses and Barns, & tarring and feathering. 
We know how to excuse this vehement Heat, but are much afraid of the 
bad Consequences and the evil Effects such Excuses may have upon the 
Country in general. I would therefore in the name of the Brethren & 
other sufferers in this and other Provinces beg the favour of you, to be 
their Advocate in the present Congress & to use your best Influence with 
the Honourable Members to give no Occasion on their Resolves, to the 
several Committees or others to attack their Neighbours & Fellow Sub- 
jects in the most tender and dearest Parts, their Conscience and Religious 
Liberties, for which they are come into this Country ; but that an Hon- 
ourable Congress rather recommend it to the good People of these Prov- 
inces, to keep the Peace and to let every Religious Society enjoy their Priv- 
ileges fully & undisturbed, as long as they do not act against their Country. 



246 Notes and Queries. 

We seek nothing but the good of the Country where we live and th.it 
we under the Governors of the Land, wherein we dwell, may lead a quiet 
and peaceful Life in all Godliness and Honesty. We know how to value 
the good old English Liberty which we have enjoyed thro' God's Mercy, 
so many Years in this Country, but we should think ourselves extremely 
unhappy if in the Struggle for common Liberty, we should lose our Lib- 
erty of Conscience. I think none can nor will we withdraw ourselves 
from the common Burden and Expense of the Province wherein we dwell. 
That the God of Peace may direct the Councils of the Americans & 
the Councils in England, so, that both may meet one another in the way 
of Peace is surely the Prayer of thousands, of which I am one. Please 
to accept this with the humble Respects of the Brethren & my best 
Wishes for your Health & all desirable Happiness from 

Dr Sir 

Your Humble Servt, 

N. Seidel. 
Dr. Franklin replied as follows : 

Philadelphia, June 2, 1775. 
Reverend and Dear Sir: — I am much obliged to your kind Congratu- 
lations on my Return ; and I rejoice to hear that the Brethren are well 
and prosper. I am persuaded that the Congress will give no Encourage- 
ment to any to molest your People on Account of their Religious Prin- 
ciples ; and tho much is not in my Power, I shall on every Occasion 
exert myself to discountenance and prevent such infamous Practices. I 
remember that you put yourselves into a good Posture of Defence at the 
Beginning of the last war when I was at Bethlehem ; and I then under- 
stood from my much respected Friend Bp. Spangenberg, that there were 
among the Brethren many who did not hold it unlawful to arm in defen- 
sive War. If there be still any such among your young Men perhaps it 
would not be amiss to permit them to learn the Military Dicipline among 
their Neighbors, as this might conciliate those who at present express 
some Resentment ; and having Arms in Readiness for all who may be 
able and willing to use them, will be a general Means of Protection 
against Enemies of all kinds. 

But a Declaration of your Society, that tho they can not in conscience 
compel their young Men to learn the Use of Arms, yet they do not re- 
strain such as are disposed, will operate in the Minds of People very 
greatly in your Favour. Excuse my Presumption in offering Advice, 
which indeed may be of little Value, but proceeds from a Heart fill' d. 
with Affection and Respect for a Society I have long highly esteemed, 
and among whom I have many valuable Friends. 
I am with great Regard, 
& Veneration 

Rev'dSir 
Your most obediant 
humble Servant, 

B. Franklin. 

Letter to Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, 1770. — 

London Jan. 27. 1770. 

Dear Sir, 

According to the advices of our W. Lee we now send out Cap* James 
Walker in the new Ship Liberty to load for us in Potomack. We have 



Notes and Queries. 247 

purchased her, that our friends may be upon a certainty of a regular 
annual ship to bring home their tobacco & carry out their goods. 

We shall think ourselves extremely happy to be favor' d with your 
consignments & interest, for which purpose, if the plan sh d be agreeable 
u jto you, we will endeavor to prevent your former connections from being 
any objection, on this head we should wish you to write us explicitly, 
that we may be fully acquainted with what you desire, tho' for the pres- 
ent we hope Cap' W. will receive some of your favors. As we conclude 
our W. L. has mentioned our plans fully to you we think it needless to 
say anything more here, only with our best respects to y r Lady & Family, 
we remain with the highest esteem, 
Dear Sir 

Your mo. ob. Hble Serv* 

De Berdt's, Lee & Sayre. 
Dennys de Berdt. 
Dennis De Berdt Jun r . 
William Lee. 
Stephen Sayre. 
Richard Henry Lee Esq. Chantillyl 
Potomac River, Virginia 



Letter of Benjamin Franklin to William Strahan, of Lon- 
don, 1752. — 

Phii> June 20, 1752. 
Dear Sir, 

I received yours of Jan. 17 with two Vols, of Viner, in good Order ; 
but the Ship proving leaky, the Water got into the Box containing poor 
Sally's Dressing Glass, by which means the Glue being dissolved, the 
Frame parted, the Glass dropt out and broke to pieces, and the Wood 
Work is so twisted and cast out of Shape in drying again, that nothing 
fits, and the whole is not, in my Opinion, worth a farthing ; tho' the 
Surveyor's have valu'd it at } prime cost. I am thus particular, sup- 
posing you insur'd it w T ith the other Goods you then sent, and that pos- 
sibly something may be recovered towards another. 

Honest David Martin, Rector of our Academy, my principal Antag- 
onist at Chess, is dead, and the few remaining Players here are very in- 
different, so that I have now no need of Stommas 12/ Pamphlet, and am 
glad you did not send it. 

By Mesuard, Sally's Books came to hand in good Order ; But a 4to 
Bible with Cuts charg'd in the Invoice, was not in the Trunk ; Instead 
of it, there was a 2 d Vol. of Foster's Nat. Religion in boards, which I 
keep, having the first. 

I am not well enough acquainted with the Booksellers in New Eng- 
land to venture recommending or advising you to deal with any of them 
unless for ready Cash. In general the People there are artful to get into 
Debt, and pay badly. If I should ever make another Journey thither, 
I could, when on the spot, judge better of Persons, and perhaps be of 
some Service. 

Enclosed is a Bill of 50 £ Sterling, drawn by Pole & Howell on W m 
Baker Esq. Mercht. London, with a List of Books for the Library Com- 
pany. As this is the first time of their Dealing with you, they will 
inspect the Invoice pretty curiously, therefore I hope you win be careful 
to procure the Books as cheap as possible. The Company are unac- 



248 Notes and Queries. 

quainted with some of the Books, so that if the whole should eorae to 
more than 50 £ with Charges of Insurance, &c. they desire you woald 
omit so many as to bring it within that Sum ; for their Money comes in 
but once a Year, and they do not chuse to lie so long in Debt. 
«., Please to send me another of Popple's Maps of North America, 
large, on Rollers ; a Pair of Mrs. Senex's improv'd Globes, recommended 
in the Transactions of the Royal Society, (or Neal's improv'd Globes 
if thought better thnn Senex's) the best and largest that may be had 
for (not exceeding) Eight Guineas, and a Concave Mirror or Burning 
Glass of about 12 Inches Deameter ; with our Account. I send by Mr. 
Stirling 7 French and 2 English Guineas, and <$ next Ship shall send 
you a Bill. 

I am. sorry to part with that Gentleman just when we were beginning 
to be a little acquainted. I wish he had more reason to be satisfied with 
his Yisit to America. 

My Wife & Children join in Compliments to you & yours with, D r Sir, 

Your most obliged 
hum 1 Servt 

B. Franklin. 



178 



Letter of Nicholas Gilman to General William Irvine, 



New York November 20th 1787. 



Dear Sir, 

I am honored with your obliging favor of the 9th instant and am 
very happy to hear there is so great a probability of the adoption of the 
new Constitution in your State. The Legislature of New Hampshire 
are called together on the occasion and I believe there is no reason to 
doubt of its being adopted in that State ; it will go a little harder in 
Massachusetts but will finally succeed. I have seen a list of the Mem- 
bers chosen for the Convention in Connecticut and there appears to be 
a very large majority who are known to be in favor of the new. Cr /' 7 

Of Congress there is present: — Massachusetts — New Jersey — Vir- 
ginia and South Carolina and from New Hamp re your humble servant — 
from North Carolina Mr. White and from Georgia Mr. Baldwin. I ex- 
pect a Colleague in a few days. Dr. Johnson informs me that delegates 
of Connecticutt will attend so that if Pennsylvania comes on we may have 
a Congress at once. I am very happy to hear you are in the delegation 
and I promise myself the pleasure of seeing you soon in New York in 
the mean time, and at all times, I am with great Respect and Esteem 
Dear Sir, your most Obedient and 

Humble Servant 

N. Gilman. 

Hon* 1 * 
General Irvine. 

The Pennsylvania Federation of Historical Societies. — On 
January 5, 1905, there was organized at Harrisburg, by the leading 
historical societies of the State, The Pennsylvania Federation of His- 
torical Societies. The purposes of the organization are to bring together 
the various societies ; enable them tobecome more familiar with the his- 
torical work being done by the county societies ; to exchange publica- 
tions and to compile a bibliography of the State. The officers of the 



Notes and Queries. 249 

Federation are: President, John W. Jordan, LL.D., The Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania; Vicc-Prcsid>:?it?, Gilbert Cope, Chester County 
Historical Society ; Rev. I>r. Joseph H. Dubbs, Lancaster County His- 
torical Society; Rev. Horace Edwin Hayden, Wyoming Historical and 
Geological Society ; Secretary, Dr. Samuel P. Heilman, Lebanon 
County Historical Society ; Ireasurer, Benjamin M. Nead, Dauphin 
County Historical Society. A committee consisting of Hon. Thomas 
Lynch Montgomery, State Librarian ; Dr. Ezra Grumbine, Lebanon 
County Historical Society, and Prof. George R. Prowell, York County 
Historical Society, was appointed to further the objects of the Federa- 
tion, and to invite the co-operation of societies not represented at the 
meeting. The Federation will meet annually in January at Harris- 
burg. Societies in the following counties are connected with the organ- 
ization : Philadelphia, Chester, Dauphin, Berks, Lancaster, Lebanon, 
York, Washington, Luzerne, Schuylkill, Cumberland, Allegheny. 

Letter of General Washington to General Wayne, 1789. — 
Original in the collection of Mrs. Morris W. Stroud, Villa Nova, Penna. 

New York May 4 17S9 
Dear Sir 

I feel myself much indebted for the congratulatory letter you for- 
warded to me by Genl Jackson <k for the favour you did me in bringing 
me acquainted with that gentleman 

Your reflections on the arduous nature of the station in which I am 
placed correspond exactly with my own If the crisis has demanded my 
services, I hope the countenance of my fellow Citizens will assist me in 
overcoming the difficulties of it In the meantime I am to mention my 
satisfaction for your friendly sentiments & offers My greatest apprehen- 
sion at present is, that more will be expected from me, than I shall be 
able to perform All that an honest zeal can dictate for the advancement 
of the interests of our Country will, however, be cheerfully & persever- 
ingly attempted by 
Dear Sir 

Your most Obed & very H ble Servt 

G Washington- 
Gen "Wayne 

"Francis Campbell." Penna. Mag., Vol. XXVIII., page 64, 
it is stated that Patrick Campbell, the first Constable of Donegal town- 
ship, Lancaster county, died in 1735. This is an error. In 1720 he 
located on the banks of a large spring on the centre of a settlement of 
Indian traders, near the east bank of Coroy creek, about two mile3 from 
the Susquehanna river. The land is now owned by Simon Engle. 

Patrick Campbell took out a Tavern license, and kept a public house 
for many years, and died in 1772. In 1740 he married his second 
wife, Mary Smith, widow of James Smith, who owned several hundred 
acres of land, about a mile east of the tavern. He was a pew-holder in 
Donegal Presbyterian Church, distant about five miles from his resi- 
dence, and in his will he provided for a sitting for his wife. 

Isaac Maranda, a Huguenot, and Indian Trader, settled on the ad- 
joining tract (N. W. side) to Campbell's in 1715, and died there in 
1732. He devised several thousand acres of land on the Raritan river, 
N. J., to James Hamilton, Governor of Pennsylvania, provided he 



*v 



250 Notes and Queries. 

married his daughter Mary, to whom he gave several houses in Phila- 
delphia. 

John Galbraith, Indian Trader, owned several hundred acres on the 
west side of the Campbell tract. His wife's name was Dorcas, and their 
daughter Elizabeth married William Spear, who resided about eight 
miles northeast of Campbell's. Mr. Spear moved to Baltimore in 1751, 
or a year later, and his daughter married William Patterson, a merchant 
of that city, and their daughter married Jerome Bonaparte. Galbraith 
died in 17G8, and his widow in Carlisle, Penna. 

Mary Campbell had one son named William Smith, who moved to 
Baltimore, where he married a daughter of William Spear. Their son, 
Samuel Smith, was a prominent general in the Revolution from Mary- 
land, and also represented that State for eighteen years in the Senate of 
the United States. 

Jonathan Davenport, Thomas Wilkins, James Lowrey, Capt. Samuel 
Smith. James Cook, John Combs, Peter Bizalow, and James Le Fort, 
all Indian Traders, lived near to Campbell. 

Samuel Evans. 

Columbia, Pa. 

Edward Savage and David Edwin. — Certainly no one can charge 
The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography with 
any lack of editorial impartiality. On page 14 of the January number 
I say of the work of Edward Savage, "These plates show Savage to 
have been a much better engraver than painter, as his plates, both in 
stipple and in mezzotint, are skilfully and pleasingly executed. The stories 
promulgated by Dunlap and very commonly adopted and repeated that 
Edwin engraved the plates bearing Savage's name are absurd on their 
face and disproved by dates.' ' 

A subsequent article in the same number is entitled, "David Edwin, 
Engraver, by Mantle Fielding." In this article, on page 84, we read, 
speaking of Savage's print of The Washington Family, "the plate was 
in a great degree the work of Edwin, although bearing the name of 

Savage as the engraver Savage's work was distinctly of the 

mediocre class ; in fact, it has been said that it was chiefly Edwin's 
good work on the engraving of The Washington Family that made it 
passable." 

To expose the absurdity of these statements, all that is necessary is to 
marshal the simple facts. Savage's plate of The Washington Family, 
was published March 10, 1798. Mr. Fielding says (p. 82) : "It was 
in the month of December, 1797, that David Edwin landed in Philadel- 
phia." As he was born in December of 1776, he was then just twenty- 
one. On arriving he sought employment, not with Edward Savage, but 
with T. B. Freeman, a publisher, who proved a "friend in need" to 
Edwin and who gave him immediate employment ; "his first engraving 
in America" (p. 83) being the title page for a collection of Scottish airs. 
Lower down on the same page we are told that Freeman published May 
l t 179S, portraits of Harwood and of Bernard, the actors, both plates 
being engraved and signed by Edwin. These plates are not small book 
plates, but the engraved ovals measure upwards of 6 inches by 4. 
Hence we have Edwin engraving and publishing within five months 
after his arrival in Philadelphia three plates, a no small achievement 
for a youth of twenty-one fresh from his apprenticeship, and the two 
portraits are engraved with no little care. 



v*V 



Notes and Queries. 251 

77ie Washington Family is a large engraving, 24 J inches long by 18 \ 
inches high, a plate that would take not less than two years to execute. 
"When then did Edwin, in the employ of Freeman, have the time and 
opportunity to do lor Savage the "good work on the engraving of TtiC 
Washington Family** which was published only little more than two 
months after his arrival? For the purposes of argument let us admit 
that the "good work"' on this plate was by David Edwin. Did Edwin 
also do the "good work" on the folio stipple plate, published June 11, 
1706. eighteen months before he arrived in Philadelphia, entitled 
Liberty, which bears Savage's name as painter and engraver and which 
is superior in execution to the plate that we are told "was in a great 
degree the work of Edwin' ' ? With equal reason Savage's stipple plates 
of Knox and of Washington, published in 1791 and 1792, could be 
claimed for Edwin. And if these why not, too, all the mezzotint plates 
bearing the name of Savage? It does not signify that Edwin is not 
known to have worked in this method. Perhaps indeed Edward Sav- 
age had no existence. The name may be a pseudonym of David Edwin. 
Persiflage apart, do not the dates I have given bear me out in stamping 
this claim for Edwin as absurd? David Edwin needs no reputation to 
stand upon but his own. He was a great artist in his branch, iar above 
Savage in ability and mechanical dexterity. It does not help him one 
iota to repeat this baseless claim for him, first set afloat by Dunlap, who 
is noted for his untrustworthiness ; but it does great injustice to Savage, 
a man who has done good service in the history of American art. I 
have more than once taken the occasion to express my high opinion of 
the work of David Edwin. In my introduction to the Catalogue of ths 
Engraved Work of Asher B. Durand Exhibited at the Grolier Club, 
April, 1S95, I say (p. 7): "As an engraver Asher Brown Durand is 
facile princeps among his countrymen and quite the peer of any of his 

European contemporaries But this is no insignificant position 

as long as we can point to Edwin, the American Bartolozzi in method, 
though vastly superior in manner, for I have yet to see anything by the 
Italian- Englishman equal to Edwin's best work after Stuart." 

Charles Henry Hart. 



John Pemberton's copy of The Pennsylvania Pocket Alma- 
nack FOR 1767, IN THE LIBRARY OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

of Pennsylvania, contains the following genealogical 

NOTES. 

[Feb.] 2 d Eliz: Morris dyed aged 93 & ab l 3 mo 5 . 

5 th E. M a Corps taken to meetg w cb was large & satis. 

8 th an aged German buried, ab l 96 j' old. 

[March] 11 th Jn p Shew & A. Griffith mar d at Mt. holly. 

18 lh Lydia Warder buried, aged near 88 hav s been in this Country 
afr 85 vears. 

[May] 1 st T. Gawthrop, &c, left Philad* 2* d'emb d on b d the Philad* 
Packet for Lond . 

5 th T. G. &c. left the Capes. 

28 th laid found* of New h° in high Street. 

A. C. Myers. 



^ V 



252 Notes and Queries. 

Queries. 

The Rev. Hezekiah James Balcii. — Descended from a family 
originally of County Somerset, England, which began in this country 
vrith John Balch, who immigrated to Maryland in 1658, Hezekiah James 

Balch was born on Deer Creek, Harford County, Maryland, in 174G. 
He graduated at Princeton College (now Princeton University), in 1766, 
receiving the A.M. degree, then studied for the ministry of the Presby- 
terian Church and was licensed to preach the Gospel in 1767 by the 
Presbytery of Donegal. In 1769 he took charge of two congregations 
in North Carolina, Rocky River and Poplar Tent, which he continued 
to serve until his death, seven years afterwards. He was ordained in 
1770 by the Presbytery of Donegal. Together with Dr. Ephraim Bre- 
vard and William Kennon, both like himself graduates of Princeton 
College, he drew up the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence of 
May 20, 1775, was one of the speakers before the assembled delegates 
and one of the signers of that declaration. Passionately fond of free- 
dom for the individual, he used as a motto a phrase expressive of his 
character, Ubi liberta?, ibi patria. He died unmarried at the begin- 
ning of 1776, before the storm of war had reached North Carolina. 
The Rev. Hezekiah James Balch should not be confounded with his 
brother, the Rev. James Balch, who was born December 25, 1750, and 
died in Indiana, January 21, 1821 ; nor with their first cousin, the Rev. 
Hezekiah Balch, who was born in 1741, graduated at Princeton Col- 
lege in 1766, and died in Tennessee in 1810, both of whom married 
and left descendants. The statements in the records and minutes of the 
Presbyterian Church of the United States prove that all three were 
pastors of the Presbyterian Church and three distinct and different 
persons. 

The Rev. Hezekiah James Balch is mentioned in Foote's "Sketches 
of North Carolina, " 1846; Sprague's " Annals of the American Pul- 
pit," 1856; Alexander's "Princeton College during the Eighteenth 
Century," 1872 ; Harris's "Historical Sketch of Poplar Tent Church," 
1873 ; Graham's "Why North Carolinians believe in the Mecklenburg 
Declaration of Independence of May 20, 1775," 1898. I shall be 
much obliged for any further particulars about the Rev. Hezekiah James 
Balch. Thomas Willing Balch. 



Pettit. — Information is requested concerning Nathaniel Pettit, of 
Mansfield and Little Egg Harbor, Burlington County, New Jersey, born 
about 1790, and his sons Amos, Adam, Moses, and Jacob, ail of Little 
Egg Harbor, their births, marriages, and deaths. 

Nathaniel was the son of Moses, Pettit, of Mansfield, who was the son 
of Nathaniel Pettit, of Falls of Delaware, and Newton, Long Island, 
who was the son of Thomas Pettit, of Newton, Exeter, Boston, and 
England, born about 1610. David Pettit, 

Beverly, N. J. 



Hunter. — Information is requested concerning Elizabeth Hunter, 
born 1744, died 1804, and buried in the cemetery of iJonegal Church, 
Lancaster County, Penna. H. 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 253 

Nancy's Run. — The diary of an Ensign of Sullivan's division form- 
ing at Easlon, Penna., for the campaign against the Indians of Western 
New York, refers to certain incidents which took place at "Nancy's 
, Eiiu," not far distant from where his regiment was encamped. Can you 
locate this stream? E. P. W. 

Haslett-McKim. — Can you give me any facts about William Haslett 
or his wife, Isabella McKim ? Their daughter, Susan Haslett, married 
William Duncan McKim about 1810. 

Le Roy McKim. 

9 W. Forty-eighth Street, New York. 

Hepltes. 

Nancy's Run. — The Ensign no doubt refers to the stream that rises 
near Butztown, and empties into the Lehigh River at Freemansburg, 
above Easton. Ed. Penna. Mac. 

JBooU TRotices. 

The History of North America. By Guy Carleton Lee, Ph. D. 
Philadelphia. George Barrie & Sons. 20 vols. 
The first definite, authoritative and inclusive History of North Amer- 
ica, in twenty volumes, now being issued under the chief editorship of 
Professor Lee, of Johns Hopkins University, and his staff of eminent 
associates by the well known publishers George Barrie & Sons, of this 
city, is based on a plan suggested to and approved by a special Committee 
of the American Historical Association and in historical accuracy, literary 
quality and excellence of illustration and dignity of form reflects the 
highest credit on all concerned. A brief reference to the scope of the 
work, with the names of the Editor-in-chief's collaborators, who by rea- 
son of their recognized ability and learning as students of history, were 
selected to prepare the various periods into which it is divided, will in- 
dicate why it is invaluable to the student and general reader. Vol. I. 
Discovery and Exploration, by Alfred Brittain ; Vol. II. Indians in 
North America in Historic Times, by Dr. Cyrus Thomas and W. J. 
McGee ; Vol. III. The Colonization of the South, by Peter J. Hamil- 
ton ; Vol. IV. The Colonization of the Middle States and Maryland, by 
Dr. Frederick R. Jones ; Vol. V. The Colonization of New England, 
by Dr. Bartlett B. James ; Vol. VI. The Revolution, by Dr. C. W. A. 
Veditz ; Vol. VII. The formation and development of the Constitution, 
by Dr. Thomas F. Moran ; Vol. VIII. The Louisiana Purchase and the 
Westward Movement, by Dr. Curtis M. Geer; Vol. IX. Mexico, 
Central America, and the Southwest, by Dr. Charles C. Swisher; Vol. 
X. The Pacific Slope and Alaska, by Dr. Joseph Schafer ; Vol. XI. 
Canada and British North America, by Dr. W. B. Munro ; Vol. XII. 
The Growth of the Nation from 1809 to 1337, by Dr. Richard T. Stev- 
enson ; Vol. Xin. The Growth of the Nation'from 1837 to 1S60, by 
Dr. George W. Knight ; Vol. XIV. The Civil War, (from a Southern 
Standpoint), by Dr. W. R. Garrett and R, A. Halley ; Vol. XV. The 
Civil War, (from a Northern Standpoint), by Alfred Brittain ; Vol. 
XVI. The Reconstruction Period, by John' R. Larus ; Vol. XVII. 
The Riee of the New South, by Dr. Philip A. Bruce; Vol. XVIII. 



254 J\ 7 o(es and Queries. 

The Development of the Xorth, by Dr. Burr J. Ram age and A. II. Noll ; 
Vol. XIX. Prehistoric Xorth America, by Dr. W. J. McGee : Vol. 
XX. Insular Possessions of the United States, by Dr. W. X. Webbe. 
It is a pleasure to commend this splendid work, aud also to note that, 
the volumes already published have met the highest expectations. 

The Life of Thomas H. Bexton. By William M. Meigs. Phila- 
delphia. 1004. Crown Svo, 535 pp. Illustrated. 
Thomas H'art Benton, the distinguished Democratic statesman, was 
born in Xorth. Carolina, March 14, 1782, and after representing the 
state of Missouri in the Senate of the United States from 1S21-1851, 
and the lower House from 1 $53-55, died in Washington, D. C, April 
10, 1S5S. Less is known of Benton than of his contemporaries, yet he 
was a tremendous force in his day. Pre-eminently a statesman, he long 
foresaw the Civil War, and his passionate devotion to the Union was 
surpassed by no one. Mr. Meigs has been a long-time student of his 
career, and the Life is marked by a scholarly care and thoroughness, 
and for the general reader, it possesses the charm of an intimate touch 
and sympathy with its subject, his life, and accomplishments. From 
the press of the J. B. Lippincott Co.; price in cloth, $2. 

The Life and Times of Thomas Smith, 1745-1809, a Pennsyl- 
vania Member of the Continental Congress. With an 
Introduction by the Hon. Hamfton L. Carson, LL.D., At- 
torney-General of Pennsylvania. By Burton Alva Konkel. 
Philadelphia. 1904. Svo, pp. 303. Illustrated. 
While associated with the Hon. Hampton L. Carson, in the collection 
of material for his " History of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania," 
the author became interested in certain of the remarkable, but too little 
known, judges and lawyers of the past, in Pennsylvania, and especially 
in the character and career of Judge Thomas Smith, a half-brother of 
William Smith, first Provost of the University of Pennsylvania. 
Thomas Smith was one of a group of interesting young Scotchmen — 
James Wilson, Hugh Henry Brackenridge, and Alexander Addison — 
all born within a short distance of each other in their mother land, and 
all attaining high judicial positions. Smith arrived here in 1768, at 
the age of twenty-three years, became a surveyor and a pioneer in that 
section of the State which embraces the present counties of Bedford and 
Huntingdon, and soon added the duties of lawyer, prothonotary, clerk, 
recorder, and Justice of the Common Pleas and member of the Assem- 
bly. He also was commissioned Colonel of the Second Battalion of the 
Bedford County Associators ; served as a member of the Committee to 
draft instructions to the Delegates in Congress ; later became a member 
of the Constitutional Convention of 177C, and still later a member of the 
Continental Congress. He retired in 1782 to resume his practice at the 
bar, and nine years afterwards became President Judge of the Fourth 
Judicial District, and then four years later a member of the Supreme 
Court. The life and services of this distinguished citizen of the Com- 
monwealth is worthy of the personal sympathy of the author, who by 
his patient and learned research has been successful in providing us 
with so valuable and important a biography. We can with pleasure 
commend this substantial work, not only to the student, but to the 
general reading public. The book is well printed on excellent paper, 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 255 

liberally illustrated, and provided with a full index. Copies on Bale by 
Campion & Co. 

"Hannah Logan's Courtship. — A True Narrative. The wooing of 
the daughter of James Logan, Colonial Governor of Pennsylvania, 
and divers other matters, as related in the diary of her lover, the 
Honorable John Smith, Assemblyman of Pennsylvania and King's 
Councillor of New Jersey, 1736-1752. Edited by Albert Cook 
Myers. Philadelphia. 1904. 300 pages. Illustrated. Price 
$2.50. 
The wooing of James Logan's youngest daughter, Hannah, by John 
Smith, a brother of the well-known historian of New Jersey, as recorded 
in his diary, while it gives his thoughts and feelings in his love affair, 
often under adverse circumstances, also contains social and historical 
matter of interest. And it is not only valuable because it is one of 
the earliest diaries of Pennsylvania life published, but it is moreover 
written by one in intimate touch with all that was best and representa- 
tive in the life of his times. The Introduction, which presents to us 
the principal characters that appear in the book, and summarizes the 
situation and the action, and the helpful annotations prepared by Mr. 
Myers, are characteristic of the conscientious care evinced in its com- 
panion book, " Sally Wister's Journal." The portraits and illustrations 
are numerous, and as a piece of bookmaking it is very attractive. 



Biographical Annals of Montgomery County, Pennsylvania, 
Containing Genealogical Records of Representative Fam- 
ilies, INCLUDING MANY OF THE EARLY SETTLERS, AND BIO- 
GRAPHICAL Sketches of Prominent Citizens. By Ellwood 
Roberts, Editor. 2 vols, roy. quarto. Illustrated. The Lewis 
Publishing Company, New York. 1904. 
The^e interesting and valuable volumes, containing genealogical 
records of representative families, including many of the early settlers, 
and biographical sketches of prominent citizens of Montgomery County, 
will be found to be a useful work of reference. The ability of the 
compiler is well known, and he has expended a vast amount of labor 
in the arrangement of his material, which has been profusely illustrated. 
The publishers have also done their work well — the print is large, the 
paper good, and the binding substantial. We believe the public will 
heartily welcome this work, and it deserves a place in every library. 

A History of the United States and its People from their 
Earliest Records to the Present Time. By Elroy McKendree 
Avery. Vol.1. Cleveland. The Burrows Brothers Co. 1905. 
• "We have received the first volume, of over 400 pages, of the new 
twelve-volume ''History of the United States and its People from their 
Earliest Records to the Present Time," by Dr. Elroy M. Avery, which 
deals with primitive as well as historical America ; the first Americans ; 
the Northmen ; the first navigators, with Columbus as the imposing 
figure ; and Indian races. This history is the work of many years of 
learned research among original sources, and its merits are destined to 
meet and satisfy the demands both of the student and general reader. 
Readable it certainly is, and there is not a page in the volume that is 



*v 



256 Notes and Quirks. 

not worthy of perusal. The profuseness of the illustrations and their 
judicious arrangement, the value of the maps, and the artistic and 
mechanical perfection of the volume, will be properly recognized. 

Thomas Hokd, Gentleman, Born in England, 1701, Died in 

Virginia, 1766. By Rev. Arnold Harris Hord. 4to, 32 pages. 

Illustrated. 

The name of Thomas Hord, who is styled " Gentleman" in the 

records, has been selected as the title of this attractive monograph, 

which is a supplement to the genealogy of the Hord Family published 

several. years ago. In addition to the data relating to Thomas Hord, 

there ure references to his father and children ; to William Taliaferro 

Hord, the father of the compiler ; and the wife of the latter, Annie 

Kobb Firth, who is a descendant of the Lloyd, Carpenter, and Preston 

families of Pennsylvania. 

The Thunderstorm. Bv J. N. Rhoads, M.D. Philadelphia. 1904. 
296 pp. Illustrated. 
This story, of no little interest, is especially identified with life among 
the Dunkards of Montgomery County, in this State. Some of the char- 
acters are taken from life, and in the " Hermit" will be recognized the 
noted bibliophile of Harleyville. Among the illustrations are the old 
Dunkard Church, at Indian Creek, and the Cannon Ball Farm house, 
and a portrait of the author is inserted. Copies of the book may be 
obtained of Ferris & Leach, the publishers. 

Bibliography of Tioga County, Pennsylvania, 1804-1903. By 
Charles Tubbs. Wellsboro, Penna. 1904. 8vo, 20 pp. 
The author of this handy bibliography of Tioga County, which county 
was founded in March of 1804, states in his prefatory note that each of 
the books and pamphlets which he gives was written by a Tioga County 
author, or was printed in the county, or pertains, in whole or part, to 
some person or thing in Tioga County. The upwards of one hundred 
and fifty titles collected are alphabetically arranged by authors. 

Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State 

of New Jersey, Vol. XXVII. Edited, with an Introductory 

note on the Early Testamentary Laws and Customs of New Jersey, 

by William Nelson. 8vo, pp. 662. 

It will gratify, genealogists, in particular, to learn that this volume 

contains the Calendars of New Jersey Wills 1670 to 1730. The editor's 

preface is interesting and the index very full. 

The title of Rev. Burton Alva Konkle's new book will be, " The 
Life and Speeches of Thomas Williams, 1806-1872. A Founder of 
the Whig and Republican Parties." 



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THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 

OP 

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 

Vol. XXIX. 1905. No. 3. 



SOME LETTERS FROM WILLIAM HAMILTON, OF THE 
WOODLANDS, TO HIS PRIVATE SECRETARY. 

BY BENJA1IIN H. SMITH. 

(Concluded from page 159.) 

Lancaster October (16) 1789 
£ past 9 at night 

Yesterday (being Negroes Holiday) I took a ride into 
Maryland in order to see the canal begun by Mr. Brindly 
at Baldfryar Falls & have but just return'd greatly fatigued 
having rode thirty odd miles on Horseback since dinner. 

Lancaster June 12 ;i 1790 
When I wrote you last I was so truly unwell that it was 
difficult for me to hold up long enough to make up a letter. 
... I have just now roused myself in order to prepare for 
removing for the day to Mr. (Jasper) Yeates' as it will not 
be possible with any degree of comfort for me to remain at 
this House during the fair which begins tomorrow morning. 
... If any thing would give me relief it would be to hear 
frequently & fully from Home. But this satisfaction is 
most cruelly denied me. . . . There is not a day at this 
season without the offer of an opportunity. Four people 
vol. xxix.— 17 (257) 



*v 



258 Letters from "William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

with whom I am acquainted have at different times passed at 
Hubley's during this week on their way here. J . . could 
tell me of his seeing Ann at the play on Monday and from 
others I could hear of her being at Gray's (Gardens) with- 
out receiving a letter by either. Common sense would 
point out the necessity of my having constant information 
respecting the grass grounds at Bush Hill and at the Wood- 
lands which must be now nearly in a state for mowing. . . It 
would have been an agreeable circumstance to me to have 
heard the large sumachs k lombardy poplars as well as the 
magnolias have not been neglected. The immense number 
of seeds from foreign countries must certainly have pro- 
duced (if attended to) many curious plants. The casherros, 1 
conocarpus Amoifs walking plants &c which I planted out the 
day before I left home have I hope been taken care of. I 
should however been glad to have heard of their fate as 
well as respecting the Gooseberries and Antwerp Rasp- 
berries given me by Dr Parke. After the immense pains I 
took in removing the exotics to the north front of the House 
by way of experiment, & the Hurry of coming away pre- 
venting my arranging them, you will naturally suppose me 
anxious to know the success as to y* plants and the effect 
as to appearance in y* approach & also their security from 
cattle. The curious exotic cuttings & those of the Frank- 
linea 2 I did not believe it possible for even you to be inatten- 
tive to. ... I wished you to be very active on the arrival 
of the India ships, in finding out whether any passengers 
had seeds &c . . I find Bartram has Cape plants & seeds 
but hear not a word of your having got any for me. By 
the way, I should be glad if you had given the reason of 
Bartrains ill Humour when you called. ' He certainly had no 
cause for displeasure respecting his plants left under my 

1 Anacardium occidentale from tropical America. 

a Franklinea Alatamaha from Georgia, discovered by John and Wil- 
liam Bartram. and usually referred to the genus Gordonia. It is now 
only known in cultivation, A fine specimen may be seen in Fairmount 
Park, and another in the Painter Arboretum in Delaware County. 



^v 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 259 

care during the winter . . . Mr WikofF promised me some 
seeds of a cucumber six feet long. 1 . , . 

WH 



The Woodlands Sep u 1790 
Tuesday 9 o'clock at night. 

I promised to write to you on Sunday evening or Mon- 
day but was unable to perform my promise. Having been 
so unfortunate in returning from Mr Koss's as to overset 
my sulky. As one of the wheels struck a stone 2 feet high 
when I was driving at the rate of 7 miles an Hour you will 
not wonder that the shock was violent. Although I have to 
thank Heaven that I have no broken limb I am very fearful 
of having for a long time to complain of a very severe 
Btrain'd ankle. The agony I experienced for the first 20 
minutes was so extreme that I had no doubt of the leg 
being shatter'd to pieces. What added to my misery was 
that I was quite alone without the possibility of extricating 
myself until] the chariot came up which was about a mile 
behind. The mare stop'd (after dragging the sulky between 
20 & 30 feet) as if she was shot and to this I attribute my 
salvation, entangled and helpless as I was. The women as 
you will suppose (more especially as it was at night 5 miles 
from Home) were horridly alarmed, to lessen which as 
much as possible I persisted in being put again into y 9 sulky 
k drove myself home in a situation painful beyond expres- 
sion & accomplished it with difficulty. I have been ever 
since so ill as to keep my bed & although I am this evening 
freer from pain & hope to be up tomorrow I am at this mo- 
ment Bolster'd up for the first time in order that I might 
write to you. 

In my Hurry when you went away I omitted to remind 
you respecting the transparent white spermaceti oil which 
you may remember I mentioned you was to be purchased 
at New York. As it would be a very useful & convenient 

1 Trichosanthes anguina or Snake-cucumber, a cucurbitaceous climber 
from the East Indies. 



260 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

article for our Lamps this winter I desire you will enquire 
for it. Mr Rivington will be as likely as any body to inform 
you. If I recollect rightly some such name as Mountford 
was one of the House who had it to dispose of. 

In case you go to Brannan's I beg you to look particu- 
larly at his largest Gardenias & Arbutus so as to give an 
account of the size as well as the prices of them. I men- 
tioned to you the Teucrium or Germander & I now recol- 
lect his having what he called a china rose. I have 
moreover a shrewd suspicion that Gray's single Arabian 
Jasmine came from Brannans although Brannan may not 
know it by that name. You will therefore find out what 
Jasmines he has & their prices & see whether he has any 
aloes, Geraniums, myrtles &c which I have not. Possibly 
he may have another plant of the African Heath which Gray l 
got from him & other large d'ble myrtles as good as Gray's. 
You will also make the same enquiries of Spurry. 

Having laid so long in Bed I write by way of amusement 
but find myself a good deal tired with the awkward position 
I am in & must therefore conclude. 

I am very truly your friend &c 

W Hamilton 

Brannan had a trefoil which he called a cinquefoil. I 
know not whether it has yet travelled to Grays. I take it 
to be the moon-trefoil* a very pretty shrub. 

Downixg's Tavern Octob r 21«* 1790 
Thursday night. 

The evening was so very fine that when I got to the fork 
where the road turns off to the Turk, I thought it as well 
to come forward to this place where I arrived just before 
half past eight o'clock. You will judge of the Goodness of 
the Road by the rate of my travelling when you allow for 
baiting at the rising Sun where the horses were fed with 
oats. It was after three when I left Home. I was so hur- 

1 George Gray, the proprietor of Gray's Garden.?. 
1 Medicago arborea of southern Europe. 



v*V 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 2G1 

ried on coming off that I clont think I was particular enough 
in my directions to George respecting the Hot House & G. 
House. . . . 

Lancaster Friday Oct 1 22* 1790 

When I left Home yesterday I did not expect to he here 
until this evening hut starting early k rinding the roads 
pretty good I made out to arrive at Edward's by \ past 
three o'clock this afternoon. . . . 

Lancaster May 30 th 1791 
I am happy in the opportunity of informing you for the 
satisfaction of my mother that we arrived here in good time 
for tea yesterday without any material occurrence except 
the Heat which was truly violent ... I am really anxious 
k so is Anne to hear of Yv T illiam Slade . . Dr Parke can 
tell you what D T Jone3 says of the case . . . Among the 
things forgotten is the grate model which lays under the 
Quadrille Boxes in the dining parlour. It should he sent 
up by the first opportunity . . Mr & Mrs Yeates, Mr & Mrs 
Smith made us a formal visit to day, which we shall as for- 
mally return tomorrow. Who should I meet at Downings 
but Mr Ashley. We supped together & he behaved very 
well, indeed with real politeness. 

I hope Hilton has planted the double tuberoses. 

Lancaster June 6, 1791 
. . The plants sent by Mr. Yon Bohr are valuable & I 
hope George wall particularly attend to them. The palm 
is called Cornon from Cayenne & along side of him as 
von Bohr says is a young cacao or chocolate plant. The 
last particularly is alive I hope. The Hibiscus tiliacens in 
y* 2 d Box, is the mahoe tree, k the Boots are the pancratium 
rrtaritimum. The flower pot contains an anacardium occi- 
dmiale. As to the cereus cutting I would not have it di- 
vided but planted in a heavy pot of such a size as not to be 
over-potted k placed in such a situation as to be properly 
supported & secured from being blown over by the wind. 



262 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

... I am sorry to hear of Doct r Parkes being unwell. I 
flattered myself he would have paid some attentions to my 
request of a visit from him to the Borough, but fear he 
will not oblige me . . . So far I have written in answer to 
your letter. I will go further according to the time al- 
lotted me, which is but short. 

The great man here now rides the high Horse. He (with 
his wife k Daughter) made us one formal visit the day after 
our arrival, which we as formally return'd the 2 d day 
afterwards. Since which we have seen or heard no more 
from them, nor do I expect we shall during the time we 
are here. By this I take it for granted he is rather out of 
temper. Be it so ; I am determined I will not make my- 
self uneasy about it, being conscious of having acted with 
propriety in the whole Business between us. The formal 
conduct of his family has however had no effect on other 
folks, for every body else has been very civil to Anne. 
She is invited out every day and is very happy. She joins 
me in a wish to have Peggy with us. I beg my mother 
will assist our endeavours to accomplish it. Mr. Richard 
Smith now goes down to attend his sister hither in the 
stage. It is said Miss Gibson will come with him. If 
Peggy can obtain her mother's approbation to come with 
them it will make Anne k me very happy to see her & we 
will on our return send Eleanor Home in the stage . . . 
Ann joins me in love to all k in best wishes to W m Slade. 
I am yours sincerely 

W H 

June 11 th 1791 Lancaster 

12 at night 

It i3 now late at night k I have but ju3t heard of Gen 1 . 
Hand's l going off at Daylight in the morning. I have 

1 Dr. Edward Hand of Lancaster who served throughout the Revo- 
lutionary war, attaining the rank of Major General. lie was a member 
of the Pennsylvania Assembly of 1785, and of the State Constitutional 
Convention of 1790. 



*v 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary, 263 

therefore no time for more than to inform you Peggy 
Hamilton's safe arrival here almost four o'clock this after- 
noon so little fatigued as to take an airing in the carriage 
with Ann & me as soon as she had got her dinner. D r 
Parke's k your account of poor Slade has given me great 
uneasiness. . . . 

June 13 th 1791 Lancaster 
I meant to have written you a long letter & the Girls 
also meant to write, hut from the hurry as well as con- 
fusion attendant on a tavern find it impossible, for even my 
own Poom is not secure from Intruders. We have all 
been at Mr Hublcy's the whole day & but this moment (12 
at night) got Home. I expect an opportunity by a private 
hand tomorrow or next day which I shall not fail to make 
use of in being more particular. At present suffice it to 
say that we are all well & have had a great deal of fun 
at the fair which has been one of y e fullest that has been 
for many years. . . . 

Lancaster August 3 d 1792 

. . . The Idea I gave you that I was far from sanguine 
in my expectations as to the success of my Journey hither 
was by no means ill founded. I am sorry to say it is more 
t more confirmed every day. Although this County from 
its first settlement has never known such a glorious Har- 
vest it being literally true that no mans Barn is sufficient to 
contain his crops & although this Borough has in the fullest 
degree shared in this abundance, yet there is an universal 
complaint of want of money & the town itself is less lively 
than I have ever known it. I am henceforward determined 
to make May the appointed time for my attendance here, 
being convinced it is the best on every account ... I 
have so much leisure as to think of passing tomorrow & 
the day after at the Susquehannah ... I would have you 
without hesitation go directly to Jn° Lithen & endeavour to 
secure the pike's tooth aloe at anything short of 4 dollars. 
That aloe which he got (like mine from von Pohr) I should 
like to prevent the kind from spreading. I have subjoined 



*v 



264 Letters from William Hamilton to fas Private Secretary. 

a list of what I wish to have priced ... I hope when the 
valley hay was stacked there were layers of salt hetween 
* those of hay. . . . 

Lancaster 13 th August 1792 
It is a disappointment to me to find that you did not 
properly secure von Eohrs agave at Gray's. I wish'd to 
prevent its getting into other hands. The same motive 
makes me desirous to have the Arbutus & the Rose apple l 
which however are priced so high that I do not imagine 
they will find a ready sale before my return . . Mrs. 
Martin makes her first appearance on the stage this even- 
ing. Curiosity without any expectation of amusem* 
alone carries me there. Nothing but to see her would in- 
duce me to go, for it is the merest bear garden that I ever 
put foot into. . . . 

6 o'clock "Wednesday morning 
Chester 7 th November 1792 

Although my eyes are almost out with writing last night 
& its hardly yet light enough to use them were they ever so 
strong, I find myself under the necessity of resuming the 
pen. . . . When you go to Rutters mention that there are 
near a dozen old pictures (portraits) the canvass of which is 
as good as new. They are all on good stretching frames & 
would be excellent (by covering them with a coat of white 
lead) for painting on. Possibly he may not know it but it 
is a well known fact in England that to a painter old paint- 
ings, provided the canvas is in tolerable order, are as precious 
for painting on as an old madeira cask is to a wine connois- 
seur. They will be in our way when the Lumber R. comes 
to be cleaned out on my return. . . . 

Lancaster Sept r 29 th 1794 
. . . The passing thro of the militia & the military prepa- 
rations of the people themselves in this town has put an end 
to every kind of Business. . . The last 100 dollars I had I 

1 Eugenia Jambos from the East Indies, noted for the beauty of its 
foliage, flowers and fruit. 



v* V 



Inciters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 265 

gave to Rosa Robesons' son whom I met accidentally in the 
street in Macpherson's uniform . . . This House has been 
s, constantly crowded to such a degree that I have not been 
able to keep my own chamber free from continual interrup- 
tion. The last of the Philadelphia^ went off today & the 
Lancaster militia go off tomorrow, after which I shall Hope 
to do some Business, but have my fears that not much can 
be done as the town will I expect be so compleatly thinned 
as to leave nobody to do business with. 

I truly rejoice to hear that one of the Bills that I sent on 
account of the Boys . . . has been paid . . . I cannot doubt 
their coming in some of y' Fall ships. From the very alarm- 
ing accounts received here of the return of y e yellow fever I 
conceive it will be necessary to adopt some mode of getting 
the Boys in case of their arrival to land at Chester & come 
forward by land to the "Woodl ds . If they are not warned of 
the danger they may come directly to y* wharf with the 
vessel. If accounts are not much exaggerated this Day has 
been an horrid one to spread the disorder. God grant a 
change to stop its progress. 

The Woodlm 17 th March 1802 
Your letter from Lancaster was not ree'd until some days 
after its date when I was so unwell as to be unable to put 
pen to paper. . . . Early in the winter I discovered acci- 
dentally that the plynths (or supprts) of the portico columns 
were rotten as punk & that the whole of them as well as the 
roof hung in jeopardy. The securing of them by under- 
pinning with stone which was immediately necessary was 
attended with an immensity of trouble & no small degree of 
expense. This you will readily believe when you are told 
that the columns & Roof were obliged to be raised & sup- 
ported during the operation by screws of an immense force. 
This was hardly ended when an accident happen'd equally 
unlooked for & was nearly attended with most serious con- 
sequences. The ceiling of my dining parlour (in conse- 
quence of the rascality of ... in laying the plaister to the 



266 Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 

thickness of from 4 to 5 Inches) came down at once (with- 
out the smallest previous notice) with such force as to crush 
•all in its way & shake the House like an aspen leaf & with 
such a noise that the family at Weeds came out of the ferry 
House to know what cannon had fired so near them. As 
the whole cornice had to come down, the repairs have been 
attended with great inconvenience & cost. Had these how- 
ever been ten times greater I ought not to repine, when I 
recollect my mothers & my own providential escape, for had 
the ceiling fallen ten minutes later & it would have crushed 
both of us to atoms as it did the furniture. We were just 
goin£ down to breakfast as we felt the shock. While the 
ceiling was repairing the House itself had like to have been 
destroved by fire which had got to a considerable head & 
burnt thro the roof without being observed. Had the dis- 
covery been delay'd a few minutes all efforts would have 
been in vain to save it, nor indeed would it have been at 
this moment in existence but for the unparelell'd exertions 
of my faithful George at the imminent risque of his life. 
During the short days for five or six weeks together twelve 
or 14 people have been constantly employ'd in repairing the 
injuries sustained by the accidents. So many different 
troubles k others which I have not named preying on my 
mind have, I have no doubt, been the real cause of my gout 
which indeed was hasten'd by a violent strain of my right 
instep. Such a winter I have never before experienced in 
my life. God grant I may never have such another to 
encounter. 

Your friend & serv* 

W. Hamilton 

The Woodli* Feb* 21, 1804 
. . . An express arrived to me this morning from Lan- 
caster with an address from the inhabitants, requesting of 
me to offer ground for the accommodation of the legislature 
in case of their fixing their permanent residence there, to 
which I have assented & the messenger has returned. It 



*>v 



Letters from William Hamilton to his Private Secretary. 267 

seems the Business is to be taken up on Thursday next, 
having been brought forward in another form & that it will 
be then finally fixed — As a temptation the grand Jury at the 
court last week has offer'd 25,000 dollars towards defraying 
the expence of the publick Buildings. I am really soiry to 
find you will not be there. 

Lanc aster August 16 th 1804 
. . . It may be a matter of surprise to you to be informed 
of my nephew Andrew Hamilton's marriage in England to 
an Heiress of 5 or 6,000 p T year. As the consequence will 
be that I shall never see him again, I am at a loss to know 
wh ether to be pleased or displeased. The world would 
laugh at me were I to say I was not pleased with such a 
match in point of fortune. But there are many circum- 
stances to make me think he might have been as happily 
situated here & he certainly was more entitled to my regard 
than any of the family. 



268 The Uog of Dr. Joseph Hinchman, 1757. 



THE LOG OF DR. JOSEPH HINCHMAN, SURGEON 
OF THE PRIVATEER PRIG PRINCE GEORGE, 1757. 

BY WILLIAM M. MERVINE. 

[The writer of this log or journal, Doctor Joseph Hinchman, was a 
resident of Jamaica, Long Island, son of Joseph Hinchman of the same 
place ; he married Anna Griffin and was the father of Doctor Joseph 
Hinchman of Newtown (now Elmira), Chemung county, New York. 
The original log is in the possession of a descendant of Mrs. Charles E. 
Noble of Morristown, New Jersey. 

The Prince George sailed from New York about July 1, 1757, 1 to 
cruise against the French ; she was wrecked off the northern coast of 
Hayti, August 18, 1757. Unfortunately the first and last pages of the 
journal are missing.] 

Plate Wrack 

N. Lat. 20° 10 4- W. Lon. 68.15. 
1757 

Aug. 19. Pry day Evening. But at length we found her 

between the fore mast and 
main mast and after About 
an hours fateigue with her, 
and with a Vast Deal of 
Diflculty we Got her on the 
main top Gallant Yard and 
bailed her Dry with two 
half furkings which we had 
saved, and the mean time 

1 "June 27, 1757. Privateers some of which are ready, and others 
preparing to sail on a Cruize against his Majesty's Enemies, to wit — 
Ship King of Prussia, 13 Six Pounders, 13 Swivels, 150 Men, Thomas 
Seymour, Commander. Brig Prince George, 12 Six Pounders, 14 
Swivels, 100 Men. "William Murray, Commander." 

"July 4, 1757. Since our last the following Privateers left the 
Harbour to proceed on a Cruize, viz. The ship King of Prussia, Capt. 
Seymour, brig Prince George, Murray." — New York Gazette or Weekly 
Post B(/i}. 



The Log of Dr. Joseph Ilinchman, 1757. 269 

we Saved four Oars and the 
boat hook and got them in 
the Yawl And being Xow 
Dry twenty five of Us Got 
Into her And After Gittins: 
a few fathum of Boap from 
the TTrack we left her about 
One a'Cloek in the morn- 
ing with between 20 and 
thirty A live on the Masts. 
When we first Struck the 
Captain Ordered the Dorrey 
Out to try what water we 
had to Leward and two of 
our people Seeing our Con- 
dition Slept into her and 
put of to Sea and ware 
taken Up two or three Days 
after by a X: York Pri- 
vateer 1 

Oil board the yawl. 
1757 

Aug'- 20. Satureday 

Morning. Being out of the Cryes of the De- 

1 " October 3, 1757. Thursday last arrived here from Port Morant, in 
the Island of Jamaica, Capt. Kichards in a Brig, and informs : — That on 
the 3d Day there came into Port Morant Harbour, in the Evening, a 
Brig from Philadelphia, Capt. Miller, who spoke with the following 
Privateers off the West Caucases, viz. the Capts. Seymour, Dobbs &c ; 
and farther declared Capt. Seymour told him, that he had taken up a 
Canoe at Sea with a Man in it who had belong-' d to the Privateer Brig 
Prince George, Capt. William Murray, of and from this Harbour, the 
said Brig having run on a Shoal cali'd Plait-Rack, in the Night, going 
then about 7 or 8 Knots, when she soon went to Pieces ; and the Man 
did not know there was any one saved besides himself; Capt. Miller 
himself spoke with the Man who was taken up." — New York Gazette or 
Weekly Post Boy, October S, 1757. 



*^ 



270 7 he Log of Dr. Joseph IBnchman, 1757. 

Btrcsed our Cheaf thoughts was for 
Some thing to make a Sail of, for 
being two thirds of Us Naked we 
had Scarce Any thing to make a Sail 
off hut After Sometime we Got two 
frocks and a Pare of trawses And 
the boatswain Converted them Into 
a Sail And As soon as It was Day 
light we Got one of our Oars and 
the boat hook and made a mast And 
Yard of them and fixt our Sail to 
them And so Run Down before the 
wind In hopes of falling In with 
turks Islands And haveing No Sea 
Instruments we mist the Islands. 
The Brease Continuing fresh And 
the Seas Runing high we kept two 
hands Continual Bailing the Yawl 
And two at the Oars for One of the 
Oars we whare Oblidged to Steer 
with the Rudder being lost 
1757 

Aug 1 21. Sunday. The Brease Continued fresh And the 
Seas Runing Vastly high And the 
weather Squally we Exspected Every 
hour when She would fill and Sink 
And Our people low Spireted for 
haveing nothing to Eate Nor to 
Drink Since we left the wrack we 
whare All Very faint many of our 
people w r are forsed to Drink theire 
own Urin to Squench their thirst 
Night coming on And the Seas Run- 
ing higher And higher and many of 
our people Growing Delirious was 
for Gumping Over board to Goe 
home to Get Drink So that we whare 



v%V 



The Log of Dr. Joseph Hinchman, 1757. 271 

Afraid they woul Over Set the Yawl 
So that we Could See nothing but 
Destruction before Us, And the Sea 
Breaking Continually into Us, that 
all our hopes of being Saved was 
over 
1757 

Aug 1 2£. Munddy. This morning at Day light made the 
Island of Turtugus l on the North 
Side of high Spaniola 2 which put 
fresh Spirets in Us And the thoughts 
of Gitting a Shore to Gitt Something 
to Eate And Drink made Us Use our 
Utmost Endeavours to Gitt in Close 
to the land, which by Double Bank- 
ing Oar Oars And the help of our 
Sail we Got in at the west End of 
the Island, And Unbent our Sail 
And Rowed Up to Windward 
Abought half a League And Got In 
a Small Sandy bay And went on 
Shore Abought three AClock in the 
Afternoon And Drawed Our Yawl 
Upon the Beach And then went In 
pursute of Gitting Something to 
Eate and to Drink Some One way 
And Some Another but all to no 
purpose for 

Island Tortugas 
Aug 1 22i Munday for we Could find nothing but wild 
Afternoon. Grapes And the more we Eate of 
them The Hungerry and Dryer w r e 
Grew, and Night Coming we Re- 
turn'd One After a nother to Our 
Yawl And turned her Bottom Up- 
1 Tortuga Island, off the northeast coast of Hayti. 
'Hispaniola, now Hayti. 



272 The Log of Dr. Joseph Hinchman, 1757. 

wards to Sleep Under, but some 
of Our men Stayed So long away 
that we thought they whare Dead or 
lost in the woods but between Eight 
and Nine A Clock we all Got 
together Again and Lay'd Our 
Selves Down to Rest Some Under 
the Yawl And Some Under the 
Bushes And Some Under the Sides 
of the Rocks Where we lay till a 
bought three a Clock in the morn- 
ing Then Consulting what we had 
best Doe ; we thought It most Ad- 
visable As we whare All most Per- 
ished with hunger and thirst to Row 
Over to Hispaniola and Delever our 
Selves Up to the mercy of the french. 
1757 

Aug 1 £3. Tuesday A bought three A Clock Up Set our 
Morning. Yawl And Got all on board and 
Rowed Over to hispaniola, which lay 
About three Leagues from Us And 
got over A bought half a League to 
Leward of Port Apea 1 By Day 
Breake but the Negroes, which kept 
gard, would not suffer Us to Come 
on Shore but threatened to Shoot 
Us If we got Out of our Yawl, but 
About Sun Rise A Small Dorry 
Came Down from the town to Draw 
the Sain which had the Capt: of the 
ports Son In, and a Molatter And 
three or four Negres And they let 
Us Come On Shore but we Could 
Git nothing to Drink there So we 
took the Capt: of the ports Son, on 

1 Port-de-Paix. 



*v 



The Log of Dr. Joseph Ilinchman, 1757. 273 

board of Us and So Rowed Up to 
the port, And whare hailled from 
the fort And Ordered to Come on 
Shore, which we Did Close Under 
the fort About Eight a Clock l 



Port Apae Ilispanola 
1757 

Aurf £8. Tuesday And whare Conducted By An Officer 

Morning. And a Gard of Soldiers Into the fort 

And there Exammon'd by the Como- 

dant who Ordered Us to be kept In 

the fort Under a Gard and Gave 

J "Xew York, October 31, 1757. Capt. Dennier informs us, That 
on the 29th of September, Capt. Seymour spoke with a Dutch Schooner, 
bound to St. Eustatia, from Porto-Paux, on Hispaniola, the Master 
whereof acquainted him, That Capt. William Murray, of the Privateer 
Brig Prince George, of this Port, with several of his Officers and Men, 
in the whole 24, arrived there in their Barge some Time before, having 
lost their Vessel in the Night of the 18th of August, on the Plate- 
Wreck (the Particulars of which were inserted in our last) ; that it was 
very sickly at the West End of Hispaniola ; and that many of their 
Merchantmen were detained in Port, for want of Seamen ; that his 
Majesty's Ships the Edinburgh, Dreadnought, and Augusta, appeared so 
often on the Coast of Hispaniola, that the Inhabitants were apprehen- 
sive they intended a Descent on the Island, for which Eeason an Em- 
bargo had been laid on all Shipping for three Months ; but that a large 
Fleet was soon to sail for Old France. 

"P. S. Captain Murray was cast away about 6 Weeks ago, on the 
Plate- Wreck ; he, with his Officers, and 18 Men were saved in the 
Barge, and got into Port-Paux ; two escaped in the Dory, one of which 
is on board Captain Seymour." — The Pennsylvania Gazette, November 
S, 1757. 

"October 31, 1757. We hear that Capt. Murray, of the Privateer 
Brig Prince George, of this Port, who was said to be lost on Plait- 
Wreck, and all perished save one Man taken up by Capt. Seymour, i3 
safe at one of the Islands in the West-Indies, he having, together with 
several of his Officers, and near 20 of his Men, at the Time the Vessel 
struck, took to her Long-Boat, and thereby happily saved themselves." 
— New York Gazette or Weekly Post Boy, October SI, 1757. 
VOL. XXIX. — 18 



274 The Log of Dr. Joseph llinchman, 1757. 

orders to One Marttang to Send Us 
Some Victuals to Eate and Some 
wine and Kum And Sugar by which 
we was Vastly Refreshed And 
Strengthen'd but many of our men 
Vastly Sore for theire Backs And 
Sholders being Burnt to a Crust with 
the Sun they looked like a peace of 
Roasted Beef And whare not Able 
to take Any Rest, Only As they lay 
on their hands And knees for above 
a week In the After noon Came the 
Comadant and Some Other Gentle- 
men And took An Account of all 
the Officers and mens names. 
1757 

Aug 1 28 Tuesday After Super the Comodant Sent In 
Evening a hamock for the Cap 1 to Sleep In 
an an Ox hide for the Officers to 
Sleep on So A bought ten A Clock 
we laid our Selves Down to Sleep 
And Rested Very well Consedering 
our hard Ships before. 

24-. Wednesday After Brakefast Came In Some Gentle- 
Moming men to See Us and Captain Overn who 
Could talke English told Us that we were 
to be Sent Up to Cape franc way to be 
put on board of the flag of truce And 
That One half of Us was to Goe on board 
of his Ship And the Other half to Goe On 
board of Capt Maynard boath then laying 
In the harber Ready to Sail, Only waiting 
for a frigett which they Exspected Every 
hour to Convoy them Up to the Cape 
And as Soon As She Came we ware to 
Goe on board. 



v*V 



The Log of Br. Joseph Emchmwi, 1757. 275 

1757 

Aug. 25. Thursday A bought three AClock the friggett 
Morning. Came a Brest of the and made A 
Signal for the two Ships and About 
Four A Clock Capt Mynard Sent his 
Second mate m r Guttrou with An 
Order for thirteen of Us whose 
Names ware As following : 
Isaac Doughty : Se d Leutenant 
Luke Troy, Master, Jo h Hinchman 
Syrgeon, 

Stephen Williams : Gunnders mate, 
Win™ Wallis Gunners Uman, Henry 
Marsh, 

Thos. Lawrence, Gilbert Stringham, 
James Van Gelder, Wil m Hannah, 
Richard Adams, Henery Besset, 
John Parshan And Caried us on 
board of the Ship, Capt: Overn took 
the Rest on board of his Ship. 
Wil m Murry Capt, Morley Harison 
first Lutenant, 
Wil ra Quick Gunner, 
"Wil m Cox, Boatswain, Ralf Cook 
Boats Mate, James Hinchman Doct" 
mate, John Paris Carpent r James 
Smith, James Blanford, two Boys 
And 

jr~5y Port Apea on board Capt: Mynard 

Aug 1 25 Tldrsday Abought 5 Clock we Wheighed our 
Morning. Ancours And went to Sea, And 
About Nine A Clock we Saw a Ship 
to windward which we took to be an 
English man of "War So we all put 
Back and Came to An Ancour Again 
In Port Apea with the frigett About 
half an hour After ten a Clock And 



*v 



276 The Log of Dr. Joseph Hitickman, 1757. 

About twelve a Clock the Ship which 
we See was Chaist In hear by three 
of Our English men of war the Eden- 
borough The Augusta And Dread not 
who Saluted the town with Several 
Guns As they Run Down the Ship 
which they Chaised In was a frigget 
of thirty Six Guns Called the Savage 
the frigget which Convoy'd Us Out 
was Called the Unicorn a thirty 
Gun Ship So we Continued in the 
harber near three weeks In which 
time Six of our men were put on 
board of the Savage and 
1757 

Aug 1 26. Thursday. And the Capt: of the Savage Or- 
dered Capt Mynard not to let U3 
talk with the Rest of our people 
which ware on Board of Cap Overn 
the Doctor of the port Came of to 
See me And Gave me a Jackett 
And Ereechs two Shirts two pare 
of Stockerers and a Cap And ye 
Cheaf Mate M r Lhue give me a 
handkercheif which wa3 all I Re- 
ceiv'd from them After about A 
Week Capt. Mynard got 
for us to Goe on Shore 
goe on board of Capt 
the Rest of y* Offic 
to Come on Board 
which we took 

a few days (Page torn oft.) 

And Doct r 
and took C 
And My s el 
Spent the 



The Log of Dr. Joseph Hinchrnan, 1757. 277 

1757 

Sep r IS, Tuesday Weighed Our Ancours And went Out 
Morning with, the land Brease Under Convoy of 
the two frigets Up to the Cape Capt 
Ovourn Gave Up Going to the Cape 
And Sent the Presiners Ashore to be 
marched Up by land to the Cape 

15 Thursday About ten a Clock the poylet Came Un 
Morning board of Us And Brought Us Safe Into the 
Cape where we Came to An Ancour A bout 
Eleven a Clock there were In the harbour 
four men of war, a friget And About forty 
Sail of french and Dutch merchantmen And 
two English flags of truce from Jamaica 
Capt: Cunningham & Captains Kemsey 
Commauders. 

10 Fryday about two a Clock we ware Sent on Shore 

Afternoon to the prison whare we had "frothing to 

Eate till the next Day Capt: Doughty, 

Capt: Troy and myself had Each of Us a 

hamock But the Eest had Nothing, 

1757 

Sep? IS Sunday A bought two a Clock Capt. Murrey 
Afternoon And the Eest of our people was 
Brought Into the Gole to Us. the 
Capt: had liberty to Dine & Sup with 
the Jailer but the Best of Us was 
kept on Bullocks Heads and Beans 
And Casander Bread. We ware all 
Locked Up at Night And a Gard kep 
Bound the prison. 

19 Munday A blight Eleven a Clock Capt: Tull from 

Morning. Maryland and Capt: Barren from Pascataway 

was brought to Gole with there people who 



v* V 



278 The Log of Dr. Joseph Mnckman, 1757. 

had the Misfortune of being taken by a 
French Letter of Mark Ship but She had 
not the Good loock to bring them In for 
they was Retaken by Some of our North- 
ward Privateers And being Chast her Self 
And iSTight Coming on She Ran on a Reef 
of Rocks and was lost abou^ht three leagues 
to windward of the Cape but the people all 
ware Saved. 

1757 

OcV SI Fry day Abought fore a Clock Monsieur Ker- 
Morning sin Sailed from the Cape with four 
Ships of the line and three frigetts In 
order to Drive Commodore forrest of 
off* the cost So that the french fleet 
Might Come Out the Commodore had 
but three Shipes The Augusta, the 
Edenborrough And Dreadnought and 
abught fore a Clock In the Afternoon 
the Engagement began and Continued 
till Darke and the french bein^ Much 
Dammaged Was Oblidged to Return 
Back to the Cape to Refit there Ships. 

22 Satureday Monsieur Kersin Came in with his Seven 
forenoon Shipes his four Shipes of the line Receiv'd 
a Vast Deal of Damage one of them had 
her Main And fore mast Shot A Way the 
Greenage had the head of Missen Shot a 
way and Eleven Shot Between wind and 
water and about nine foot water In her 
hold and they had about five hundred men 
Killed and wounded. 

1757 

Oct? 2i th Munday Monsieur Kersin Imploy'd all the Car- 
penters And Sea Men that he Could 



The Log of Dr. Joseph Hinehman, 1757. 279 

Gitt In the Cape to Refit I113 Shipes 
and In a bout three weekes he Got 
them all Ready for the Sea Again 

Naif 10 th Thursday. Capt: Merry and Capt: Coffin were 
brought in to Gole and Capt: Coffins 
People Belonged to Nantucket, 1 and 
Merry of New London, they was 
Brought In by a french Letter of 
Marke Ship which. Came from Can- 
nady. 

11 th Fryday Monsieur Kersin with, his fore Shipes of the 
Morning line and the three fregitts Sailed from the 
Cape with abought forty Sail of Merchant- 
men Under there Convoy 

12 th Satureday Capt: Cunningham & Capt: Kemsey with 
Morning the Jailor Came In and took a list of the 
prisoners they whare to Carry Down to 
Jamaica 
1757 

Nov r 15 > Tuesday Abought four a Clock we all Em- 
barked on board the two flags of truse3 
Capt' Cunningham and Kemsey, Ex- 
cept Capt: Murry the Gunner And 
boatswain who Got leve of the Gov- 
enner to Go to windward with a Dean 
which was there wose Name was Capt: 
Burchell. 

16 th Wednesday We sailed from the Cape and Got Down 
Morning, to Port Royal In Six Days. 

1 " August 1, 1757. Custom House, Philadelphia, Inward Entries. 
Morton from Boston. Coffin from Nantucket.' ' — New York Gazette., etc., 
Augutt 1, 1757. 



280 The Log of Dr. Joseph Hinchman, 1757. 

81 st Monday Abought four a Clock we Came to An An- 
Aftemoon cour in Port Royal Under the Admirals Starn 
which was the Molbor a Shipe of Ninety 
Guns She Sent her boat to Us for the Capt: 
And left an officer on board of Us till Capt: 
Cunningh m came Back from Admiral Coats l 
with orders to Send Us All on board of the 
Molborough, the man of wars men was all 
sent on board first then the Rest of Us was 
carryed on board before the Capt: And Offi- 
cers on the Quarter Deck and ware Dis- 
charged 

Port Royals Jamaica, on board flag y* frag at 
1757 

Nov r 22 Tuesday About Seven a Clock we all Left the 
Morning, flag of Truce And went Up to Kings- 
ton in a Werry and there met with 
Capt: Doughty and Capt: troy who 
Came Down with Capt Kemsey from 
the Cape In the Afternoon I met with 
Capt: Joseph Smith and Capt Thos 
Stevenson 2 who Gave me An Envi- 
tation to Goe home to New York 
with them and being well Acquainted 
with Cap 1 Stevenson I beged the 
favour of a Passage for my Brother 
James with him And Concluded to 
Goe with Capt: Smith my Self 

1 ''December 12, 1757. We hear Admiral Coats in the West-Indies, 
has sunk the Warwick Man of War, lately taken from the English ; and 
that he was very near taking the French Admiral in those Seas." — New 
York Gazette, etc., December 12, 1757. 

'"August 1, 1757, Custom House, New York, Outward Entries. 
Sloop Margaret and Mary, Thomas Stephenson, for Spanish-Town." 

"August 29, 1757. Cleared for Departure. Sloop Margaret and 
Mary, Thomas Stevenson." — New York Gazette, etc. 



The Log of Dr. Joseph fflnchman, 1757. 



281 



H 



Thursday 

Morning 



1757 

Nov' 25 th 

9* M 



Went in company with Capt: Doughty 
Down to port Royal to See Capt: Stevenson 
and whare all Invited on board of Capt: 
Patton to Dinner After Dinner we went on 
Shore and In the Evening we went Up to 
Kingston Again. 



24 th Saturd 

Afterno Penn 



(This portion of page gone.) 



S0 th Fryday 
Afternoon 



Came Into Por 

of war the Augusta of 

And brought In with him Nin 

of french Prises, and all from 

Port Aprince bound to Old france 

Laden with Sugars Cotton Coffee and Indigoe 



*v 



282 Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia. 



THE EARLY YEARS OF THE UNIVERSITY BARGE 
CLUB OF PHILADELPHIA. 

BY THE LATE JOHN B. THAYER. 

[This paper was prepared for and read at the semi-centennial of the 
University Barge Club, that was celebrated by a garden-party at The 
Lilacs in June of 1904. The club was organized April 25, 1854.] 

Boating upon the Schuylkill River has a history which 
dates back to the establishment of the Fairmount Water 
Works or to the construction of the dam by the Schuylkill 
Navigation Company. The river became by this means, 
in reality, a lake as far up as the Falls. Tradition says 
that in those days a number of Philadelphia gentlemen, 
among whom was Mr. Thomas Willing, maintained several 
pleasure barges upon the river for their amusement, row- 
ing eight oars and even more. In the possession of the 
Undine Barge Club, at their up-river house, there is a 
spirited water-color picture purchased at the sale of the 
effects of Captain McMackin, a celebrated Delaware River 
steamboat captain of seventy years ago. 

The artist has drawn the river from a position on the 
western shore of the stream, opposite the point known as 
Turtle Rock. At this point, and extending to the Eastern 
shore, covering the river is represented a large flotilla ot 
row-boats and barges, evidently the celebration of a boat 
race or regatta. These boats are some of them represented 
as having live oars upon a side. The picture is well worth 
the examination of any one interested in the early history 
of boating. Tradition further says that these early con- 
tests were accompanied by heavy betting, and that, in con- 
sequence of this, professionalism, that bane of ail true 
sport, crept in ; and that the amateur crews were reinforced 
or superseded by the hiring of the shad-boat fishermen of 
" Fish Town" on the Delaware River, now known as Ken- 



*v 



Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia, 283 

sington. The sport fell into disrepute, and had disappeared 
from the river long prior to the writer's personal knowl- 
edge of the subject, which dates back from the year 1854. 

A few remarks may here be pertinent as to the appear- 
ance of the river at this period. The park legislation had 
not been enacted, but several public-spirited citizens, who 
foresaw the advantages to the city and its inhabitants in 
the establishment of a public park, purchased and con- 
veyed to the city the Sedgely estate, known as Lemon Hill. 
All the rest of the present park was then in private owner- 
ship. There was no road of any kind along the east shore 
up to the Falls; and on the west shore only a short por- 
tion above the Columbia bridge of the west shore drive, 
then a common country road. There were numerous ice- 
houses on both banks up to the Columbia bridge. The 
tow-path of the Schuylkill ^Navigation Company formed a 
pleasant walk for pedestrians who might desire to stroll 
along the river's bank and view its beauties. On the eastern 
bank large trees grew along the water's edge up to Laurel 
Hill. South Laurel Hill was still in possession of the Pepper 
family. On the west shore there was much beautiful foliage 
up to the Falls. 

The Sedgely estate, or a portion of it, had previously 
been called Pratt's Garden ; and at one time, long prior to 
the period above mentioned, in anticipation of traffic to be 
derived from the coal and other merchandise carried by 
the canal, a wharf had been constructed along the eastern 
river front, where the boat-houses now stand. This had 
fallen into decay, but there still remained lines of pilings 
from a short distance below Turtle Kock down to a short 
canal which led from the river eastward to Morris and 
Tasker's foundry and rolling-mill, which lay south of the 
Sedgely estate, grounds and land. In the shelter of this 
canal an old Englishman, who is said to have been a sailor, 
and was known by no other name than that of Charlie, 
kept about a score of row-boats of various sizes, mostly 
batteaux, which in the summer time he hired to persons 



284 Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia. 

seeking the pleasure of a row upon the river. On the south 
bank of this short canal he had a boat-house in which he 
Stored his boats during the winter. He also owned a single 
sail-boat, of moderate dimensions, of which I shall have 
Something to say as I progress in my narrative. 

The foundation of the University Barge Club in 1854, 
may be considered as the earliest dawn of organized athletics 
in the University of Pennsylvania. Prior to that time, 
amusements after hours of recitation were, for the students, 
very few. Tom Barrett had a gymnasium in the upper floors 
of a building on Market Street, above Eighth. He was an 
Englishman of fine athletic proportions, tall, handsome in 
feature and, above all, had exceptionally good manners. 
He was a famous wing-shot, and was an authority with the 
sportsmen of that day on all subjects connected with sport. 
He taught sparring to those who were pugilistically in- 
clined, and had in his employment a Frenchman well 
skilled in fencing, broad-sword exercise, and single-stick. 
His gymnasium was well supplied with all the parapher- 
nalia of such an institution known at that time. To this 
place many of the students resorted at the end of the 
third hour, which meant the end of the session of that day. 
Some of the students who were not athletically inclined 
sought other means of recreation in Baldy Sours' Tavern 
opposite to the University buildings, then, as you must 
remember, in Ninth Street where the Post-office now 
stands. Others sought the seclusion of the rooms of their 
secret societies, and still others frequented the billiard- 
parlors of Jimmie Hughes in Sansom Street, above Sixth. 
I think it was in the spring of 1854, when the heat made 
the violent exercise and the confined quarters of the gym- 
nasium unendurable, various parties of students sought to 
get that exercise and fresh air for which they craved by 
going to Fairmount by omnibus, landing at the wire 
bridge, walking through the Fairmount water-works 
grounds, and making their way to old Charlie's boat-house. 
There each party sought a boat of such size as would ac- 



E<irhj Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia. 285 

commodate them, and set off together for an afternoon's 
row upon the river. The movement grew in popularity 
and often took the form on Saturday of a picnic, in which 
the whole day would he spent on the river, and landings 
made at suitable points by the several parties where they 
might enjoy their luncheon. The mouth of the Wissa- 
hickon Creek and Peter's Island were favorite points for 
these simple al fresco entertainments. 

The Bachelors' Barge Club, which precedes us about a 
year in its foundation, and was comprised of gentlemen, 
almost all of them well known to the students, but much 
older in point of years, had rather outgrown in numbers 
the accommodations which a four-oared barge, called the 
"Hesperus," furnished them. They also had in contem- 
plation the building of a boat-house and a new boat. The 
"Hesperus" had been housed at Charlie's boat-house. They 
offered it for sale to us for a hundred dollars. The Uni- 
versity Barge Club was founded and the boat purchased. 
It soon proved too small to accommodate the growing desire 
for membership in the club, which membership, however, 
was most exclusive. Xo member could be elected without 
a unanimous vote, that is to say, one adverse vote exclud- 
ing; the blackball system of election being in evidence 
from the very beginning of the club's existence. At the 
formation of the University Barge Club in 1854, the mem- 
bership was restricted to the undergraduates of the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania. There was, however, a party of 
young men who were not members of the University, but 
connected by ties of friendship with certain students, who 
formed another club, and purchased a boat or barge called 
the « ISfaiad." They maintained their organization for a 
year or two, first at a boat-house as far up the river as the 
Columbia bridge, and afterwards occupied for a short time 
part of the University Club's house on the Sedgely estate. 
Of these I remember Hamilton Kuhn, Cooper Smith, 
Joseph Harris, George Redman and his brother Robert 
and Beyton Smith, Washington White, Irwin Whitehead, 



v* V 



286 Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia. 

and others. With the modification of the rules of the 

University Barge Club admitting a certain number of non- 

■--collegians to membership, these men were subsequently 

elected and became members of the University Barge Club. 

The first 6ummer, or for such part of it as remained 
after the purchase of the " Hesperus," the boat was housed 
at Charlie's. By the next year preparations were made for 
the construction of a boat-house upon the Sedgely estate 
property belonging to the city. The site selected was 
about a hundred yards south of our present location. The 
lessee of the Sedgely estate from the city was William H. 
Kern, afterwards sheriff of the city of Philadelphia. Mr. 
Kern had an ice-house on the river bank not far distant, 
but what other control he had of the houses on Lemon 
Hill I am not certain. His interest in the land was only 
that of a tenant for years and liable to be terminated at 
the expiration of his lease from the city. Still, with the 
hopefulness of youth, we consented to pay him thirty dol- 
lars a year ground rent, and in connection with the Phila- 
delphia Barge Club, an association of gentlemen of the 
same type as those who comprised our own club, and with 
whom we still maintain very cordial relations, we proceeded 
to erect a one-story brick building, covered with a plain 
board roof and divided into two compartments, the south- 
ernmost part or half of the house being occupied by the 
University Barge Club, and the other by the Philadelphia. 
The cost of this house and slip, I think, was six hundred 
dollars. 

The chief obstacle to the proper enjoyment of this boat- 
house, which we occupied for many years, was the ex- 
istence of two rows of piling about fifty feet from the shore, 
and extending along the shore of the river a distance of 
one hundred feet. These piles were the remains of the 
old wharf of which I have spoken. With the construction 
of the house three or four of these piles which lay in the 
path of the boat when she was taken out were sawed off at 
a depth of three or four feet under water. This, however, 



*v 



Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia. 287 

was but a very temporary relief, for I recall the intense 
anxiety of the coxswain who undertook to guide his boat 
.^to and from the slip in the darkness of the night for fear 
he should strike these hidden obstructions and ruin his 
boat. I also recall with what deliberation the coxswain, in 
coming down the river after a visit to the Falls, when lie 
passed Turtle Rock, kept his course well out in the river, 
slowing down the stroke, until he came nearly abreast of 
the boat-house. The order was then " Way enough !" 
"Stem all!" until the boat was brought to a dead stop. 
Then, "Port oars! hold water!" " Give way starboard!" 
the boat being turned in a short curve and headed directly 
for the slip. A few strokes gave her way enough to 
reach the slip, and the bow oar and coxswain had hard 
work to bring the boat parallel with the slip. Xor were 
the obstacles of concealed piles the only perils to be en- 
countered, for the necessity of keeping out in the stream to 
avoid them made it quite possible, if a strong spring cur- 
rent was running in the river from a freshet, to make the 
chance of being carried down upon the dam breast one to 
be feared. 

When the club was first formed much attention was 
given to the matter of discipline, and part of every day's 
^excursion was given to drilling the men in tossing and 
Btowing the oars; the use and handling of the boat-hooks 
and lines, in landing and in pushing away in setting out 
from the slip. Every man was required to be in full uni- 
form, and this uniform, or the one first adopted, would 
bring a smile to the face of any one of you had you seen it 
in all its grotesqueness and absurdity. It was a complete 
sailor's costume, a white shirt cut very low in the neck 
with a very wide turned-down collar, pantaloons of white 
duck, tight in the seat and wide in the ankles, a broad 
leather belt having in large metal letters " U. B. C," a 
stiff-brimmed straw hat, with a wide ribbon with long ends 
also bearing the initials "TL B. C." This, with the regu- 
lation pea-jacket with bras3 buttons, was, by rules strenu- 



288 Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia. 

ously enforced, obliged to be worn whenever we entered a 
boat. These suits were purchased at Jacob Reed's; who 
■then had a sailors' clothing store on Second Street. By 
these same rules, certain evenings in the week were set 
apart for compulsory attendance at the boat-house so that 
a crew might always be assured. These were called " club 
nights." An executive or monthly committee wa3 elected 
from time to time, upon whom the duties devolved of pro- 
viding what might be necessary for the proper maintenance 
of the house and the general care of the boats and their ap- 
pliances, and to show to what a venerable age we have now 
arrived I recall the fact that Mr. Hamilton Kuhn and your 
narrator composed the committee who made the great in- 
novation of substituting kerosene oil, then a new illumi- 
nant, for the old candles which were heretofore used. 
These lamps, with their reflectors, we bought in Second 
Street, brought out and installed in the boat-house to the 
great satisfaction of all our members. Shortly after we 
went into the new house subscriptions were raised for the 
purchase of an eight-oared barge. She was built to order 
by Albertson, a Kensington boat-builder, and named the 
"Ariel." A somewhat embarrassing incident attended the 
delivery of this boat on her completion. The subscriptions 
had not all been collected, but a large portion ot the price 
of the boat had been paid to Mr. Albertson, leaving a small 
balance still due. The crew which was to have had the 
honor of bringing the boat from the ship-yard at Kensing- 
ton to the boat-house upon the Schuylkill assembled in full 
uniform at an early hour, eager for the voyage. Mr. Albert- 
son, however, was obdurate, and would not consent to our 
taking the boat until she should be fully paid for. Mr. 
Pemberton Sidney Hutchinson was thereupon dispatched 
by slow conveyance, in omnibus and on foot, to obtain the 
required instalment. His father gracefully advanced us 
the money to get our precious boat released. It took the 
balance of the day and quite late in the evening before the 
boat was brought through the perils of the locks to the 



v*^ 



Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia. 289 

boat-house upon the river above the dam. I believe it was 
a year subsequent to this, that the " Hesperus" was wrecked 
.under the most exciting circumstances. A solitary sail- 
boat, owned by old Charlie, the boat-house keeper to whom 
I have referred, was one afternoon hired to two inexperi- 
enced sailors, strangers to us, however, who made a false 
movement which rendered them helpless to stem the cur- 
rent of the river, so that they were carried down upon the 
dam-breast, where the centreboard caught and alone pre- 
vented them from going over the dam at once. 

Their call for assistance was heard as well as their des- 
perate position plainly seen by those gathered on the boat- 
house slip. A volunteer crew, consisting of Mr. Hamil- 
ton Ivuhn, Mr. Charles C. Jackson, Mr. Eobert T. Morris, 
and Mr. Horace Brown, was hastily gathered together and 
with Mr. Samuel W. Groome as the coxswain, ran out the 
"Hesperus," quickly manned her, and hastened to the assist- 
ance of the men upon the sail-boat. The river was some- 
what high, the current swift and a considerable amount 
of water was flowing over the dam. Mr. Groome, in de- 
scribing this occurrence to the narrator, writes as follows 
his recollections of the incident : 

" I turned the bow of the * Hesperus' up the river and 
kept the crew rowing against the current. In those days 
we carried very long bow and stern lines. I stood up in 
the stern and threw the stern line to them (the men upon 
the sail-boat). Just as I did this a small boat, with one 
man in it, had been caught by the current, ran into our star- 
board side, unshipped our oars and almost in a moment we 
were broadside to the current. Kuhn was in the bow and 
stood up with boat-hook to check us. He was thrown out 
first, we struck the sail-boat, and all three boats went over 
the dam together. Xeither Brown nor Morris could swim, 
which added to our difficulties. But they were cool and 
collected, and we succeeded in getting them on to the sail- 
boat, or rather on the bottom of the sail-boat, as she was 
bottom up. Kuhn and I took a rope between us and 
vol. xxix. — 19 



290 Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia, 

started to swini for the canal bank to pull them ashore, 
which we succeeded in doing. No one was hurt, but it was 
a close shave." 

It seems almost incredible that no fatalities attended 
this accident, but the river below the dam was deep, which 
saved them from striking the rocks. One of the crew, in 
relating the incident to your narrator shortly after it oc- 
curred, stated that he found himself at one time behind the 
wall of water flowing over the dam, and only escaped by 
diving through it. All that ever was recovered from the 
" Hesperus" was her stern-post and rudder, which for some 
years was preserved as a memento of the occasion. 

In the matter of the uniform, the absurdity of the sailor 
rig first adopted soon became manifest, and was the cause 
of much vulgar and adverse criticism by the oi xoXXoi, be- 
fore whom we had occasionally to exhibit ourselves. One 
amusing incident in this connection occurs to the narrator. 
With youthful enterprise we pushed our voyages of dis- 
covery as far as the tribe of the " Manayunkers," who in- 
habited the upper reaches of the river above the Falls of 
the Schuylkill. Accoutered as we were, we sought upon 
one occasion to make a trade with the natives, and pur- 
chase of them a portion of their products, such as spruce 
beer, bologna sausages, crackers, and the like. Our friendly 
advances were met with vituperative epithets, unkind allu- 
sions to our trousers and pea-jackets, and finally when we 
embarked in sorrow at our unkind reception, they added 
injury to insult, and a shower of coal nearly sank the boat. 
I think this settled the question of the uniform, for very 
soon a new By-law was introduced which prescribed as a 
uniform a suitable straw hat, red shirt and white trousers 
in summer. A leather cap was substituted in cold weather 
and black pants instead of white ones. The leather cap 
was soon discarded. 

It was not very long when the example of the University 
Barge Club was followed by the formation of other clubs, — 
the Undine, the Quaker City, and others, — and these clubs 



Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia. 291 

soon found that a central organization would be an advan- 
tage. From this arose the Schuylkill Navy, which has done 
much to foster amicable relations among the clubs and 
proper regulations upon the river. Under the auspices of 
the Schuylkill Navy, regattas were held, prizes awarded, 
and races conducted. Prior to this the narrator does not 
recall many races. 

One race, however, rather unique in its conditions, wa3 
the result of a wager made at a convivial meeting at the 
tavern of Bobby Arnold, the then universal up-river house. 
Mr. Ashhurst Bowie, of our University Barge Club, made 
a bet of fifty dollars with Mr. "William Griffiths, of the 
Bachelors 5 Barge Club, that the Bachelors' new six-oared 
boat could not beat the " Hesperus," a four-oared boat, a 
half a mile in the three-mile race from Turtle Eock to the 
Falls of the Schuylkill. It is needless to say that Mr. Bowie 
won his bet. 

There were several other informal races of which your 
narrator has but a very confused recollection. They were 
the result of friendly altercations, and were but casual affairs 
by scratch crews who never trained or made other prepara- 
tions. No set races took place until out-rigger3 came into 
vogue and spoon-oars had been adopted. The prevailing 
type was a six-oared lap-streak boat, with out-riggers, carry- 
ing a coxswain. The first race amongst this class of boats 
that I recall was between the " Intrepid/' belonging to the 
Excelsior Club, the " Phantom" of the Philadelphia Barge 
Club, and the " Lucifer," a boat owned by the University 
Barge Club. The race was from Turtle Rock to a stake- 
boat just above Columbia Avenue bridge, where a turn was 
made, returning over the same course to the point of depart- 
ure. The race was won by the "Lucifer." The "In- 
trepid," in rounding the stake-boat, unshipped her rudder 
and came in last. A member of the crew of the " Intrepid" 
also caught his oar in a set-line, and, in extricating it, 
hauled in the line, to one of the hooks of which was a fish, 
and it was reported that when the " Intrepid" finally reached 



*v 



292 Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia. 

the starter's boat, one of the judges asked: "Gentlemen, 
have you any claim of a foul to make ?" to which the cox- 
swain replied : " Xo ! Xo foul, but a fish," and at the same 
time holding it up for inspection. To such an extent was 
the use of the out-riggers carried that on a boat which the 
club at one time owned, called, I think, the " Wasp," the 
out-riggers extended at least two feet from the gunwale and 
wa-s rowed with oars over ten feet I0112:. The oars were of 
ash, and were so limber that when they were taken from 
the water after each stroke, they shook very perceptibly be- 
fore the recovery. She was very narrow and very cranky. 
We expected wonderful things of her at the time of her 
purchase, as she was reported to be very fast, but she was a 
great disappointment, and we soon sold her. 

We had also another boat, built for us, I believe, in Xew 
York, named the " Hesperus," to take the place of the one 
we lost. She was a Spanish cedar, four-oared shell, carry- 
ing a coxswain. She also proved to be a disappointment, 
being too short for the weight she had to carry and dipping 
very perceptibly at every stroke. When our complement 
of boats stood at about three in number, the cavil war broke 
out and boatiDg, together with almost all other sports, ran 
at a very low ebb. At about this time the house of the 
Humane Society and Skaters' Club was built; underneath 
there were two boat-houses, one somewhat larger than the 
other. The Undine Club rented the larger house, and we 
leased the smaller one. The quarters which we had occu- 
pied formerly under the same roof with the Philadelphia 
Club we rented to them, and, inasmuch as the rental which 
they paid us was somewhat in excess of what we paid the 
Skaters' Club, the overplus helped materially to pay the 
current expenses of our new quarters ; and thus things re- 
mained till the termination of the war in 1365. Xo boat3 
were purchased during this period, and boating parties were 
infrequent. 

The war had in many ways exercised a very depressing 
influence upon the club. Very few members were enrolled, 



Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia. 293 

and a very large number of the active members took service 
in the army. As an evidence of this, if I remember cor- 
rectly, almost all of the racing crew of the previous year 
entered the army. Of these I certainly recall : Irvin 
Whitehead, Stroke; William White, No. 2; Hamilton 
Kuhn, No. 3; Charles Richards, No. 4; Penrose Buckley, 
No. 5; John Markoe, Bow; also, James Starr, who trained 
for the crew, but from illness was obliged to relinquish his 
position. Of these Penrose Buckley fell at Savage's Station, 
Hamilton Kuhn at the battle of Gaines's Mill. Markoe was 
twice wounded, first at Ball's Bluff, where he was also taken 
prisoner and confined for some time in Libby Prison, and 
second on the Chickahominy during McClellan's retreat. 
James^ Starr was seriously wounded at the battle of Brandy 
Station. 

In spite of the fact that the narrator may be considered 
too much of a laudator temporis acti, if he may be indulged 
in recalling what he considers to be among the happiest 
days of his youth, he would say that in those primitive days 
the river, before the advent of the Park Commission's plan 
for artificial adornment, was a far more lovely spot than it 
is to-day. Its natural beauties at that period, as I have 
briefly sketched them, could hardly be improved upon. 
Instead of its being a thronged pleasure-ground, what is 
now the park was in comparative solitude, and, but for the 
canal boats drawn by teams of mules, gliding smoothly and 
silently along, there was little beyond the faintly tinkling 
bells upon the mule teams to break the solitude. The con- 
necting railroad had not been built; few trains crossed the 
Columbia bridge. There was no park legislation to inter- 
fere with our pleasure of bathing in puris naturalibus at any 
point which we might desire. A favorite programme for 
the afternoon's amusement would be to form a crew in the 
afternoon of a summer day, and proceeding leisurely up 
the river, pause for a period at an ice-house wharf, imme- 
diately north of the Columbia bridge, where the depth of 
the water was sufficient to admit of a plunge in the river, 
and there strip off our uniforms and spend half an hour or 



s* V 



294 Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia. 

more in a delicious bath in the cool, pure, uncoritaminated 
waters of the river. Resuming our course, we would row 
.^up to the Falls of the Schuylkill and at the well-known 
resort kept by Bobby Arnold, celebrated for its cat-fish and 
waffle suppers, replenish the inner man with those dainties, 
supplemented by moderate libations of mint juleps, rum 
punches and the like, seat ourselves in the summer-house 
overlooking the river, enjoy our cigars and pipes until the 
shades of night had fallen. I well remember many ex- 
cursions of this character, for they were of almost daily 
occurrence. In those days a desire to escape the city's heat 
by fleeing to the sea-shore could not be easily gratified. 
Atlantic City was a barren waste and Cape May could 
only be reached by a boat after a day's journey. Boating 
on the river was a more satisfactory substitute, notwith- 
standing the fact that it involved a tedious journey in an 
omnibus, and a long walk afterwards, from our homes to 
the boat-house. The charms of a moonlight night on the 
return trip from Arnold's to the boat-house cannot be ex- 
aggerated. The features which I have already spoken of 
— the complete solitude of the river and its adjacent banks 
— were its chief charm, which none of you of the present 
day can understand. There were, however, times when 
nature assumed another aspect, and often in the dark- 
ness of a thunder-storm, when it was difficult to distin- 
guish fifty yards ahead of you, it took an alert and careful 
coxswain, and a trained and disciplined crew, to avoid the 
perils which often beset the route. At certain points in 
the river, where the course led along the western shore, 
huge canal boats looming high out of the water made the 
journey one of considerable anxiety, and certain shallow 
mud-banks off the end of Peter's Island and at the Goose- 
pen, just below Columbia bridge, gave the coxswain con- 
siderable trouble. Probably the most difficult place to pass 
safely upon such an occasion was the first arch of the Falls 
bridge. After embarking your crew, often flushed with 
their generous repast, and you had successfully turned the 
boat and headed her for the dimly-seen arch of the bridge, 



*v 



Early Years of the University Barge Club of Philadelphia. 295 

your zealous crew aided by a strong current, you would 
be carried swiftly out into the darkness, where, standing 
..up at your post, peering out anxiously to discern the rock, 
which, though not directly in your path, yet was so close 
that a slight deviation might bring you upon it, you bore 
hard upon the tiller-ropes, and often grazed it with your 
oars. The arch being reached, if no canal-boats were in 
sight, you pulled swiftly through and hugged the western 
shore until the curve of the river' brought into view the 
faint outline of the Columbia bridge, where it joined the 
eastern shore. To this point you steered with more con- 
fidence, leaving the perils of the canal-boats behind you. 
As you approached the Columbia bridge, if the night was 
dark and you were prudent, you took the second arch, 
thus keeping out in the river and avoiding the Goose-pen 
and flats. From there the course was a fair one. Passing 
through the middle arch of the Girard Avenue bridge, you 
steered straight for Turtle Rock point, where the light-house 
now stands. Turtle Rock was a very dangerous obstacle. 
It was a shelving rock, jutting out into the water, directly 
off the point some distance into the stream. In the ordi- 
nary flow of the river there was just a wash, but at higher 
stages of the water it was entirely concealed. After turn- 
ing this point the coxswain's troubles were by no means 
ended. The dangers attendant from Turtle Rock to the 
boat-house I have already described. 

After the boating clubs upon the river had become more 
mimerous, the formation of a central organization became a 
necessity; principally for formulating proper rules and 
regulations for the passing and repassing of boats upon the 
river, the carrying of lights at night, the regulation of regat- 
tas and other matters of like character. For this purpose 
an organization called the Schuylkill Xavy was formed. A 
representative from each club was elected, and these consti- 
tuted a board who nominated and elected officers called a 
Commodore and Vice-Commodore. The Schuylkill Xavy 
Board met at stated intervals and legislated upon all 
matters within the purview of their powers. 



296 Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 



LETTERS OF JAMES H. WATMOUGH TO HIS WIFE, 

1785. 

BY JAMES H. WATJIOUGH U.S.N. 

(Concluded from page 190.) 

Letter III. 

My Dearest Anna. 

I shall now resume the pen again and endeavour to per- 
form what I promised you in my last, a description of this 
great and surprising City, not only the largest but by far 
the most wealthy in Europe. As my account is solely for 
your amusement, I need not make any apologies for the 
inconsistent manner in which I shall make my remarks, the 
subject being Capital — and my pen not very adequate to the 
task. I should never have attempted it were it not to afford 
some little gratification to My beloved Wife, and to con- 
vince her by these triffiing attentions how much my mind 
is engaged about her in my absence. 

To proceed then, as the commerce of this place is the 
chief cause of its grandeur, it will be necessary to say some- 
thing on that head. London is without doubt the first 
Commercial City in the world; there is no describing its 
magnitude ; there is not a place on the Globe but what has 
connexions in trade in this City. Some thousand wealthy 
merchants ornament the Exchange, on which the languages 
of the whole world is spoken, and the inhabitants of each 
nation are to be met with. The River Thames from London 
Bridge to Greenwich, which is full five miles, is crowded 
with shipping of all sizes, and all nations bringing the rich 
produce of the Globe to this grand market, and taking back 
the produce of this Island and its manufactories to the most 
distant nations. I am by no means surprised at the people 
in London being vain; to view their Hiver and the com- 



*v 






Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 297 

merce carried on, must naturally raise their ideas beyond 
what people unaccustomed to such a eight can possibly 
imagine. The Custom House is a grand building, but the 
business carried on in it is beyond any ones imagination, 
and the riches that pass through it annually is enormous. 
More business is done here and in the Coffee Houses (of 
which the number is incredible), than at the Exchange, on 
which, however, all the bill business is negotiated, which 
forms in a city like this a very important branch, and some 
thousands are engaged in nothing else. Besides the Grand 
Bank of the Nation, which is the most Capital in every re- 
spect in the World, no less than fifty-two private Banking 
Houses are employed in doing business to facilitate the 
trade of this metropolis, and these Bankers are in general 
rich and capital people. The Bank of England is an 
amazing building, and exceeding elegant, situated in the 
Heart of the City. The Biches contained therein is enor- 
mous, and the facility granted to the Merchants is great, 
and the strict punctuality in their concerns, has raised its 
credit throughout to the highest pitch of Fame. The 
accounts of all the debts of Government are kept in it and 
the interest regularly paid by the Directors of the State, 
and the great punctuality in Government has raised the 
credit of this nation above any in Europe, and make Minis- 
try never at loss to raise money, whenever they stand in 
need. The Fund or debt of the Nation are called Stock, 
or the Stocks, and have different name, as Bank, India, 
South Sea Stock 3 pc\ 4 pc*. etc. These stocks have intro- 
duced a kind of ideal trade called Stockjobbing, in which 
many people are continually engaged, and thousands are 
ruined and raised; it is a kind of gambling — and I may 
say of the highest kind. The Stockjobbers have a Coffee 
House of their own, and a person who goes among them as 
a spectator, cannot fail of being amused. Political lyes are 
told without number, in order to bring about a trifrling 
variation in the price of the Stocks. A man in that line 
will make nothing to engage to receive or deliver Stock to 



s*V 



298 Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 

the amount of five, six or ten Million Sterling, at a fixed 
price, such a period. The time comes, if the price has ad- 
vanced, he receives or pays the difference, which sums are 
sometimes so enormous that the party is ruined, and he is 
then denominated a " Lame Duck" and must waddle out of 
the Alley. For such debts he cannot be prosecuted, as the 
business is contrary to law, but on paying a future, he is 
reinstated and his name taken down from disgrace. The 
Buyers are styled Bulls and the sellers Bears. Excuse 
my taking up your time with this detail. As a Company 
of Merchants, the English East India Company, is the most 
important that ever was in the World ; their consequence 
is beyond conception, and their territory immense ; — in 
short their importance is such, and their riches so consid- 
erable, that the King is frequently obliged to restrain them, 
least their influence should become dangerous. Their origi- 
nal stock was only about three Million Sterling and now 
their expences are annually nearly that sum, and it is 
imagined that they have near ten times that sum besides their 
immense territory, and immense number of shipping. They 
import annually from China upwards of 20 million weight 
of Teas, to supply their annual sales, and their warehouses 
in London, if all together, would form a very considerable 
Town ; and the numbers of people employed by them in 
London are some thousands. Besides this, there are several 
other trading Companies as the Greenland, the Levant and 
African Trade, which is very important: in short the Com- 
merce of this City is beyond any idea that can be formed of 
it. Besides the merchants, the shop keepers form a very 
respectable body of men, and some thousands of them are 
amazing rich. The Principal streets are lined with grand 
and brilliant shops, all set out with elegance and taste, and 
no sight can be more luxuriant to the eye of a stranger, 
than the Shops in London the riches displayed in them is 
amazing and it must astonish any one what can become of 
all the goods, for their stock and display of elegant goods, 
never seem to diminish. The Silversmiths and Jewelers, 



*v 



Letters of James II. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 299 

the Mercers, the Chintz and Cotton Shops, throughout the 
whole City cut the most magnificent appearance. The 
Print shops are elegant beyoud comparison, and in the 
evening the City appears as if superbly illuminated. I wish 
it was in my power to give my beloved Anna ! an idea of 
the Riches, elegance etc., of this surprising City. The 
Shopkeepers are a polite affable sett of people ; they will 
tumble over half their goods for any person and not say the 
least word if you go out without buying ; they seem always 
pleased and if you buy ever so triffiing a thing, they will 
send it home for you. In Paris and Amsterdam they are 
very different, and the shops in neither of those Cities appear 
so elegant as in London, nor will their streets admit of it. 
London in short is the first place for tradesmen in the World. 
I wish I could be going about the City with you, and I never 
take a walk but I wish you with me. The Streets in general 
are broad and exceeding well paved, the footpath not so 
broad in General as in Philadelphia, but flagged with large 
fiat stones ; the Houses in general good and well built, about 
four stories high, with an attique story. Some of the back 
Streets are irregular and ill built, but the City are daily buy- 
ing up the old Houses, opening the streets and beautifying 
the place. The size of this place is enormous, and has in- 
creased very considerably since I was here eight years ago, 
and the number of new Streets which are building in all 
parts thereof are incredible; to go round it is full thirty 
miles, moderately speaking, which is more than a third 
larger than Paris. The squares in the West End of the 
Town are elegant, and the buildings noble. Grosvenor 
Square, is the first in point of neatness, the Houses are all 
noble and spacious; in the Center of the square is a circle 
enclosed with neat Iron railing and beautifully laid out in 
gravel walks and shrubbery, which in the summer time 
must have a beautifull effect. The streets leading to this 
square are all spacious and well built. The next Berkeley 
Square, is of an oblong form and elegant ; the Palace of the 
Marquis of Lansdowne is at one end, a large and magnifi- 



800 Letters of James II. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 

cent building, but being enclosed with a high wall, hides 
the building, which is really a great pity. St. James 
Square, is beautifull as is also St. James Place, in winch 
last is Lord Spencer's House, esteemed one of the most 
elegant buildings in London ; it commands a noble pros- 
pect on the Greenpark. In Berkeley is an elegant statue ot 
George IF, on Horseback in guilt. 

Cavendish Square, in Oxford Street, is beautiful; the 
buildings elegant; in the centre is an elegant Bronze 
statue in guilt of the late Duke of Cumberland, on Horse- 
back. Bloomsbury Square is beautiful ; Bedford House 
takes up one side ; the House is elegant but hid behind a 
Brick wall. Portland square and Portman Place are 
elegant, and all the Streets at the end of the Town are 
neat and airy ; the Houses of the Mobility and Gentry are 
contained in them. In Piccardilly are situated Devonshire 
House and Portland House, but both hid by enormous 
brick walls which answers the purpose of making the 
inhabitants retired, but does not ornament the City. 
Lord "Oxbridge is building an elegant palace ; his Lordship 
in my opinion might have found out a more pleasing spot. 
I shall not attempt to say anything more, or at least very 
little on the subject of the buildings of private people, 
suffice it to say, the buildings in General are neat, simple 
and convey an idea of comfort, ease, and riches. In Pall 
Mall is Charlton House, the Palace of the Prince of 
"Wales, when finished will be the most elegant building in 
London; His Royal Highness resides in it though un- 
finished. Cumberland House is also in Pall Mall, behind 
these palaces are gardens which enter into St. James park. 
The Duke of Marlborough's palace is in the Park, a 
spacious and most elegant building of Brick. St. Jame's 
palace is a very old building amazingly large but has 
nothing respectable about it. Buckingham House is a 
spacious, neat building, but as it i3 the residence of the 
Royal family is not thought much of, does not convey an 
idea of grandeur. The Public buildings in London are 



V*^ 



Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 301 

numerous and amazingly elegant, in the Strand where 
Sommerset House stood, is an amazing pile of building, 
finished in the most elegant style, all the different offices 
of the nation are to be kept there: the Architecture is 
neat and elegant. In Broad Street is the Excise Office, a 
large and elegant building ; the Exchange is a neat build- 
in £ round which are statues of all the Elnirs of England, 
and in the center Ejng James the I. The Mansion House 
is a large building, cost much money, but is very Heavy 
and clumsy. The Churches, of which in this immense 
City there are some hundreds, are in general neat elegant 
buildings of Hewn stone, but few are advantageously situ- 
ated; crowded in some corner by which means are little 
noticed by the passengers in the Streets. St. Paul's 
Church is grand beyond description and next to St. Peters 
at Rome, is the most complete building in Europe; the 
size is enormous, but the Architecture is so elegant, and the 
proportion so exact that, it appears light and airy but it is 
hid from view, except from Ludgate, where the view is 
by no means judicious for so elegant a building; you drop 
upon it all at once by which means the Beauty of the 
building is entirely hid. The buildings for different Chari- 
ties are grand, noble and spacious, as also are the sundry 
Hospitals you would be astonished at the number of them ; 
they do infinite credit to the nation, and to this City in 
particular. Bethehem, for Lunatics, is really a noble 
building, appears more like a Palace than the abode of 
Fools and madmen ; in Old Street they have built a jSTew 
St. Lukes Hospital, it is not quite finished, it is for in- 
curable Lunaticks ; — the building is truly magnificent. To 
attempt to describe all the publick buildings in London 
would fill a volume, suffice it to say that, there is hardly a 
Charity you can name but buildings are erected for them, 
and sums adequate to their support in ease and comfort to 
those who enjoy them, which does infinite credit to thi3 
Country. Still thousands of indigent, idle people, are 
about thi3 Metropolis ; — pickpockets in every quarter and 



302 Letters of Janus 11. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 

unless a stranger is cautious he is sure of suffering ; how- 
ever to walk the streets an assault is seldom heard of, which 
-was not always the case. The Streets of London are as 
secure as those of Philadelphia, and really more so than 
ours have heen for some years past. 

The fourth of January heing a grand Court day and 
Levee at St. James, curiosity led me to walk there, and see 
the Grandees go to pay their obeisance to their Majestvs. 
The dresses of the Ladies and Gentlemen were elegant, hut 
really I did not see above one or two ladies that might be 
called beauties. I did not see the Royal family, only the 
Duke and Duchess of Cumberland; she is really a fine 
woman. The Prince of Wales was not at Court; I met 
him riding in Hyde Park, only one Servant with him. He 
is a fine, elegant looking man, and with all his faults has 
many virtures and is exceedingly admired by every body, 
"We used to hear in America that, he was much inclined to 
drinking, he has now nothing of it, and that vice is not laid 
to his charge, and since his connection with the beautiful 
Mrs. Fitzherbert, has become more steady and sedate. 
Charles Fox, by all account, has been his ruin, and created 
the coolness between the Prince and the King ; they now 
never see each other, but the Queen and family see him in 
Private. I was told that the Prince for adopting Fox's 
party so warmly at the last election, against his father, was 
exceedingly insulted at the Theatre. King Queen and 
Princesses came in and were most amazingly applauded, 
and the Chorus of " God save the King" rebounded from 
all sides of the House; the Prince came to his Box, but 
wa3 hissed for some time, and on leaving the House was 
hissed again, since which he never goes to the play when 
the Royal family go ; it was a strong proof how much the 
people at large were offended and reprobated his conduct. 
Charles Fox must be an amazing genious, and his Wit and 
repartees are quick; I was told that at the last election he 
was canvassing for votes, and called in a tradesman's shop. 
The Tradesman asked him who he was ; " Why Mr. Fox." 



Letters of James II. Watmough to his Wife, 17S5. 303 

" Then instead of my vote, here, take this Rope it will serve 
as a halter for you!" Charles Fox replied, "no! no! 
friend, do not give it away it is probably a family piece, 
and the present possessor may stand in need of it." Many 
such anecdotes are related of him at that election. The 
Beautiful Duchess of D. lost her dignity exceedingly, she 
really went about "Westminster and its liberties, soliciting 
votes for Fox; not a house but what she went into, and 
received many insults, and was caracatured in the most- 
indecent manner in the Print shops. She saw her folly, and 
since that period has become quite a domestique lady, but 
seldom goes to Court. How foolish it is in women to make 
themselves partisans in Politicks ; — the Duchess would still 
have been a favorite at Court had she not espoused the 
cause of Fox. I saw Genl. Arnold the other day at Court, 
but his lady was not there. I had not a good sight of him ; 
his name was called over, and he passed in a hurry; he is 
taken very little notice of. You remember the circum- 
stance of his meeting a relation that was to leave him a for- 
tune; lam informed the man is a capricious mortal, and 
has now changed his mind and is on no terms with the 
General, but has taken up his old relations again ; however, 
as the chap i3 rich, I wish he would consider Mrs. Arnold, 
for by all accounts she is an amiable woman, and was her 
husband dead, would be much noticed, which at present it 
is impossible for them to do, except by one sett. I got my 
pockets picked in coming out at St. James, but did not 
loose much fortunately, I had no chain to my watch and 
thereby saved it. In the Park, who should I meet, most 
superbly dressed, but rny fellow Traveller, the volatile dame, 
with several Ladies all beautiful and elegant attended by 
several Xoblemen of distinction. I was alone and was pass- 
ing her, she immediately called to me, and introduced me 
as an American gentleman to her company, which consisted 
of my Lord S — — , Col. T — , and a Major H — , who you 
must have heard of in America. We entered into conver- 
sation and I was invited to her House to Tea and spend the 



*v 



304 Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 178-5. 

evening. We escorted the ladies to their carriages. In 
the evening I waited on them, (it was Sunday), her House 
-was elegant, servants in livery, Tea and Coffee in grand 
style, I heard nothing but, when did you see the Duke of 
— ; My Lord at the opera gave me this; I hope the Prince 
will come here to night ; do not you think he will before he 
goes to Brooke. The party consisted of about ten Ladies, 
really they were beautiful creatures and not inelegant in 
their manners, three noblemen, some officers and com- 
moners and myself. About ten, the card Tables weFe 
introduced, and as I had now seen enough, and not being 
desirous to play, as they play high, I slipped off and went 
home to my Lodgings contemplating as I went along on 
the follies and extravagances of the times. I was invited 
to a dinner with the same party on the Tuesday following, 
but I declined the invitation, such company little suit my 
affection for you. 

It is now the 10 th of Jan r ; the H and G- family will be 
in Town to-morrow, when shall see them. My friends 
pay me every attention possible, and had I come in ever 
such style, I could not have experienced more friendships 
and civilities. I wrote to Littledale to take up and send 
me over any letters that might be for me. I received his 
answer, which was exceeding polite, accompanied with a 
strong desire to see me in Holland, but he says no letters 
are for me in the post office. I am amazed ; You must 
have written I am confident; I expected long epistles from 
you; my disappointment My dearly beloved Anna! was 
great, and I assure you do not contribute a little to depress 
my spirits. I am at a loss to account for my not hearing 
from you and the family; I tremble least some accident, as 
sickness etc., ha3 prevented, but bad news comes apace. 
As the Harmony, Cap n Willet, is arrived any letters for 
me will be returned by the next Dutch mail. . I am im- 
patient to hear from you! The Queen's birthday I went 
to Court, which was superbly elegant and crowded. The 
Ladies and Gentlemen dressed in the Richest Style, in 



Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 305 

short it made a brilliant appearance. I was pleased to see 
the Royal family, the Princess Royal was indisposed, the 
other princesses are beautifull women; they are really 
handsome. The Prince of Wales was not there, most of 
the nobility have new equipages on that day, they were 
elegant. I saw the King go in State to the House of 
Peers ; I had an order to go in but from unforeseen acci- 
dent, much to my mortification, I could not get admit- 
tance, the House was so crowded. His Majesty looked 
exceedingly well ; the procession was grand. 

I have been sundry times to the Play houses ; I saw M" 
Siddon's twice, once as Desdemona in Othello; she is a 
divine actress; you have heard so much of her that for me 
to say any thing of her subject is useless, she is every- 
thing that is capital. I went to see her act Imogen, in 
Cymberline, for her benefit, but was obliged to go away 
the house was so crowded ; however, a few nights after I 
saw her perform the same character : it is a fine play and 
M™ S. shone ; it was the first time she appeared in men's 
clothes. If you remember the play, she takes on a dis- 
guise ; she is well made and her face is rather masculine. 
I saw M" Jordan one night in the " Country Girl" ; as a 
Comick actress she is capital. At Covent Garden I saw 
Miss Brunton act Juliet, she is a charming actress and has 
almost as many admirers as M" Siddons. I wish I could 
afibrd it, I never would miss the play, the Scenery, the 
Actors, the Actress, and the Company, everything so 
divine. I was at the Opera the other evening; (here you 
must be full dressed), the Musick and dancing was ele- 
gant, but must confess I am not so bright a genius as to 
prefer it to a play. The House is large and elegant, the 
Company amazingly brilliant, but I prefer the play to 
twenty operas. Oh my ever beloved Anna, how much do I 
wish you and Sally could enjoy London a little time ; I never 
see anything but I wish you with me. As I have seen the 
Pantheon in former times, I have not been there yet, nor do 
I think* I shall, though the admittance is only half a crown. 
vol. xxix. — 20 



*v 



30G Letters of James H. Waimough to his Wife, 17S5. 

Apropos I saw M r . and M™. Nicklin. I paid them a 
visit; we talked about Philadelphia a little. I saw T) r , 
White and waited on him ; he was glad to see me. He 
returned by this paquet; I would have troubled him with 
my letters, but the passengers are not allowed to take charge 
of any ; he has promised to let you know that he saw me 
well ; he made me happy in saying that he saw you all well 
in October last, — I could have embraced him for the news. 
He and D T . Provost had the greatest civilities and attention 
shown them by the Nobility and Clergy ; he was ordained 
yesterday ; his title is The Right Reverend D r . "White, 
Bishop of Pennsylvania. 

Adieu My ever beloved Anna ! 
I remain 

Your's AfTec* 

J. H. W. 

London 5. Feb. 1787. 

Letter J f th 
My Dearest Anna ! 

I had the pleasure of writing you by the February pacquet, 
which I hope you received safe, and I doubt not, but D T . 
White will let you know that he saw me. Apropos ! the 
D r . seemed exceedingly pleased with his new acquired Title, 
though a republican a Title is acceptable; the attentions 
paid him in England were very great. I have been gossip- 
ing about London since my last, my friends are exceeding 
attentive to me and I am daily receiving cards of invitation 
to some parties. I was the other evening at the City As- 
sembly, was introduced by M r . Keave ; the Company was 
brilliant, several of the first nobility were present, as the 
Marquis of Carmanthan, M r . Pitt, Lady Salisbury, and 
others; the dresses were brilliant the Company was really 
the best in England. Met about 10 o'clock, it was at 
Mercer's Hall, in Wood street, the rooms were elegant ; I 
only danced one dance, the Company retired about 3 oclock. 
The next day I met with a person who I formerly knew in 
Holland; we spent a day or two together in viewing Lon- 



Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 307 

don and all its curiosity's, it would fill a volume to give you 
a description of them; they will serve to converse about 
when we meet in America which will he in April next, 
please God. I supped the other evening with some friends, 
after supper we called for a coach and drove to the Hay- 
market Theatre. Enpassant stopped at a Shop and got 
dresses (domino's and masques) ; the House was brilliant, I 
presume about seven Hundred persons. The Prince of 
Wales was there unmasqued, he was accompanied by the 
Duke of Cumberland, Queensbury, and others; there w T ere 
a variety of characters and some very good ones ; a vast 
number of common women, very few ladies of fashion ; on 
the whole it was entertaining. Mad m . Mara's concert room, 
in Hanover Square, is really beautiful, to which the first 
company in the nation resort ; I never saw so great a dis- 
play of fine, elegant women in my life. As Lent is com- 
menced they begin now to play Oratorio's. I long to see 
one but as none but Subscribers can go to those held in 
Tottenham Court road and they are only performed once a 
week at Drury lane, I fear I shall not see one as I leave 
London next week to return to you per the Harmony, Cap n . 
Willett. Last night I could not go being engaged. I am 
going down to Essex to spend a few days with M r . Neave, 
and from there into Kent to M r . Jordan's, in order to take 
leave of his family. I went last Tuesday with my friend 
M r . Jordan to the Pantheon, the Concert was divine. 
Earth elemi leads the band, and his wife, an English woman, 
sings enchantingly. The room is elegance beyond descrip- 
tion; — can contain about 3000 persons; the concert began 
at nine and lasted till 12 o'clock. As I have now taken my 
passage and paid for it in the Harmony, for Philadelphia, 
the rest of my time here will be employed in purchasing 
somethings for you and our Dear Sister Sarah, a bonnet for 
Betsy, a hat Maria, some caps, — all shall be made up by the 
most fashionable Milliner in London. You will find when 
I arrive that I have thought of a hundred little triflies, which 
I flatter myself will be usefull and acceptable; I have been 



*v 



808 Letters of James II. Watmougk to his Wife, 1785. 

a great economist. I hope soon to be with you. I have 
formed some good connections in London, and shall no 
doubt soon get into a way of business. My things are 
all on board, and the vessel gone down to Gravesend ; a 
D r . Parker, of Boston, and Mr. D. Ingraham, of Philadel- 
phia, are my fellow passengers. I breakfasted this morn- 
ing, the 28 th Feb., with M r . Stringer, and as the wind was 
fair, went down in the boat, the sail was delightfull — the 
river Thames is really elegant. I arrived at Gravesend to 
dinner we dined on shore together, and spent the l 3t of 
March on shore. Friday, the 2 d , in the mor g , went on board 
but the wind blowing fresh did not sail till the afternoon and 
come to Anchor next day in Margate roads from whence 
sailed on Sunday morn s with a fair wind and passed Dover 
about 2 oclock. Thus adieu to old England ! May every 
happiness in Politicks and success attend you are my sincere 
prayers. I hope now soon to be landed in America, never 
again to be separated from my beloved Anna ! The voyage 
will appear an Age to me. I wrote you, my beloved Anna ! 
a few lines by the March paquet to inform you of my de- 
parture; but presume shall get with you first. 

A Book has lately been published called the Travels of 
the Marquis de Castellux through lSTorth America ; he was 
a Major General in the French Army. I never read so 
foolish a piece in my life, not one remark therein worth 
noticing and his information very erroneous and a bigot in his 
political principals which he carries to illiberality. In speak- 
ing of Philadelphia, he mentions being at an assembly : " On 
entering the rooms, I found twenty or five and twenty Ladies 
ready for dancing. It was whispered me that, they were 
come with the hopes of having the Yicomte Nbaills, the 
Compto de Damas for Partners, but they were compleatly 
disappointed as those Gentlemen had sett out in the 
morning. I should have been disappointed also, had I 
expected to see even pretty women ; there were only two 
passable, one ot them called Mis3 Footman, was rather 
contraband, that i3 to say, suspected of not being a very 



*v 



Letters of James H. Watmough to his Wife, 1785. 309 

good Whig, for the Tory Ladies are publickly excluded 
from this Assembly. I was here presented to a ridiculous 
enough personage, but who plays her part in the Town ; a 
Miss Vining celebrated for her Coquetry, her wit and her 
sarcastic disposition. She is Thirty and does not seem on 
the point of marriage, in the meantime she applies Red, 
White, Blue, and all possible colors, affects an extraor- 
dinary mode of dressing her hair and person, and a 
staunch Whig in every point, she setts no bounds to her 
Liberty." I made these extracts from his works, they are 
two volumes' in ocotavo cost £112, more than I think them 
worth. I am ashamed to see a man publish a Book in 
such a manner mentioning names at full length. If Miss 
V. should see her Character as published in France and 
England, she will loose her partiality for the French 
Nation. In the course of his Book, some hundred of 
Ladies are mentioned in same manner. M™ Powell is his 
favorite and M". Meridith, the sister of M*. Cadwallader. 
[Here end the letters.] 



* v 



310 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 



PENNSYLVANIA GLEANINGS IN ENGLAND. 

BY L0THR0P WITHINGTON, 30 LITTLE RUSSELL STREET, W. C, LONDON. 

(Including "Gleanings" by Henry F. Waters, not before printed.) 

(Continued from page 209.) 

Robert Carson of Philadelphia in North America, Mer- 
chant, now resident in Strabane in Ireland, intending 
shortly to go to Philadelphia. Will 10 May 1783; proved 
20 September 1784. All my estates in Strabane, County 
Tyrone, to my Brother in law Thomas Higgins, of the 
Head Elke in Maryland in North America, and to Yv r illiam 
Lecky of the City of Derry, Alderman, in trust for my 
mother Barbara Carson till her decease, then to my nephew 
Samuel Carson Higgins, son of above Thomas Higgins by 
my late sister Nichola Carson his late wife ; in case he dies 
before 21. to my Brother in law r Thoma3 Higgins, and after 
his death to the said William Lecky. To my servant Simon 
£20 a year for life. Executors : William Lecky and Thomas 
Higgins. Witnesses : John Coningham, Archd Boyd, John 
Clark. Rockingham, 497. 

Mary Hewson of Pennsylvania, widow. Will 7 June 
1794; proved 15 April 1796. iSTot more than six persons 
to be asked to my funeral. To my daughter Elizabeth 
Hewson £2200. To my son Thomas Tickell Hewson £1700, 
having already advanced the sum of £1700 to my son 
William Hewson. The Bequest to my daughter Elizabeth 
is larger because my two sons are entitled to £500 each of 
my effects by the will of Mrs. Mary Tickell. To my 
daughter Elizabeth all my clothes, jewels, plate, chamber 
furniture, China, Beds, etc, she to give my daughter Alice 
Hewson one of my best Diamond Cluster Rings. To her 
Brother Thomas Tickell Hewson the Onyx Ring that was 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 311 

his father's. As he has taken his profession, he should 
have something that he wore. My daughter Elizabeth to 
give a ring each to Miss Mary Benger, Miss Sarah Dobell, 
and Miss Ruth Dobell. To Thomas Tickell Hewson silver 
candlesticks inscribed with Dr. Franklin's name, spoons 
marked with the star, his father's crest, and plate marked 
with the Tickell crest, and a silver funnel, the gift of Sir 
John Pringle. To William Hewson the gold medal given 
to his father by the Royal Society of London, and then to 
his Brother, to go to the eldest of our grandchildren as long 
as the name of Hewson exists. To May and Barbara Hew- 
son of Hexham in Northumberland, the Mother and sister 
of ray husband, £100. per annum for their joint lives. To 
Ann Coleman of Rochester in Kent, the sister of my Uncle, 
.£80 a year for life, To my cousin Ann Elliott £15 a year 
for life in addition to the £10 a year I settled on her when 
she came over. Mr. Mile3 Satterthwaite and Mr. James 
Blunt, who now hold in trust my Stock in the Government 
Funds in England, to be responsible for the payment of the 
above Annuities, To said Mr. Miles Satterthwaite and Mr. 
James Blunt, my executors in England, £50 each. To Mr. 
Jonathan Williams Junior of Mount Pleasant £50, and 
appoint him joint executor wnth my sons and daughter 
To my friend Dorothea Blunt of Kensington near London 
the pictures and glasses 3he has of mine and £50. To my 
friend Elizabeth Hodgson the bonds and money owed me 
by her husband Robert Hodgson deceased. The reversion 
of the annuities and all the rest of my estate to be equally 
divided among rny three children. Oathes of Abraham 
Shoemaker and Benjamin F. Bache, both of Philadelphia, 
swearing to handwriting of said Marv Hewson. 

Harris, 183. 

Christian Minnigk of Bristol Township, County of 
Bucks, State of Pennsilvania, Gentleman. Will 28 Novem- 
ber 1783 ; proved 7 July 1786. Debts and funeral expenses 
to be paid. To my daughter Mary Ann Minnick or Min- 



*\> 



312 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

ning, now living at Bern in Switzerland, £200 in full satis- 
faction of her claim on my estate. To the Church of St, 
James in Bristol, County Bucks, aforesaid £10 silver money 
of Pennsylvania towards repairing the said church and 
enclosing the Churchyard. To my Eldest son John Min- 
nick £500 silver money of Pennsylvania in satisfaction of 
his claim. The rest and residue to my live children, 
namely, John (my eldest son), Margaret, Joseph, Elizabeth, 
and Samuel Minnick, and their several heirs for ever as 
tenants in Common. If any die during minority without 
issue, their share to go to the surviving brothers and sisters. 
Executors : my son John, My Brother-in-law Joseph Planta 
of London Esqre, my friend Seymour Hart of Philadelphia, 
Doctor, William Mcllwaine, and Colonel Joseph Penrose 
of Bucks County aforesaid. Witnesses : Ephraim Evans, 
William Ilarting, R. Whitehead. Codicil, dated same day. 
My Executors to have power to sell my estate, and when 
my youngest child reaches the age of eighteen, the division 
of my property to take place. Witnesses ditto. 

Norfolk, 392. 
[Joseph Planta, a Swiss by birth, was at this time keeper of manu- 
scripts in the British Museum. He became principal librarian in 1799. 
— L. W.] 

Archibald Cummings of Philadelphia, Clerk. Will 23 
March 1740/41 ; proved 1 August 1741. Debts and funeral 
expenses to be paid. To my wife all my plate and house- 
hold goods, and my two Xegroes Cato and Hannah, and 
£600 current money of Pennsylvania, with the choice of 
one of my two houses in Arch Street for life ; after her 
death, to my nephew George Craige. To my said Xephew 
the other house in Arch Street and £50 consigned to him 
in his voyage to St. Kitts. To my wife's neice Margaret 
Vainer £100 money aforasaid. To Margaret Hooper £15 
of like money. I having £100 sterling in the hands of the 
Chamberlain of London, for which money Dr. Thomas 
Moore baa a bond, to my nephew Archibald Craige £25 



*v 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 313 

sterling, to his sister my niece £25, to my Reverend Brother 
George Cummings £20, with what he owes me, to Dr. 
Thomas Moore of Aldersgate London £20, and appoint him 
executor of that small estate I have in Great Britain. The 
rest of my estate there I give to my wife. My library and 
wearing apparell I dispose of by a codicil or Schedule here- 
after signed. To Dr. John Kearsley £20 current inouey. 
The residue of my estate in Pennsylvania I give to the 
poor of Christchurch in Philadelphia. Executors : my wife 
Elizabeth and Dr. John Kearsley. Witnesses: Sam 1 Holt, 
Alex r Annand, Pet. Evans. Sjmncay, 197. 

John Seasancee of Bishop's Hatfield, Hertford, Esqre. 
Will 6 April 1779; proved 21 May 1779. To my wife all 
the household goods, etc. I shall not dispose of in this will 
with the wine and beer except some Madeira wine which I 
give to my sisters Elizabeth and Sarah. To my wife Mary 
all rent due from my estate in parishes of Crowland and 
Hundleby in Lincolnshire, £400, my coaches and horses, 
and an annuity of £5 2. 10s a year for life, my free and copy- 
hold estate in Hertford to be charged with the same. To 
my sisters Elizabeth and Sarah Seasancke all that I hold 
by lease from the Earl of Salisbury except the house my 
wife dwells in. To my sisters Elizabeth and Sarah £2000 
in trust for purposes to be hereafter named : My sister Ann, 
the wife of Francis Carter Xicoll of St. Albans, Esqre, to 
receive the increase of same, and at her death to be equally 
divided among her children ; £60 to be divided among my 
men and maid servants ; £30 to the poor of Bishop's Hat- 
field. To my sister Sarah Seasancke the gold watch and 
seal my mother gave me and my Diamond ring in memory 
of my mother and father. To my sisters Elizabeth and 
Sarah Seasancke all the plate that was mine on the Christ- 
mas day before I married, they to be residuary legatees to 
my personal property. My lands in Hertford and Middle- 
sex to my sisters Elizabeth and Sarah, subject to the annuity 
payable to Mr. John Atkinson and £100 per annum mar- 



*v 



314 Pennsyho.nia Gleanings in England. 

riage settlement on my wife, and as security for money I 
am indebted to the Late Thomas Parnell of Newgate Street, 
Mr. Thomos Parnell of Northam, and to my sister Mrs. 
Rayner wife of Mr. Robert Rayner of Docking in Norfolk. 
To my Brother Francis Carter jSTicoll £100. To my nephew 
Francis Carter Nicoll, junior, £300. To my niece Sarah 
Nicoll, £300. To Mrs. Susannah Durnford, my wife's 
mother, £100. To Miss Mary Rayner, my wife's niece, 
£20. To William Howard, Clerk to me, £50. To James 
Tatham, who works with me, £20, and when too old to 
work, 6s. a week. " To the widow Stone, the widow ot 
Stones," £8. To every labourer who has been three years 
with me, £5. The reversion of my estates to my nephew 
Francis Carter Nicoll. My executors to Grant to Rev. Mr. 
Eourchier a lease of " Greenhall and upon Stockings," 
parish of Bramiield. Letters from Doctyr Smith of Phila- 
delphia College inform me that he has recovered land for 
me. Witnesses: Elisa Marsham, Mary Deare, Tho. Mars- 
ham. Codicil 26 June 1774. Dr. William Smith, Provost 
of the College in Philadelphia in Pennsilvania, having re- 
covered 1000 acres of land for me, full power of attorney 
to be sent him, and he to sell the said property, keeping 
one-tenth of proceeds for benefit of said College, and £100 
for himself. The remainder as follows : one-fourth to be 
put to interest for my wife Mary ; on her decease, to my 
Nephew Francis Carter Nicoll Esq, and his two sisters ; 
one-fourth to my sister Sarah ; one-fourth to sister Eliza- 
beth ; one-fourth to my sister Ann. Witnesses : Thos. 
Woodward, Ann Bassatt, James Cook. Warburton, 221. 

Robert Jesson of Philadelphia in Province Pennsilvania, 
Merchant. Will 3 April 1732; proved 18 June 1740. All 
my estate, real and personal, to Rebecca Goade, wife of Solo- 
mon Goade of Philadelphia, Mariner. If said Rebecca be 
not living at my decease, then to my sister Ann Jesson for 
ever. Executor : Rebecca Goade. Witnesses : Nicho. Red- 
dish, Alex r Paxton, Thos. Hopkinson. Browne, 173. 



*v 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. ■ 315 

Margaret John, widow, of parish of Morentoorey, County 
of Merioneth. Will 2 May 1715; proved 26 October 1715. 
The 500 acres of land in Pennsilvania left me by my Brother 
William John, written title in the hands of my Nephew 
Thomas Jones, to my three grandsons John, Owen, and 
Robert Ellis. To my Granddaughter Jane Ellis 10s. To 
my granddaughter Margaret Humphrey 10s. All the rest 
to my grandsons and executors, John, Owen, and Robert 
Ellis. Witnesses : Ellis Humphrey, Ellis John, Thomas 
Humphrey Ellis, Robert Floyd. Fagg, 190. 

David Franks, formerly of Philadelphia in £Torth 
America, but now of Isleworth, County Middlesex, gentle- 
man. Will 30 July 1785, proved 22 July 1794. A Sufficient 
portion of my estate to be sold to discharge my funeral 
expenses and debts. As I conceive my lands situate in 
Pennsylvania, Virginia, Indiana, and in the Illinois Country, 
and elsewhere, are sufficient to pay more than I owe, I give : 
to my son Jacob Franks 800 acres of any lands I own, and 
I give my son Jacob this preference to the rest of my chil- 
dren as some atonement for his and his wife's very kind 
attention to me. The rest, real as well as personal, among 
my four children, Abigial Hamilton, the said Jacob Franks, 
Moses Franks, and Rebecca Johnson, as tenants in common. 
Executors : either jointly or separately, my two sons Jacob 
and Moses and Mr. Tench Coxe of Philadelphia. Wit- 
nesses : W m Bradford, James Powney. Kolman^ S66. 

James Cramond, late of Philadelphia, Xorth America, 
Merchant, now of Powis Place, London, and now at Deal 
in the county of Kent, and about to embark for "New York 
in the ship Ellice, Captain Harvey. Will 23 February 
1796; proved 19 November 1799. To my mother Janet 
Crammond of Tain, Rossshire, K B., £50 per annum. To 
my sister Naome Crammond £50 per annum. To my 
Brother William Crammond of Philadelphia £50. To my 
Brother Arthur Crammond of London and his wife £100. 



316 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

To my Mother in law Mary Simmons Smith £30. To my 
Brother in law Joshua Simmons Smith £30. To my sisters 
in law Mary Simmons Smith and Sarah Simmons Smith 
£30 each. To my friend Thomas Dickason Junior of Lon- 
don, but now of Boston in North America, £30. All my 
estate to be sold and placed out at interest in England or 
America, the increase to be paid to my wife Ann Simmons 
Cramond to the maintenance and education of my children. 
If my 6on Allyn James Cramond attain twenty-two, he to 
be paid £5000. My son James to be paid £5000 when he 
attains twenty-two. If either die without issue, the other 
to have £7500, and my wife to have £450 a year instead of 
£300. If they both die, my mother £100 a year for life, 
my sister Xaome £50 a year for life, and one-half to my 
Brother William Cramond of Philadelphia, other half to my 
Brother Arthur Cramond of London. Executors : my wife, 
my Brother "William, and my Brother in law Joshua Sim- 
mons Smith. Codicil, same date, My wife being now preg- 
nant, the child or children she bears to have equal share, 
when twenty-two, with my two sons. Witnesses: James 
Sharp, John Elliott. Howe, 766. 

John Geary of Dunsley in the parish of Tring, County 
Hertford, yeoman. Will 28 March 1696; proved 9 Decem- 
ber 1696. To be buried as my friends John Foster-de- 
Banke and Thomas Martin see fit. To my cozen Henry 
Geary, younger son of my cozen Henry Geary of Wiggin- 
ton, all my tenements, etc., in the parishes of Tring and 
Wigginton, in the three manors of Tring and Wigginton and 
Pendley, he paying for the use of Poor Friends of the 
Tring meeting, commonly known as Quakers, the sum of 
40s., and my friends John Foster de Banke and Thomas 
Martin of Dancers end to pay out of the lands that was 
lately Paynes, lying at Hastoe, parish of Tring, in occupa- 
tion of William Kempton, to the poor of said parish, etc. 
To my cozen Joseph Geary, son of my said cozen Henry, 
House at Cheery trees, parish of Chesham, 5 acres of 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 317 

meadow ground in Cotnam Mead, 2 acres of meadow in 
Tring, he to pay to my sister Geary widow and relict of 
my Brother Henry Geary £16 per annum. A close at 
Wood row parish of Tring of Wigginton called Horsley's to 
my cozen Joseph Geary, son of my cozen Henry Geary, as 
long as my said Sister Geary lives, and, after her decease, 
to Joseph Geary, youngest son of my cousin John Geary. 
To John Foster de Banke, in trust, my lands at Whelpley 
Hill, parish of Chesham, to pay £6 per annum to my cosen 
Mary Davy, and, after her, to go to Henry Geary, son ot 
said Henry Geary, he to pay £10 to my cosen William 
Davy, son of aforesaid Mary. To Phillis Atkins, widow, 
£40, with the liberty of two rooms in the house I now dwell 
in, with necessary firewood for six months. To my cosen 
Susan Reeve, wife of William Reeve, 40s. per annum. To 
my cosen Edward Foster, son of my cosen William Foster, 
Butcher, and to Martha, daughter of said William, £20 
each. To my cozen John Surman £5. To my friend 
Charles Harris, Senior, of High Wycombe, £20. To my 
loving friend John Foster de Banke £6. To my loving 
friend Thomas Martin £4. To my cozen Joseph Geary, 
son of Henry Geary, £100 remaining in the hands ot 
William Winlow and his son. To my cousin William 
Davy five hundred acres of land in Pennsylvania for ever. 
To my cozen Henry Geary the elder £10. To every child 
of William Baker of Guildford, parish ot Stoake, Schu- 
maker, one guinea each. Rest to Executor, Cozen Henry 
Geary the younger. Witnesses: Ra: Dagnall, Wm. Lake, 
Daniel Barton. Bond, 2^9. 

William Wade, late of Westham, County Sussex, Yeo- 
man. Will 24 August 1682; proved 28 October, 1682. 
Being bound to Pennsilvania in America. To Philip Ford, 
living in London in Bow Lane, Merchant, to be my exec- 
utor, £10. To my Brother Edmund Wade £5. To my 
Brother Thomas Wade £5. To my Brother Edmund 
Wade's eldest sonne Edmund Wade £100. To my Brother 



318 Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 

Edmund Wade's younger son Thomas Wade all my estate 
in lands and goods iii Pennsilvania in America, "paying each 
servant £5 when they have served their times out. To the 
meeting at Asen £5 at Moscal Picknols and Moses French 
and Samuel Webb's disposing, and what remains in Eng- 
land to be divided between my two Brothers Edmund and 
Thomas, except the £100 I have in the Sosiets Stocke 
which is to be divided among my said Brother's children 
Edmund and Thomas Wade. Witnesses : Daniell Marten, 
John Epsley, Thomas Hollyman. Cottle, 124.. 

James Browne of Philadelphia, Province of Pennsylva- 
nia. Will 8 March 1709/10; proved Philadelphia 8 July 
1710. To my wife Sarah Browne the house I live in on 
the west side of the Front Street in Philadelphia bounded 
by Edward Church's house and Lot on the ISTorth, and by 
John Stuart's lot on the west. All to my wife and her 
heirs for ever. Executrix: my wife Sarah Browne. Wit- 
nesses : Richard Heath, Richard Walker, John Baily. Ad- 
ministrations granted 3 October 1749 to William Lead, 
administrator of Sarah Lea formerly Browne. The said 
Sarah Lea surviving the testator but dying without having 
proved the will in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. 

Lisle, 303. 

Francis Brown of Philadelphia, Pennsilvania. Will 29 
July, 1728; proved 30 March 1738. My dear Friend 
Robert Kirwan to take possession of all my books and 
papers relating to the Moderate Head into his possession 
to recover my debts. After my Creditors are paid the re- 
mainder to go to Charitable uses. Executor: Robert Kir- 
wan. Witnesses : John Richason, Edward Pleadwell. [In 
Probate act appear Robert French a creditor of Francis 
Browne late of the Maderas, but at Philadelphia, also father 
Andrew Browne, Brother Andrew Browne, Sister Mary 
Browne.] JBrodripp, 57. 



*v 



Pennsylvania Gleanings in England. 319 

Thomas CiiouTCHof Agmunderham als Ainersham, County 
of Bucks, Maulster. Will 12 April 1687 ; proved 5 March 
1701/2. To my wife Elizabeth the houses I Thomas Croutch 
and my daughter in law Sarah Child, widow, live in, for life ; 
after her death, to my daughter Frances Croutch for ever. 
To my wife household goods, furniture, utensils, etc., and the 
benefit of all my stocke for life. To my daughter Frances 
all the money in the Stocke and Banke of the Society ot 
Traders to Pennsilvania. To my two daughters Elizabeth 
and Frances Croutch all my lands in West Xew Jersey in 
America. To my daughter Elizabeth one piece of old gold 
value 20s. To John Costard of Amersham mealman, Henry 
Child of said Parish, yeoman £5 each to be disposed of as 
I shall direct. All the rest I leave to my daughter Frances 
after the death of my wife Elizabeth. Executors : my 
daughter Frances, Thomas Boringdon of Chesham Bay, 
yeoman, and John Hunt of Agmundsham, maulster, and 3s. 
each to Thomas and John for gloves. Witnesses: Richard 
Russell, William Hellam, Thomas Smith. Heme, 85. 

(To be continued.) 



*v 



320 David Edwin, Engraver. 



DAVID EDWIN, ENGRAVER. 

BY MANTLE FIELDING. 

Incompleteness seems to be the rock on which, in this 
age, the collector or compiler on any special subject strikes 
sooner or later, and to fully and completely cover any one 
line of work is more difficult than appears at first sight. 

Mr. Hildeburn's valuable work on the David Edwin en- 
gravings seemed fairly complete at the time it was printed, 
but in the eleven years since the date of its publication a 
number of new portraits have turned up. I published 
them recently as a supplement to his catalogue feeling 
fairly confident that the list was practically complete, but 
again I find some undescribed and important prints from 
his graver that were overlooked or unknown to me. The 
result has been that I have again canvassed every collection 
of engravings within reach and consulted with all the col- 
lectors or dealers having any new data on the subject. 

David Edwin has always been considered one of the 
most interesting of our early American engravers, combin- 
ing, as he doe3, real artistic worth with historical interest in 
his work. His engraved portraits will always hold the in- 
terest of collectors from either stand-point, but it is to some 
unusually fine subject prints that I now want to call spe- 
cial attention. Edwin has often been spoken of as the 
" American Bartolozzi," and I must say it has seemed a 
misnomer when his subject work was considered in compar- 
ison with some of the fiuest examples of the beautiful subject 
prints of the celebrated Italian-Englishman. Lately I have 
found at least two examples of Edwin's work that may 
well be compared with Bartolozzi's most beautiful work in 
stipple. I refer to the membership certificate for the " So- 
ciety for the Eelief of Poor and Distressed Masters of Ships, 
their Widows k Children/' also to the " Masonic Certificate." 



David Edwin, Engraver. 321 

In the first of these prints all the artistic and graceful com- 
position that marks Bartolozzi's best work is well exempli- 
fied in Edwin's work; it also has a life and strength often 
found lacking in the work of the great English stipple en- 
graver. It seems most remarkable that I have not found 
collectors who have seen these beautiful certificates which 
are among the best of Edwin's subject engravings; in fact 
I only know of one collection possessing both of them. 
The j were both printed in Philadelphia and were evidently 
in use about the year 1804 to 1810. 



PORTRAITS. 

Fisher Ames. 



Half length, seated, to left, holding a book, (under) 
G. Stuart Pinx: — D. Edwin Sculp:/ Fisher Ames./ H. 
4.12/16— W. 3.14/16". Rectangle. 

Note. — Plate a close copy of print noted in Hildeburn's Catalogue. 
Size of plate and width of border line show slight variation, and there 
is a scroll after title. 

Rev. Josbph Stevens Buckminister. 

Same as Iso ... A Border line erased, plate reduced to 
4.7/16"— W. 3.7/16", and relettered Stuart.— Edwin./ Your 
aff. brother/ J. S. Buckminister./ 

Thomas Jefferson. 

Full length, left hand resting on top and front of globe, 
which stands upon a table, with " The Declaration," books, 
etc., right hand holding glove at side. Two books in 
lower right, balustrade of four rails to left. Rectangle. 
D. Edwin Fecit./ Publish'd by G. Helmbold June 1801. 
II. 20": W. 13". 

Benjamin Moore. 

Half length to left, robes. Book in hand. Bishop's 
mitre and shield below. J. Jarvis Pinx*— D. Edwin 
vol. xxix. — 21 



*V 



322 David Edwin, Engraver. 

Sculp 1 / The Right Reverend Benjamin Moore, D. D./ 
Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the State, 
'•of Kew York./ Xcw York, Published by J. V. Buskirk 
1810./ H. 19.4/16": W. 15.8/16". 

Alexander Placide. 

Half length, in oval, to right. (Below) Edwin sc./ . A. 
Placide./ Height 4" : Width 3.3/8". 

William Wirt. 

Bust, head to left in profile. Vig. on title " The/ Letters 
of The/ British Spy./ (under) Edwin sc./ Baltimore./ 
Published by Fielding Lucas, jr./ Fry-Printer./ H. 
2.8/16": W. 2.5/16". 



SUBJECT PRINTS. 

Membership Certificate. 

Society for the Relief of Poor and Distressed Masters of 
Ships, their Widows & Children. 

Oval, on Tablet, surmounted by American Eagle and 
shield. (Li Oval) Sailors on rocks being rescued from 
wreck. Flags at side, and at bottom of Oval, anchor and 
spars. Seated female and children on the sides below the 
flags. 

(Under) J. J. Barralet, Del' D. Edwin fc* Six lines 
under, in form of membership, blank for society. Total 
height 15.10/16". Total width 11.12/16". Stipple. Height 
of Oval 9". Width of Oval 7.6/16". 

Note. — The only impression of this engraving to my knowledge is in 
the possession of the Philadelphia Masonic Temple. The certificate is 
filled out in the name of "John E. McFarlane" and is dated January 
6th, 1806. 

Masonic Certificate. 

Description of Print. First the Great Eye of Providence 
with the adorators ; one on each side of the Paschal Lamb, 



David Edwin, Engraver. 323 

and the zodiac equinox round the top, under the Sun, 
Moon and Stars. On the right, is the figure of Faith; on 
the left, Hope with Prudence, and on the Clouds, three 
infant geniuses. The first column Doric, with the ter- 
restrial globe. The second, Ionic with the celestial globe; 
and the third, the Corinthian, with the Paschal Lamb on 
the top; and at the bottom, the great ark of Alliance, with 
the coflin, cross-bones and sprig of Cassia : on the right 
the figure of Mathematics; second, Astronomy; third, the 
great genius, and on the left, Charity, Second, a Mason 
at work on the triangular stone, and the third, Wisdom, in 
the attitude of silence. 

(under) J. J. Barralet, del^ D. Edwin Sculp! 

Blank form in two columns, nine line under inscription. 

Phil 2 Octob. 1* 1804— Published by W m ffi Abbott ac- 
cording to Law. Height 18.7/8: Width 15.3/8: Sub Height 
13.2/8. Stipple, in sepia. 

Note. — I know of only one example of this fine engraving by Edwin, 
now in the Masonic Hall, Broad Street, Philadelphia. 

AVENIA. 

Frontispiece. Goddess of Liberty, in a melancholy atti- 
tude, is seated under pillar of temple of Liberty, one foot 
rests on Cornucopia?, si aye ships with slaves landing, in 
background. Rectangle. EL 4.3/16": W. 2.15/16". Stip- 
ple (above) 

Frontispiece (under) Barralet del. — D. Edwin fc./ Pub- 
lished in "The Penitential Tyrant; or, Slave Trader Re- 
formed": Xew York 1807. Also in "Avenia: or, A 
Tragical Poem" by Thomas Branagan. 12 mo Phila. 1805. 
And m " Rights of God, written for the Benefit of Man" 
Phila., 1812. 12mo. 

Isis Magna Mater. 

Drawing. — Plate IV./ Isis Magna Mater./ D. Edwin 
sc./ From a Bust in the Collection of Charles Towmly EsqV 



*v 



324 David Edwin, Engraver. 

Sacred Harmony. 

Vignette of Music Book and Harp decorated with gar- 
lands supported by two Angels who hold aloft scroll in- 
scribed " Laus — Deo" in clouds, with diverging rays. 
Above; Sacred Harmony/ below; Volozan Del. — D. Edwin 
Sculp./ Vignette 7.8 x 7. 

(This is said to be the first work executed by Edwin in 
the United States.) 

Edinburgh Encyclopaedia. 

Vignette of Time holding mirror in which young girl is 
arranging her hair. To right cupid with globe. Vig- 
nette & "Writing. Design'd by G. Fairman F. S. A."/ on 
title page of Parker & Delaplaine's./ 

American Edition/ of the/ Isew Edinburgh Encyclo- 
paedia/ (11 lines) Philadelphia/ (n.d.) 

Edinburgh Encyclopedia. 

Same as Xo .... Publisher's line altered to " Whiting 
& Watson's" and place to "Few York." 

Basso Relievo. 

Basso Relievo. — Plate I./ An Egyptian Hieroglyphicai 
Sphinx./ 1/2 — Hindu Basso Relievo — British Museum. /3. 
(not lettered) D. Edwin Sculp./ 

Emporium of Arts & Sciences. 

Vignette of winged female figure bearing globe, Genii ot 
Chemistry, Sculpture and another. 

The/ Emporium/ Of Arts & Sciences/ iSTew Series — Vol- 
ume 1/ Conducted/ By/ Thomas Cooper Esq!"/ (&c. &c. 3 
lines)/ Des? by G. Fairman Edwin Sc . ./ Phila- 
delphia/ Published by Kimber & Richardson/ 1813. 



David Edwin, Engraver. 325 

The Lady of the Lake. 

Female figure standing in bow of boat under tree. Rect- 
angle, border line 1/32 (under) G. Fairman del. — D. 

Edwin sc./ 

Then safe tho fluttered and amazed,/ 
She paused and on the stranger gazed./ 

Canto 1. — Stanza XX./ Published by Joseph Cushing 
Baltimore/ Rectangle. H. 2.11/16"— W. 2". 

Scott's Poetical works. Vol. 4. Baltimore 1813. 

The Lady of the Lake. 
.... Publisher's name altered to " P. H. Nicklin." 

Rowe's Letters. 

Angel in clouds and reclining female figure, oval, with 
torch, lyre &c above, in irregular rectangle. Title on tab- 
let beneath, Rowe's Letters/ (3 lines)/ D. Edwin sc./ 
Published by R. Johnson./ H. 4.11/16"-- W. 2.8/16". 



^v 



326 Some Correspondence of Dr. James McHenry. 



SOME CORRESPONDENCE OF DR. JAMES McHENRY. 

BY BERNARD C. STEINER. 

Sir 

Your letter I received & thank you for it — It will no 
doubt have a good effect, tho' I fear a disposition to seem 
saving for the purpose of popularity, may have a share in 
preventing the passing of the Bill at last sitting — I am sur- 
prised at the lowness of the prices, considering the advanced 
price of copper. I imagine the weight of metal now used, 
is not equal to what was formerly adopted, but if it is upon 
the principle of economy, it is proper, & diminishing the 
weight, diminishes the difficulty of transportation, tho' the 
range of shot is diminished also. I hope we shall make up 
for the last by advancing briskly, if we have to engage the 
monsters Myrmidons, but if they were prisoners, as those of 
Peleus are said once to have been, I should like to have a 
broadfoot for them, if ever we get among them. I hope 
Peggy Baches understrappers have not yet patched up the 
peace of Radstat. I would much rather hear she was 
wealthy enough to do without them & they were all gone to 
France to fight for liberty & equality, like their relations 
below. Old Doctor Nesbit of Carlile, was teazed by his 
congregation to say what he thought of the French Revolu- 
tion, but cunning enough to reserve his opinion 'til he 
should see it in a more advanced stage, he then said he had 
formed an opinion upon a gude wife's dream. Inquisitive 
to know they begged him to relate it, and after telling them 
they should have it as he had it, he said she dreamt that she 
was in Hell, & after knocking & knocking at the gate out 
came his Satanic Majesty hirnsel — Indeed said she, I was 
frightened, but thinking to make the best o't as I was in his 
pour, I asked him if he had no imp or understrapper 'til 
open the gate that he maun do't himself — Imp or under- 



s* V 



Some Correspondence of Dr. James Mc Henry. 327 

strapper, woman, said the Deel — ]STa the're a gone to France 
to fight for liberty & equality — 

I wonder if Buonoparte is not a mummy e'er this ! If 
he and his troops were all mummies k again in France, the 
Directory would sell them over again to rill their exhausted 
military chest. We are told by Ileroditus or somebody 
else, that the ancient Egyptians never lent money but upon 
the hypothecation of the mummies of the borrower's an- 
cestors — "What a glorious thing the Directory in the case 
stated would think it, if they could borrow upon the like 
pledges, of the present Egyptians ! Why Sir, they would 
send army after army to embalm one another, notwithstand- 
ing Sir Horatio, with his one arm has embalmed so many 
in the mud of the Nile — Mr. Rutherfurd has resigned from 
bad health & to be sure of my man, I yesterday commis- 
sioned Genl. Davenport 'til the Legislature meets. It is 
difficult to get good men to go for less than 2 months, & I 
wished not to give preference to future candidates. Mr, 
Davenport is elected a member of next Congress & there- 
fore I prevailed upon him to go as he would not be a can- 
didate for Senate — Mrs. Howell joins in compliments to 
your good lady and family & I am with much 

Respect Sir, your very humble sevt. 

R'd. Howell 
Could not Mr. Perkins yourself & ladies slip off some Sat- 
urday in a sleigh & dine with us ? 
Trextox, Deer. 6th. 1798. 

Philadelphia April 14th — 1794 

MY DEAR SlK 

I have recently returned from the Eastern Shore, where 

I was for a few days -Congress have been taken for some 

days in this Discussion of a Motion for iSTon-Importation &C 
&C — this Day the question will probably be taken in our 
House will I expect be carried, I rather think it will fail in 

the Senate The Eastern Members are pretty generally 

opposed to every Measure, which they think may in it's 



*v 



328 Some Correspondence of Dr. James McHcnry. 

consequences involves Us in a War, unless preceded by 
Negociation, which they contend ought to he the first Step, 
"that failing, they say they will then heartily & vigorously 
unite in whatever may be thought best to obtain Eedress 
for the Injuries & Spoliations committed by the British on 
American Property, their ideas are that We ought in. the 
first Place to Send a Special Envoy to the British Court 
for the purpose of stating our wrongs & demanding Satisfac- 
tion, Should this be refused they will join in a War, if 
different Measures are pursued & War Should be the Con- 
sequence, it may be collected from their Speeches that the 
Eastern People would not heartily cooperate, they therefore 
wish that Some Accommodation might take place in the 
House, as Unanimity would be essential in Such an Event 
for the general Good— 

The Accounts we receive of the Conduct of the British 
in the West Indies are so varied that We know not what 

to believe Report says a Person will Shortly sail to 

the West Indies for the purpose of obtaining the most accu- 
rate & perfect Information of the Spoliations committed on 
American Property, I wish lie had been there & now on 
his Return. 

The Embargo I believe will be continued, & think it will 

probably be acted upon in our House this Day. 

Yrs. Sincerely &C 

Wm. Hindman 
The Honble 
James McHenry 
Baltimore 

Philadelphia Deer. 17th. 1794. 
My dear Sir 

I received your kind Favor of the 13th. & receive much 
Pleasure in learning Mr. Henry will probably be re- 
elected 

The Reports which You have requested shall be pro- 
cured if practicable. 

Congress have no knowledge whatever of the Result ot 



v*V 



Some Correspondence of Dr. James McIIenry. 329 

Mr. Jay's Mission I believe that lie has or will obtain all 

that this Country can rightfully ask [Nothing new 

I have still a bad cold 

Yrs. Sincerely &c 

¥m. Hind man. 
The Honble 
James McHeney 
Annapolis. 

Pittsburg August 1st. 1809 
My dear Anna 

My absence will be but short, being limited to about 10 
or 12 days, five of which I spend in Pittsburg. This is a 
beautiful little place situated on a point of land whose shores 
are washed on one aide by the Monongehela and on the 
other by the Alleghany river which unite at Pitt and form 
the Ohio river. From diver3 hills which surround the town 
there are delightful prospects that afford the greatest degree 
of pleasure to one whose eye particularly feasts on the works 
of Xature and Art combined. From some of these points 
you may behold the Alleghany river winding most beauti- 
fully through the distant forests and finally losing itself in 
the bed of the Ohio. This beautiful stream is so rapid as 
to repel the waters of the Monongahela, whose depth ex- 
ceeds greatly that of the Alleghany, and thus of course it 
must contribute principally to the forming of the Ohio. 

The town is surrounded with pits which afford coal equal 
to any imported from Liverpool. As yet I have not been 
to visit these pits but I intend it tomorrow. There are 
several manufactories of green and white Hint glass which 
are certainly superior to our Baltimore glass houses. There 
is also a machine for picking, carding, spinning and wind- 
ing cotton turned by a single horse who treads in a vertical 
wheel of at least 30 feet diameter. The town contains also 
a steam grist mill which I have not yet seen at work. I have 
been on the ground where Gen Grant was defeated on his 
march to storm Fort Duquesne. This I have also seen. 
On my way to this place I passed the place where Gen 



*v 



330 Some Correspondence of Dr. James Mc Henry. 

Washington; then a major, capitulated. I am also within 
9 miles of the place where Gen. Braddock was defeated by 
* the Indians. You see since I left you I have become a 
great traveller. I have already been in three States, 10 
counties and 14 towns. At Uniontown Pennsylvania there 
is a papermill turned by the Monongehela river. The water 
wheel is at 150 feet distance from the mill. 

James McHenry. 
Mrs. James L. Boyd. 
Baltimore 

Maryland. 



Genealogical Records of the Marshall Family, 1737-1839. 331 



GENEALOGICAL EECORDS OF THE MARSHALL 
FAMILY OF LEWES, DELAWARE, 1737-1839. 

CONTRIBUTED BY REV. C. H. B. TURNER. 

[Extracts from a Bible belonging to Jacob Marshall of Lewes, Dela- 
ware, which was printed in London by Charles Bill, and the Executrix 
of Thomas Newcomb, deceased, Printers to the King and Most Excel- 
lent Majesty, Anno Dom. 1698.] 

Jacob Marshall, the son of Jacob Marshall and Mary 
Wovs, born April 9, 1737, at three o'clock in the morning, 
Sunday. 

Isaac Marshall, the son of Jacob Marshall and Mary 
Wovs, was born in the year 1738, September 27, on 
Thursday. 

Abraham Marshall, the son of Jacob Marshall and Mary 
Wovs, was born in the year 1741, on February the fourth 
day about one o'clock in the morning on Thursday. 

Bathshcba Marshall, the daughter of Jacob Marshall and 
Mary "\Vovs, was born in the year 1743, on December the 
25, about four o'clock in the morning, on Sunday. 

Moses Marshall, the son of Jacob Marshall and Mary 
Wovs, was born March the seventh day, 1745, on Friday, 
about seven o'clock in the morning. 

"William Marshall, the son of Jacob Marshall and Mary 
Wovs, was born in March 1748, on the 28 th day, about ten 
o'clock at night on Monday. 

November 31, 1751, John Marshall was born, the son of 
Jacob Marshall and Mary, Monday at three o'clock in the 
morning. 



;*V 



332 Genealogical Records of the Marshall Family, 1737-1839. 

Mary, daughter of Jacob and Mary Marshall, born 
November 12, 175-. 

Aaron Marshall, the son of Jacob Marshall and Mary 
Marshall, was born 7 July, 1758. 

29 December, 1757, Elizabeth Davis was born, the daugh- 
ter of Samuel and Elizabeth Davis. And departed this life 
10 July 1828, aged seventy years and six months and twelve 
days ; was married to Aaron Marshall Sen r on the seven- 
teenth day of February, 1780. 

Jacob Marshall, the son of Aaron Marshall and Elizabeth 
Marshall, was born 27 December 1780, at 15 minutes apast 
1 o'clock in the morning. 

Samuel Marshall, the son of Aaron Marshall and Elizabeth 
Marshall was born November the . . . th day, 1782, about 6 
o'clock in the morning. 

Moses Marshall, the son of Aaron Marshall and Elizabeth 
Marshall, was born the 15 th day of November, 1784, on Fri- 
day, about 11 o'clock in the morning. 

Martha Marshall, the daughter of Aaron Marshall and 
Elizabeth Marshall, was born the 29 day of August 1786, 
about 11 o'clock in the morning. 

16 November, 1788, was born Mary Marshall, the daugh- 
ter of Aaron Marshall and Elizabeth Marshall. 

30 December, 1790, was born Aaron Marshall, the son of 
Aaron Marshall and Elizabeth Marshall, on Thursday about 
7 o'clock in the morning. 

20 April, 1793, was born Davis Marshall, the son of Aaron 
Marshall and Elizabeth Marshall, on Saturday night, about 
10 o'clock. 



*v 



Genealogical Records of the Marshall Family, 1737-1839. 333 

22 February, 1796, was born Hester Marshall, the daugh- 
ter of Aaron Marshall and Elizabeth Marshall. 

15 August, 1796, Hester Marshall, the daughter of Aaron 
Marshall and Elizabeth Marshall, departed this life. 

29 August, 1797, was born Isaac Marshall, the son of 
Aaron Marshall and Elizabeth Marshall, and departed this 
life in one month and one night after. 

22 October, 1798, was born Elizabeth Marshall, the 
daughter of Aaron Marshall and Elizabeth Marshall, and 
departed this life three weeks after. 

Jacob Marshall, the son of Aaron Marshall and Elizabeth 
Marshall, departed this life the 1 st day of September, 1800. 

Jacob Marshall, the son of Aaron Marshall and Elizabeth 
Marshall was born April 9 th 1801, about 9 o'clock at night. 

John Marshall, the son of Aaron Marshall and Elizabeth 
Marshall, was born November the seventh 1805, before 
breakfast. 

Aaron Marshall Sen r . died July 18 th 1839, over 81 years 
old. Entered by his grand-son Samuel Marshall. 

1 June, 1766, Abraham Marshall was born, the son or 
Isaac Marshall and Hannah Marshall. 

William Marshall, the son of John Marshall and Elizabeth 
Marshall was born November, . . day, 1774, on Friday. 



*v 



334 Letters of John Paul Jones, 1780. 

LETTERS OF JOHN PAUL JONES, 1780. 

John Paul Jones to Robert Morris. 1 
Confidential 

L'orient Nov. 8, 1780. 
Dear Sir, 

I had the honor to write you a line the 26, nit. by the 
Independence of Philadelphia— Dr. Franklin has been laid 
up with the Gout so as to disenable him to write me since 
my return here. — I am in hourly expectation of Letters from 
the Itfew Minister of the Marine respecting some Plans I 
had the honor to lay before Government in May last. — 
Comte De Maurepas has written me a very kind Letter 
approving my Ideas and I hope the new Minister being a 
Man of Publick spirit will adopt either my Project or some 
other of greater importance, whereby I may more effectually 
serve the American Flag and our Common Cause. — We are 
taking in the Lower Masts of the Ariel, and that little ship 
will soon be again ready for Sea.— We understand Captain 
Barry is appointed to command the Alliance, and my 
Friends here tell me the new 74 Gun Ship, called the 
America, at Portsmouth will be reserved for me. — If Con- 
gress think me worthy of the honor of Commanding the 
first Ship of the Line in the Service, I shall be deeply and 
most gratefully impressed with a sense of that confidence, 
and do my Best to merit it. — By Letters from Boston it 
seems Captain Lanclais and the officers quarreled on the 
Passage, and they took from him the Command and carried 
him to Boston a Prisoner ! If Congress sit still and suffer 
this to pass without inflicting a most exemplary punish- 
ment, there will be an end to all order, and no good officer 
•will risque his reputation in the service. — "We are told a 
Court of inquiry was ordered to be held on the officers : — 
But who are the Men authorized to sit on that Court ?— 
I have seen such Courts chiefly composed of mere sailors & 
Fishermen.' — I have been present where the President of a 

1 Etting Collection of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 



Letters of John Paul Jones, 1780. 335 

Court Martial was so ignorant as to be unable to Read the 
Oath he attempted to administer to the Members without 
spelling and making Blunders ! — A general reform is indis- 
pensible in the Xavy. The great Mass of the officers were 
never intended by Mature to fill such important Places ; and 
what I have said from the beginning has proved true : — 
They cannot support their rank either with honor to them- 
selves or their Country. — Our Navy has not only been put 
into Bad hands, but it has been unwisely employed. It has 
served to enrich a few ignorant individuals, and has done 
almost nothing for our Cause. If my feeble voice is heard 
when I return to Philadelphia our Navy matters will assume 
better Face. The formation of the American Navy is an 
Object of the highest importance, and can never be effected 
by Men who are ignorant of the Business. — It is not the 

4.' O 

first time that attempts have been made to confine the Cap- 
tain of a Continental Ship and usurp the Command. — They 
pretend Captain Landais was Mad: — But if that be true, I 
say, he did not become Mad on the Passage between Prance 
and Boston. If he was formerly Mad, which is perhaps the 
fairest way to account for his Conduct while under my 
Command; How will these officers and Mr. Lee at their 
Head, justify their having been in Mutiny to replace him in 
the command of the Alliance a few Days before that Frigate 
sailed from France for America ? These Acts are New in 
the World, and are too glaring to be huslrd up. 

I am ever with the highest Esteem and Respect 
Dear Sir your most obliged 

and most humble servant 

Jno P. Jones. 

The Honorable Robert Morris Esq b , 

John Paid Jones to the Honorable Wm. Carmichael. 1 

L'orieot, August 22 d 1780. 
I received my Dear Friend, your welcome Letter of the 
17 th ult, that came inclosed to Ross.— It is doubly welcome 
1 The Dreer Collection of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 



336 Letters of John Paul Jones, 1780. 

to me, because when you wrote it you had a right to sup- 
pose me to be rather disgusted at the extraordinary events 
that had taken place here. — I can assure you however that 
meeting with little difficulties by the Way, will never be 
able to make me forsake the Road of Honor and publick 
Virtue. — I wish to prove myself no Mock Patriot; and per- 
haps Fortune could not favor me more than by such oppor- 
tunities as I have lately met with. An honest man has re- 
courses within him, that knaves are strangers to. — But I have 
indeed little reason to complain, and many reasons to be 
satisfied. I have attained the particular esteem and attach- 
ment of the first and best Characters of this Kingdom — - 
Friendships the most precious that will be mine through 
Life, — "Within these few Days I have received from his 
Majesty a Sword that is superbe indeed, with this Inscription 
on the Blade " Vindicati Maris, Ludovicus XVT Remu- 
nerator Strenuo Vindici." Such a present from such a 
Prince would do Honor to the greatest Admiral in History. — 
It is the first Sword, except the Common kind, that his Maj- 
esty has bestowed. — I have received at the same time the 
strongest and kindest Letter that can be imagined from the 
Minister, in his Majesties jSTame, expressing his entire appro- 
bation of my Conduct, with his particular personal esteem. — 
This Letter is accompanied with two others : The one, the 
strongest Letter of Recommendation in my favor that is pos- 
ible to the President of Congress ; the other to the Chev r de 
La Luzerne, containing the Cross and Institution of Military 
Merit, that his Majesty destines for me, and orders his Minis- 
ter to invest me with after asking and obtaining the per- 
mission of Congress on my arrival in America. — This last is 
an honor that has never before been offered to any Man who 
had not actually served either in the Xavy or Army of 
France. — I have been to Blame in not writing to you since 
I was honored with your favor from Cadiz — But I w r as 
waiting to have got previous possession of your Packet by 
M. Gerarde — It had not come to hand when I took an un- 
intended Journey from hence to Paris in April; and I made 



Letters of John Paul Jones, 1780. 337 

my ineffectual applications to Gerard — who said he had sent 
the Packet to Grand, and Grand constantly affirmed he had 
•never received it. — Since that time till this moment I have 
been on the Wing, and constantly thought my departure 
near. Besides, I fully expected to hear from you in con- 
sequence of my Letter to you of March 4th. But as you 
take no notice of that Letter, I am in doubt whether you 
have received it, and therefore now enclose a Copy. — There 
is I understand a Board of Admiralty at last appointed. — 
This ousrht to have been done Ions; as:o and a general reform 
should have been made, but as we have now lost, I may say, 
all our Kavy, the Board will certainly know whom they 
employ in future. — The affair of Charlestown is too Bad, in 
any light in which I have yet heard of its being placed. — 
I mean with respect to the defence by Sea : — As to the de- 
fence by Land, or the Wisdom or Folly of suffering the 
Troops to be Cooped up in the Town, I shall not pretend to 
Judge. 364 must 406, 868, that 14 has done 514 harm at 
820 by forcing a Correspondence with 819 in which he has 
ungratefully asserted that 298 has broken her 28 with 32 



He has now gone to 354 a3 he says to do good; but as I 
fear to attempt farther Mischief: — For he told myself in 
May that if the 28 was not soon finished Mr Jay would find 
himself disappointed — it would be too late. — I need not 
recommend to you the utmost exertion to prevent the 
farther success of that Wicked and Conceited Upstart. — If 
742 would now declare for 32 the Cabal would fall to 
nothing and those tools of the 244 would be immediately 
sent to the Devil. I am now nearly on the point of leaving 
Europe. On my arrival in America I will endeavour to 
state the behaviour of that Fellow in a true light so as to 
prevent his doing the States farther Mischief — Every good 
Citizen must resent hi3 abuse of publick confidence. — Write 
me my Friend to Philadelphia. — Tell me freely and openly 
how I can be useful to the Glorious Cause in which I 
vol. xxix. — 22 



338 Letters of John Paul Jones, 17S0. 

embarked at the beginning; but, being an officer, I must be 
allowed to keep clear of Party or Cabal. — At the same time 
when I see Upstarts making a misuse of the powers and 
publick confidence with which they are wrongly entrusted, 
I cannot pass over their perfidy in silence. — Present my best 
respects to M r & M r8 Jay. — From the Amiable Character I 
have had of that Lady I have a great ambition to be ranked 
among the number of her Friends. — I cannot conclude this 
Letter without expressing my earnest wish to hear of your 
being on terms of confidential Friendship with Bancroft. — 
You know his great abilities and I am much mistaken if he 
has not a great and good Heart. — There is no Man alto- 
gether perfect. — you must consider that he has been neg- 
lected by Congress. — If therefore he thinks his friends in 
that great Council have not supported him as he expected, 
I would not, in your place, be too nice in insisting on having 
done as much as w^as possible. — In the present Moment he 
appears to give up all Idea of publick employment. — -I love 
you both, and would have you as formerly, to continue 
Friends. — I am ever with the most affectionate regard My 
dear Sir 

Your faithful Friend 

and most humble servant 

Jno. P. Jones. 
The Hon. ble 

William Carmichael &c. Madrid. 



v% v 



Wiltbank Family .Record. 339 



WILTBANK FAMILY RECORD. 

[Copied from Wiltbank Bible, in possession of St. Peter's Church, 
Lewes, Delaware.] 

Judge John "Wiltbank, departed this life, 1792 

Mary Wiltbank wife of John Wiltbank, departed this life, 
1795 

Cornelius Wiltbank son of Judge John and Mary Wiltbank 
died 9 November, 1813 

Ann Wiltbank, wife of Cornelius Wiltbank, departed this 
life 9 April, 1801. 

Esther Wiltbank wife of Cornelius Wiltbank, departed this 
life, 1 November, 1802 

John Wiltbank, son of Cornelius and Ann Wiltbank was 
born 23 January, 1795; married Eliza Paynter, A.D. 
1817; died 13 February, 1830 

Cornelius Wiltbank, son of John and Mary Wiltbank, de- 
parted this life 9 November, 1813 

Ann Hudson, wife of Henry Hudson, and daughter of Cor- 
nelius and Ann Wiltbank, departed this life 24 January, 
1812. 

Mary Metcalf, wife of Thomas Metcalf, and daughter of Cor- 
nelius and Ann Wiltbank, departed this life 29 October, 
1814. 

Thomas Metcalf, son of Jehu and Esther Metcalf, departed, 
this life, 1 November, 1814 (He survived his loving 
wife only two weeks) 

Robert W T iltbank, son of Cornelius and Ann Wiltbank, de- 
parted this life on Sunday, the 22 January, 1815, at 
the house of his grandfather, Judge John Wiltbank, 
" Dover " Delaware was buried at the farnilv burial 
ground on Wednesday, 25 January, 1815, (at Tower 
Hill Farm near Lewes). 



*v 



340 Wiltbank Family Record. 

John Wiltbank, son of Cornelius and Ann "Wiltbank, de- 
parted this life on Saturday morning, 13 February, 
1830, aged thirty-five years, twenty-one days. Sermon 
delivered by Rev. John Mitchell from Luke 12, 37. 
Buried in Family Ground near Lewes. 

John and Eliza Wiltbank's first son was born 5 September, 
1818; and departed this life 15 th of the same month. 

Samuel Paynter Wiltbank, son of John and Eliza Wiltbank 
was born 19 April, 1820 

John Cornelius Wiltbank, son of John and Eliza Wiltbank 
was born on Tuesday, 15 July, 1823 

Alfred Stockley Wiltbank, son of John and Eliza Wiltbank, 
was born on Saturday, 12 September, 1829 

John Cornelius Wiltbank, departed this life 9 September, 
1829 

Alfred Stockley Wiltbank and Hannah Eichards Wolfe 
were married by Rev. John L. M'Kim, 28 January, 1852 

Samuel Rowland, John Paynter and Alfred Stockley, chil- 
dren of Alfred S. and Hannah R. Wiltbank, all died in 
infancy 

Frank Comly Wiltbank, son of Alfred and Hannah R. Wilt- 
bank was born 9 July, 1859 

Alfred Stockley Wiltbank, M.D. son of John and Eliza 
Wiltbank, departed this life 7 August, 1860 

Comly J. Wiltbank M.D. departed this life 23 December, 
1886. 

Samuel Paynter Sen r . was born 20 October, 1736 

Samuel Paynter, son of Samuel Paynter Sen 1 , was born 25 

August, 1768 
Elizabeth Rowland was born 9 December, 1779 
Samuel Paynter Jun r . and Elizabeth Rowland w r ere married 
by the Rev. James Wiltbank, at the house of M r Cor- 
nelius Wiltbank, on Wednesday, 16 March, 1796, at 
four o'clock. That and the next day were remarkably 
stormy days, but it is hoped that prudence and economy 
may render the married life a happy one. 



Wiltbank Family Record. 341 

Mary Paynter, daughter of Samuel and Elizabeth Paynter, 
was born 

Mary Paynter and Simon K. "Wilson, M.D. were married. 

Samuel I Wilson, son of Simon K. Wilson, and Mary Payn- 
ter was born July 1820; died in 1849. 

Mary P. Wilson, wife of Simon K. Wilson, M.D., and 
daughter of Samuel and Elizabeth Paynter, departed 
this life 12 November, 1820 

Eliza Paynter, daughter of Samuel and Elizabeth Paynter, 
was born 8 December, 1798; died 14 November, 1857, 
at Lewes, Delaware 

John Wiltbank and Eliza Paynter were married by the Rev. 
James Wiltbank, on Thursday, 7 August, 1817 

Samuel Rowland Paynter, son of Samuel and Elizabeth 
Paynter, was born 

Sarah Paynter, daughter of Samuel and Elizabeth Paynter, 
died 10 August, 1820. 

John Parker Paynter, son of Samuel and Elizabeth 

Alfred Stockley Paynter, son of Samuel and Elizabeth 
Paynter, died aged live years. 

Elizabeth Paynter, wife of Samuel Paynter, departed this 
life 10 November, 1820, aged forty years 

Sainuel Paynter departed this life on 2 October, 1845 in the 
78 th year of his age. 

"With unfeigned regret that we announce the death 
of Ex Governor Samuel Paynter at his residence at the 
Dracot Bridge, Sussex County Delaware, on the 2 ud inst. 
in the seventy-eighth year of his age" — Delaware 
Journal October 1845 

Comly I Wiltbank was baptized by the Rev. Walter Frank- 
lin at St. Peter's Church, Lewes, Delaware, 4 August, 
1844, making the seventh generation baptized in that 
church; Sponserd his great-grandfather Ex Governor 
Paynter of Delaware and grandmother, Eliza P. Wilt- 
bank. He was born 12 May, 1844 

J. Comly Jones married, 10 September, 1821 by the Rev. 
M r Meyer, Mary Hiliborn, daughter of Joseph and 
Rachel Roberts 



342 Wiltbank Family Record. 

Rachel Roberts Jones, daughter of Comly and Mary H. 

Jones was born 7 May, 1824 
Samuel Paynter Wiltbank was married to Rachel Roberts 

Jones 4 August, 1842, by the Right Reverend Bishop 

IT. M. Onderdonck 
Mary Elizabeth Wiltbank, daughter of Samuel Paynter and 

Rachel Roberts Wiltbank, was born 1 August 
Died at Philadelphia on the 10 th day of June, 1845, J. Comly 

Jones aged forty-nine years 
Died on the 23 rd February, 1850, Charles B. Jones in the 

seventeenth year of his age 
Died on 7 June, 1860, Mary R. Jones, in the nineteenth 

year of her age 
Died in Philadelphia on 7 August, 1860 D r A. S. Wiltbank 

of Lewes, Delaware 



*v 



Eev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 343 



BEY. JOHN MAKTLN MACK'S NARRATIVE OF A 
VISIT TO ONONDAGA IN 1752. 

BY JOHN W. JORDAN. 

[John Martin Mack, for twenty years a Moravian missionary 
among the Indians, was born April 13, 1715, at Leysingen, in Wiirttem- 
berg. In 1735 lie accompanied the Moravian colony to Georgia, where 
he remained until 1740, when he was transferred to Pennsylvania, 
where he assisted at the building of the Whitefield school, on the 
"Barony of Nazareth/' and was one of the founders of Bethlehem. 
Two months after attending the "Pennsylvania Synod" at German town, 
in January of 1742, he was appointed assistant in the mission among the 
Mohican Indians at Shecomeco, New York. On September 14 he mar- 
ried Jeannette, daughter of John Rau, of "The Oblong," and her 
knowledge of the Mohawk and Delaware dialects rendered her an effi- 
cient assistant in the mission. In October he accompanied Count Zin- 
zendorf on his visitation to the Indians of the "Wyoming Valley and 
upper Susquehanna. The following year Mack was transferred to the 
mission at Pachgatgoch, in Connecticut. In April of 1746 he com- 
menced the settlement at Gnadenhiitten, on the Mahoning, — the first 
Moravian Indian village in Pennsylvania, — where his wife died in 1749, 
and which was the field of his labors until 1755. During this interval 
he visited the Indian villages on the Susquehanna yearly, and in 1752 
accompanied David Zeisberger and C. Godfrey Rundt to Onondaga, 
where they were to perfect themselves in the dialects of the Five Nations. 
Mack's narrative of their journey thither, and his return, follows this 
introduction. In 1756 he visited the Moravian tract in North Caro- 
lina, and on his return to Pennsylvania the year following, he com- 
menced the Indian village of Nain, near Bethlehem. From 1760-1761 
he was again in charge of the mission at Pachgatgoch. In 1762 Mack 
was appointed Superintendent of the mission in the Danish West Indies, 
and while on a visit to Bethlehem in 1770, was consecrated a Bishop. 
Deceased on Santa Cruz, January 9, 1784. A portrait of the old mis- 
sionary by Haidt is in the Archives at Bethlehem.] 

Saturday, Augmt 12. — We came this afternoon to Wil- 
liam's Fort, 1 a Maqua town, where many Indians live, who 

1 The necessity of fortifying this Pass was pointed out for the first time 
in October, 1736, by a number of Indian traders who petitioned the As- 
sembly to erect a fort at " the Carrying Place at the upper end of Mo- 
hawk River." When Fort Williams was erected has not been ascer- 



344 JRev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 

were baptized by a minister of the church of England, by 
name Ogilby. 1 We found but few at home. Conrad Weis- 
'ser's son resided here last summer to learn their language.' 
We stayed here but a short time, and then went some miles 
further, and came to a Low Dutchman, where we had very 
good lodgings. 

Sunday, August 13. — We were obliged to rest all day. 

Monday, August 1£. — We started on our journey again to- 
day in good spirits. In the afternoon we left the Low 
Dutch,' and entered the High Dutch settlements, 3 and con- 
tinued through a severe thunder-storm to within eight miles 
of Canajoharie, and lodged with a German. 

Tuesday, August 15. — We set out early, but found walk- 
ing difficult owing to the rain of yesterday, and at 8 o'clock 
reached Canajoharie/ a Maqua Indian town, where Bro. 
David and Post were arrested seven years ago, and carried 
to prison in New York. 5 Bro. David showed us the house 

tained. In March of 1756, it was garrisoned by one hundred and fifty 
men with four cannons and commanded by Capt. Williams. Later in 
the year it was destroyed by Gen. Webb on his famous flight from 
Wood Creek. It was succeeded in 1758 by Fort Stanwix, and finally by 
the present city of Koine, Oneida County, N. Y. 

1 Rev. John Ogilvie was a native of New York, and a graduate ot 
Yale College. Being a Dutch scholar, he was appointed to the Mohawk 
mission in 1748. Subsequently he succeeded the Eev. Henry Barclay 
as rector of Trinity Church, New York city. Deceased November 26, 
1774. 

3 Samuel Weisser, born April 25, 1735. 

* Dutch settlements were scattered along the Mohawk River, and num- 
bered from thirty to one hundred families in each. 

*An Indian word meaning, ''the pot that washes itself." It was an 
Iroquois town situated on the right bank of the river Mohawk, in what 
is now Montgomery County, N. Y., and on the site of the present town 
of the same name. It was sometimes called " Hunter's Field." 

5 In March of 1745, Zeisberger and Christian Frederic Post, one of the 
most adventurous missionaries to the Indians, being desirous of perfect- 
ing themselves in the Mohawk language, were, while on their way to 
the Indian towns, arrested because they had no passes, and also unjustly 
accused of being in sympathy with the French. They were released on 
April 10. 



*v 



JRev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 345 

in which they then lodged. Very few Indians were to be 
seen, but we learned subsequently, that they were in the 
rastle, (which was built during the last war) half a mile 
from the town. 1 We also learned that a minister preaches 
to them in English through an interpreter. 2 We did not 
stay here long, but continued for eight miles through the 
woods until noon, when we came to the Great Falls, where 
the settlements again commence. In the afternoon we 
crossed over the river, which was much swollen by the 
rain. Here we met about one hundred Indians, mostly 
from Anajot 3 and Cayuga, 4 who live at present in these 
parts and dig roots, 5 which are very good in all kinds of 
sickness. The Indians sell them to the people hereabouts, 
or exchange them for goods with the traders who come 
from Albany. Towards evening we left the river and 
lodged with an Irishman who has a German wife. We 
had not been here long, before live Oneidas arrived and 
stayed all night, Bro. David [Zeisberger] talked with them 
a long time. 

Wednesday, August 16. — Early this morning we continued 
our journey, and about 10 o'clock reached the last house be- 

1 Fort Canajoharie was situated at the side of the Mohawk River, on 
the right bank. It was built of upright pickets joined together with 
lintels. Small cannon were in position in each bastion. Five or six 
families of Mohawks resided outside of the fort. 

2 John Christopher Hartwick, who was born in Saxe-Gotba, January 
6, 1714. He was sent to America to take charge of some Palatine con- 
gregations at Albany and Dutchess Counties, N. Y. Labored succes- 
sively in Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and New England. He was 
the founder of the Hartwick Seminary, N. Y. Deceased July 16, 1796. 

3 Anajot, Tuscarora County, N. Y. It was the capital of the Oneidas, 
of the Six Nations, and is called Onnejoust in a French account of Fron- 
tenac's expedition against the Onondaga Indians written in 1696. It 
was on the main trail from Albany to Onondaga, two days' journey from 
Wyoming, Pa. 

4 The capital of the Cayugas of the Six Nations. It stood on the site 
of the present town of the same name, on the eastern shore of Lake Ca- 
yuga, in Cayuga County, N. Y. 

6 Kalondaggouh, the Indian word for ginseng. 



346 Rev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 

tween here and Onondaga where we found many Indians. 
From here our path is altogether through the woods. The 
''-man that lives here is a German, and was quite civil to us. 
His people were very anxious to know whither we were 
going, and the object of our visit to Onondaga, The In- 
dians, too, asked us the same questions, whereupon Bro. 
David told them. After being here half an hour the In- 
dians that we met yesterday arrived, and with them the 
chiefs of the Oneidas. They talked with us too, and we 
felt that something would take place here, but we knew not 
what, We heard that a large party of Indians lay drinking 
near the river side about a half mile from here, and near 
where we must cross ; it being impossible for us to cross 
anywhere else, owing to the great mountains on both sides. 
T^ r e finally determined to remain here and see how it 
would go. 

In the afternoon a chief came to us and inquired as to 
our business in Onondaga. Bro. David told him the whole 
object, but he did not seem satisfied, and left us. During 
the evening the chief of the Oneidas, and a Seneca came, 
and began by saying, that they heard that we were going to 
Onondaga, and then asked us our business there. Bro. 
David replied : " Two years ago Gallichwio 1 and he visited 
Onondaga, and made a proposition to the Council, which 
he believed they must have heard, as one of chiefs of the 
Oneida was present." They appeared, however, as if they 
had not heard a syllable of it. Bro. David then related the 
principal heads thereof, when they asked, who had sent us. 
" T'girhitontie 2 and his Brethren," was the reply. Then a 
chief said : " "We two years ago heard much of the Brethren, 
from a man whose name we will not now mention, and he 

J The name means "a good message," and was given to Bishop Cain- 
merhoff by Shikellmy while on a visit to Bethlehem in April of 1748. 
It was the name of an Oneida chief living at Anajot, 

3 The name given to Bishop A. G-. Spangenberg by Shikellmy, is a 
Maqua word signifying " a row of standing trees" and was the name of 
a chieftain belonging to the tribe Ochquaeri, i.e., the Bear. 



Bev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 347 

told us to beware of them. He told us all kinds of bad 
things of them, and that if any of them ever came to see 
tie, we should send them home. Therefore we are not will- 
ing that, you should go any further, but to-morrow morning 
you must turn back, and go where you came from." We 
did all we could to remove their wicked suspicions, and ac- 
cusations, but it was to no purpose. They were very bitter 
and told us several times, " Don't you take it upon you to 
go any further, for if you do, you will see what will come 
of it; for we have heard no good of you, and have been 
charged not to let you go any further, therefore you shall 
go back to-morrow*." The Oneida chief who was at council 
two years ago, was not with them. They were continually 
repeating : " We have been warned of the Brethren, and 
have been told that they have no occasion to learn our lan- 
guage, as other persons are appointed for that purpose." 
Being convinced that it would be unsafe for us to go any 
further on our journey without their consent, we requested 
the chiefs to meet again to-morrow, and we would keep a 
council with them, to which they consented and left us. 

The Germans in the house overheard the greater part ot 
our conversation, and observed how much the Indians were 
prejudiced against us. One of them said, " It will be im- 
possible for you to go on to Onondaga, for if you do, you 
will endanger your lives. ISTine years ago, there were also 
two persons who had a mind to go to Onondaga to learn 
the language, but the Indians sent them back, and if they 
had gone there they would have been killed." Probably 
they referred to Bro. Anton and Pyrlaeus. 1 

1 "Together, we (John Christopher Pyrlaeus and Anton SeyfFert) now 
visited the other Mohawk castles, and resolved to go on to Onondaga. 
On arriving at the last white settlement on our way thither, we met a 
sachem of the Six Nations, who, on learning our purpose, opposed its 
execution, first by using dissuasion and then by threatening violence. 
Thus foiled, we returned to Canajoharie, and afterwards set out for 
Bethlehem. This was in the latter part of September, 1743." — Memo- 
rials of the Moravian Church, Vol. I, p. 139. 



*v 



348 Rev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 

Thursday, August 17. — The four Oneida chiefs met this 
morning with twenty of their nation, and a chief of the 
VTuscaroras. We then went to them, when they immedi- 
ately bade us sit down. A chief then arose and said : 
" The reason that we have so many of our people present, 
is that they may also hear your matters." We replied, 
" We like it, we are glad to see that our matters will be 
treated publicly — every one may hear them." Bro. David 
was then called upon to speak concerning the object of our 
journey. He said, " Ye brethren of the Oneidas ! We 
are come a great way, sent to you by your brother T'gir- 
hitontie and his Brethren, for no other reason and end, but 
because they love you. Isot that we seek your land, as so 
many of you think, for after you are better acquainted with 
us, you will find also, that as we speak to-day, we will speak 
always — ten, twenty, thirty years hence. Therefore it 
grieves us that you don't know us better." They all lis- 
tened with great attention. A chief then asked whether 
we had a belt of wampum to the council at Onondaga. 
Bro. David rej)lied, " ]S T o, but we have some strings of wam- 
pum." These were handed to them, and explained accord- 
ing to the instructions given us at Bethlehem. 1 

We sat with them upwards of an hour discoursing on 
our matters. After a short consultation among themselves, 
the chief arose and said, "Ye Brethren! We have heard 
your matters, and see that there is in them nothing bad, but 
that your words are good; therefore you may go on to 
Onondaga, and lay your proposals before the council. This 
we chiefs say to you, ye may go in peace, and we are glad 
that we have heard of your affair." Bro. David said in 
reply, " We are also pleased that we have had an opportu- 
nity to lay our matters before your chiefs and your people, 
as the covenant we made with the Six ^Nations, concern 

. 1 Query. — Was this the string of one hundred and eighty-six white 
beads, given to Zinzendorf by the chiefs of the Six Nations, at the 
house of Conrad Weisser ; when the covenant of friendship was ratified 
in August of 1742? 



*v 



Rev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 349 

also you." The chiefs were quite orderly, and at parting 
called us "their Brethren," and also told us their names, 
-being Huyenjot, Ilachtachguosde, T'gawio, Onontio, Gun- 
taantie, Kontartie, Satiunganichnarontie, Ognico, Iagotisge- 
nogechtie and lagothonto the speaker. They also informed 
us that on our way up we must pass through several towns, 
and among the first two Tuscarora towns, where we should 
tell the chiefs that the Oneidas knew of our going to On- 
ondaga. At the last town a chiet would go with us and 
hear our proposals. Upon proposing to them that two 
of their chiefs should go with us, they replied, that it 
was not necessary for they had listened to and know our 
message already, and you may appeal thereto, if you 
are asked about us. We observed, however, that they 
sent out messengers, and soon after learned that they 
were sent to the Cayuga and Seneca Country, to tell the 
chiefs to appear at Onondaga, to hear the" message of the 
Brethren. 

When we returned to our land-lord, we found him anx- 
iously waiting to hear how our matter would turn out. 
He asked, "How is it, must you go back?" We replied, 
"Good friend, we go to Onondaga." "Ay!" said he, "I 
never would have thought that the Indians would have 
given you leave, for they were so much against it last night. 
I have never yet seen Indians change their minds so soon." 
We then shook hands with him, going forward through 
the woods. Praises be to the Lamb for faithfully guiding 
us ! We found the woods very thick, and the ground in 
many places marshy. By night we reached a fine creek, 
by the side of which we refreshed ourselves, and after a 
happy singing-hour went to rest under the trees. 

Friday, August 18.— Having rested comfortably, we set 
forward early this morning. At noon we met an old Seneca, 
who informed us that he had been appointed by a messenger, 
to accompany us to Onondaga. In the afternoon it rained 
in torrents. Two hours before night we reached Anajot, 
where, finding only a few women at home, we continued on 



* v 



350 fiev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 

to Ganatisgoa, a Tuscarora town. 1 Here we found almost 
thirty houses, large and regularly built, with a wide street 
through the middle of the town. We soon obtained lod°;in2;s 
in a hut, and were joined by two old Seneeas, who had been 
hunting not far from henee, and were also on their way to 
Onondaga. 

Saturday, August 19.— In the morning, the Tuscarora 
chief, who lives here, came to see us, and told us, that yester- 
day he had received an account of the matters we had to lay 
before the Council at Onondaga, from the Oneidas. Being 
lame and unable to attend the Council, he requested us to 
tell him of our matters, which we did to Lis great satisfac- 
tion. The Seneeas started with us. Before noon we came 
to a few huts, occupied by some Tuscaroras and in the after- 
noon to a town of the same tribe. The Seneeas staid here 
all night, and told us that they would overtake us the next 
morning. We went on a little further and lodged in a cold 
and dark wood. Just as we were seating ourselves around 
a fire which we had made, there began such a cracking and 
rattling over our heads, that we did not know in what direc- 
tion to run ; and there fell a huge tree close by our fire. 
"We thanked our Savior for Ilis protection over us. Before 
going to sleep, we had a " singing hour" together. 

Sunday, August 20. — We were stirring betimes this morn- 
ing. At 8 o'clock the Seneeas joined us, and told us that 
they had had bad lodgings; that the Indians were nearly 
all drunk in the town, and some had almost killed one 
another. At noon some Indians belonging to Onondaga 
met us. We then came to a place where many posts were 
standing, from which we concluded that a town must have 
stood there formerly. The old Seneca told Bro. David, that 
when he was a child of eight years of age, Onondaga stood 
on this spot, but was burnt by the French. 2 In the after- 

1 Noted in Guy Johnson's " Maps of the Country of the Six Nations," 
1771. 

2 The Indians destroyed the town upon the approach of Count Fron- 
tenac, in 1696. 



Bcv. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 351 

noon between 4 and 5 o'clock, we arrived at Onondaga. 
We were taken to the hut of a chief, who was absent and. 
4lid not return until evening. Several chiefs hearing of our 
arrival came to visit us. We also learned that some of the 
chiefs had gone to Canada, and would not return until 
Autumn. 

Monday, August 21. — Many visitors called on us this 
morning; among the number a very old chief, who told us 
that the Council would meet during the day, and would 
listen to what we had to tell them. In the afternoon we 
met the Council, but found only Onondagas present. To 
them we related the object of our visit, and gave them one 
string of wampum after another. When we finished, the 
wampum was returned to us by a chief who said : " We 
only had a mind to hear what you had to offer; we will let 
all, both Cayuga and Senecas, that are called hither, come, 
and then you shall declare your matter publicly, that they 
may also hear it," which was according to our desires. 

Then a servant (?) laid an affair relating to the Catawbas 
before the Council. First of all, the servant laid an instru- 
ment, which they use in the time of war, at the feet of the 
chiefs, declaring at the same time, that the Catawbas would 
now fain have full peace with the Six Nations. Next, he 
laid down a pass, which the Catawbas had brought from the 
Governor of Charleston, 1 sealed with the king's seal. This 
they handed to Bro. David to read to them. The contents 
of it were to this purport : The governor desired the Six 
Nations to be willing to make peace with the Catawbas, 
assuring them that the Catawbas would faithfully keep to it. 
He also set before them the harm that arises from their 
being at war, — that both were only weakened thereby, — and 
yet they are children of the same land. The governor in 
every" article called the Six [Nations " Brethren." In con- 
clusion, he assured the Six Nations, that the Catawbas were 
true friends of the English. The chief then asked us what 
we thought of the matter. We replied : " It is good, we 

1 James Glenn, Governor of South Carolina. 



*v 



352 Ixcv. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 

find nothing bad." They appeared satisfied with our opin- 
ion, and from their conversation, it is likely a peace will 
soon be concluded. 1 All night long it was very noisy, as 
many of the Indians were drunk. 

Tuesday, August 22. — We were awakened early this morn- 
ing by many drunken men and women coming into our hut, 
but when they commenced to fight among themselves, we 
thought it prudent to withdraw, and passed part of the day 
in the woods. In the afternoon one of the Seneca chiefs 
visited us, from whom we learned, that they thought of 
leaving for their town to-morrow. Upon hearing this Bro. 
David went to the Onondaga chief. He began of himself 
to make excuses, that he had been unable to call the Council 
together to-day, because so many Indians were drunk, but 
he hoped it should be done to-morrow. Then Bro. David 
said, " I have heard that the Senecas that are here will leave 
to-morrow, which we shall not like. We would rather 
that they hear our matters. ?1 The chief then promised to 
speak to the Senecas. After dark the chief came to us and 
told us, that the chief of the Cayugas had arrived, upon 
whom the whole affair had waited, and that the Senecas 
would also stay to attend the Council. 

Wednesday, August 23. — In the forenoon a chief came 
and told us, that at noon the Council would assemble in 
the hut where we lodged, which it did. There were above 
thirty present, among whom were four Senecas, the Cayuga 
chief; the rest belonging to Onondaga. We were placed 
next to the Cayuga chief, as Bro. David understood their 
language best. He was quietly told of the object of our 
visit, and what every string of wampum meant. Then he 
desired the council to attend, and taking the first string of 
wampum, he sang in the Indian manner, the names of all 

1 In the Summer of 1750 Conrad Weisser was sent to Onondaga, to 
bring about a treaty of peace between the Catawbas and the Six Nations, 
between whom great enmity had existed for many years, owing to an 
act of treachery on the part of the former. Peace was finally declared 
after Zeisber^er and Rundt left Onondaga. 



Bev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 353 

our Brethern, mentioning at the same time Bro. Johanan, 1 
as a great and mighty man. " These men/' he continued, 
.4' are sent by Bro. Johanan, T'girhitontie, 2 T'garihontic, 3 
Anuntschie, 4 and the rest of the Brethren on this side and 
on the other side of the great water, to bring good words 
to the Six Nations. They know that the chiefs of Aquan- 
oschioni 5 will take all in good part." Then the string of 
wampum was hung on a pole with the usual Juheh ! of all 
present. The second string was then taken up : " Gallich- 
wio," continued he, " had gone home, and that the Brethren 
would let the Six Nations know, how dear he was to us, 
that we loved him much and them also— that he loved the 
Indians very much — that we were unwilling to part with 
him, but we knew that he was gone to God, whom he 
loved much, and therefore he did not grieve. 6 That we 
would liked to have brought the message sooner, but 
several of our chiefs had gone over the great water." Then 
was this string hung upon the pole, and the council sung 
Juheh ! The third string was then held up and he sung as 
follows : "That T'girhitontie, Anuntschie, and Auousacheri, 7 
who was present, had returned from over the great water 
and brought salutations from T'garihontie, and Johanan 
his father." 8 Our message being ended, we delivered our 

1 Count Zinzendorf. Under what circumstances or on what occasion 
he received the name of Johanan from the Indians is not determined. 

3 Bishop Spangenberg. 

8 Bishop von Watteville. 

4 Nathaniel Seidel. This name was given to him by Shikellmy, at 
Bethlehem, in April of 1748. It is a Seneca word signifying "the 
head." 

5 Literally, "Makers of Cabins or Wigwam3." In a national sense, 
"United People." 

6 Bishop CammerhofF died in April of 1751. 

1 David Zeisberger. Shikellmy gave him this name in June of 1745. 
It is a Maqua word signifying "on a pumpkin," and was the name of a 
chief belonging to the tribe Anowangoa— i.e., the Tortoise. 

8 Nathaniel Seidel and David Zeisberger returned from a visit to the 
Brethren in Europe, in September, and Spangenberg, in December of 
1751. 

vol. xxix. — 23 



354 Rev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 

presents to the Cayuga chief, when he said, " T'girhitontie, 
Anuntsehie and his brethren had sent presents." These 
Vere two pieces of linen, each 22 yards, some thread, and 
tobacco. They were laid, being a present, upon a blanket. 
They then conferred together, when two servants took the 
presents and divided them into three parts. Then a chiei 
arose, gave one part to the Cayugas, another to the Senecas, 
and the third to the Onondagas. The latter was again 
divided into two ; — one part for Upper, and one for Lower 
Onondaga. Our strings of wampum were divided in the 
same manner; whereupon the whole was confirmed with a 
loud Juheh! We were then told that the chiefs would 
meet and consider our message, and that they would give 
us an answer to-day. They then took leave, shaking hands 
with us all. 

About four o'clock the council again assembled. We 
were desired again to sit by the Cayuga chief, whereupon 
he took a string of wampum in his hand and lifted it aloft, 
saying, "We have heard and understood, that our Bro. 
T'girhitontie, Anuntschie and Gallichwio, with those over 
the great water, among whom there is a great man, who 
has the affairs of the Brethren in hand, send good words 
to the Aquanoschioni. Brethren we have heard and un- 
derstand all. We are glad and thankful that they have 
sent Ganachgagregat, Auousacheri, and the white brother 
[Rundt]. It rejoices us to hear, that thou and thy brethren 
are well, and sit in peace by your fires." Then he 
handed us the string of wampum. Taking up the sec- 
ond string he said: " T'girhitontie, thou and thy brethern, 
and those over the great water, inform us, that our and 
your Brother, Gallichwio went home a year ago. ISTow, 
Bro. T'girhitontie, the Aquanoschioni say to thee, use thy 
best endeavors to find us such another person among thy 
Brethren, for we know that Gallichwio truly loved the 
Aquanoschioni, — in whose heart was no guile." This wa3 
confirmed by the whole council with a Juheh ! The string 
of wampum was then handed to us. With the third string 



s*V 



JRev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 355 

hi his hand, he continued. " Bro. T'girhitontie, thou hast 
let us know, that together with other Brethren, thou hast 
«bcen over the great water, and art now come hack, and 
hast brought salutations from our Bro. T'garihontie, and 
his father Johanan. Thou must salute them from us, the 
united Six Nations. Bro. T'girhitontie, thou hast also 
assured us that the brotherhood betwixt us and you stands 
fast, and you hold it fast. "We also hold it fast," Here the 
speaker locked his hands together, and lifted them up ; 
showing how firmly they kept the covenant. " Thus 
minded," said he, " were all the chiefs of the Six Nations," 
which was answered to by all present. Then they deliv- 
ered to us the string of wampum. Next he related, that 
Bro. Gallichwio two years ago, made a proposal of two 
Brethren living among them and learning their language ; 
"And as thou, Bro. T'girhitontie, and thy Brethren, have 
again taken this matter in hand, we think wisely, and have 
sent Bro. Auousacheri, and his white brother, whose 
name we do not know [Rundt] ; J we are pleased, and 
think that a good work is set on foot thereby. It shall be 
as you desire, as all the chiefs are of the same mind. The 
two Brethren shall live a couple of years among us and 
learn the language that we may tell one another the 
thoughts of our hearts. Then they may go to the Cayugas 
and reside there eome months, and also to the Senecas." 
When he finished, a string of wampum was handed to us, 
and the whole was confirmed with three Juhehs ! in which 
we joined. It was suggested that the two brethren should 
visit the houses in the town, and whenever they have an 
opportunity to converse with the Indians. When the 
council meets they may attend, so as to learn the ways and 
manners of the Indians in propounding any matter; that 
when the Brethren have a message for them, they may 
know how to deliver it. The chiefs asked us where we 
wished the two Brethren to live while they remain in Onon- 

1 While residing at Onondaga, Rundt was adopted into the tribe of 
the Tortoise, receiving the name of Thaueraqnechta. 



v* V 



356 Rev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 

daga ? We replied, " We have not thought much about it, 
but would leave it to the Aquanoschioni, and take their 
..advice." "It is well," said they, "for we have not consid- 
ered about it, but will do so soon, and give you an answer 
before Ganachgagregat goes away." They also spoke about 
the maintenance of the Brethren, and said, " If the Brethren 
will frequently visit in the houses they will be supplied with 
victuals, but especial care shall be taken of them where they 
lodge." "When all was concluded, the servants brought in two 
kettles of boiled Indian corn, when we ate socially together. 

We have been thus far very well and happy, and have 
not seen in any one a dark look, nor heard a contrary word. 
They have acted toward us in a brotherly manner. Even 
the children were quite free with us, We wished that our 
Brethren who are engaged in our work among the Heathen, 
could have been present at the council. 

Thursday, August 24-. — This morning we were visited by 
several Indians from the next town, five miles distant from 
here. Some of them were present at the council. The 
women were friendly, invited us to come to their town, and 
gave us apples. 1 Our friends the Seneca chiefs returned 
home to-day. Their names are Thagachtatie, Julchcotanne, 
Ataneckenni, Thojanorie — the Cayuga's Giottononannie. 
The names of the Onondaga chiefs are, Otschinochiatha, 2 
tJie thick; Ganatschiagajio; 3 and where we lodge, Garach- 
guntie. In lower Onondaga are these chiefs, Zargonna, 
Ganochronia ; and the Tuscarora, Thequalischki. 

Fiiday, August 25. — Our matters being so far advanced, 
we considered together about the return of Bro. Mack to 
Bethlehem. The head chief sent for us, as he had some- 
thing further to speak about. When we entered his hut, 

1 The Iroquois are noted for their extensive orchards above the other 
Indians. 

*In 1754 John Lidius prevailed upon this chief, while intoxicated, 
to sign a deed of sale of the Susquehanna lands to Connecticut. 

s Bishop CammerhorT and Zeisberger lodged with this chief, during 
their visit in 1750. 



*v 



Rev. John Martin 31aek's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 357 

he bade us sit down, and asked if Ganachgagregat would 
leave to-day. We told him that he would, and that we 
.-/would accompany him to Anajot and then return. He then 
said, " Very well, we have spoken together concerning the 
residence for the two Brethren, and as soon as they return, 
they may select a house to their own mind, for the doors of 
all stand open. They have full liberty to go where they will, 
and live where they please.'' We thanked him, and then 
retired. In the afternoon we visited the chiefs and many 
of the Indians in their huts; and the chief with whom we live 
ordered some victuals prepared for us. Two hours before 
night Bro. Mack set out for Bethlehem, with Bro. David and 
Ruudt, who go part of the way. When we had walked six 
miles, we came to a fine creek, by which we staid all night. 
Bro. David caught eight fine trout, which we ate for supper. 
Saturday, August 26. — This morning we start early 
hoping to reach Anajot, which is 45 miles from Onondaga, 
by dusk. The chief called us into his hut, and treated 
us with, squashes and pumpkins. After finishing our 
meal, we proceeded on our journey, passing several 
houses and meeting some Indians. Two hours before night 
we came to Ganatisgoa, the second Tuscarora town, but 
found most of the Indians from home, in quest of roots. 
At evening we came near to Anajot, but as we wished to 
be alone together, we selected an agreeable spot, and re- 
mained there all night, 

Sunday, August 27. — Having rested well, we arose early 
and sang some verses. After passing through Anajot, we 
came to a hill about a quarter of a mile beyond where we 
rested. Here we must part. We sang some verses, wept 
like children, and blessed one another — so we parted. 
Bro. David and Iiundt on their return will visit in Anajot 
and the Tuscarora towns. My e}~es all day long were not 
very dry, and I cannot express what I felt at parting with 
my two Brethren. At night I reached Kash's. 1 

^ass. The present town of Schuyler, in Herkimer County, N. Y., 
is built on the Kass farm. 



*v 



358 Rev. John Martin Mack's Visit to Onondaga, 1752. 

Monday, August 28. — To-day I remained here (at Hash's) 
and visited the Oneidas who live hereabouts. Some of the 
"chiefs were very friendly. They gave me something to eat, 
and asked where I had left my companions. When I told 
them, they gave me to understand by friendly looks their 
satisfaction. 

Tuesday, August 29. — In the morning I left Kash's, and 
went down the Maqua country. Towards night I passed 
through Canajoharie and came, 

Wednesday, August 30, to William's Fort. Here I learned 
that Conrad Weisser's son had returned to learn the Indian 
language. I would have visited him, but he was not at home. 

Thursday, August 31. — To-day I passed through Schenec- 
tady to Albany, and came 

Sunday, September 3, to my father-in-law's, John Rau, 1 
with whom I stayed two days. 

Wednesday, September 6.— -I reached Pachgatgoch, when I 
met Bro. Senseman and his wife. The Indian brethren and 
sisters, when they heard of my arrival, came running to see 
their old Martin once more among them. 2 I stayed six 
days with them and kept many meetings. 

Wednesday, September 13. — This morning I set out for 
Bethlehem. 

Saturday, September 23. — Between 10 and 11 o'clock this 
morning, I arrived at Bethlehem, well and happy, and was 
received by my Brethren right heartily. I thanked my 
dear Savior for all the grace and protection He had shown 
me and my two Brethren on our journey, and for my safe 
return home. Glory be to God ! 3 

1 John Rau, a Palatine farmer in "The Oblong." Mack married his 
daughter Jeannette, September 14, 1742. She deceased at Gnadenhiit- 
ten on the Mahoning, December 15, 1749. Her father died July 2, 
1768, and was buried in the grave-yard of the English meeting-house 
in "The Oblong," by Rev. Francis Boehler, who was at this time settled 
in Sichem. 

'Mack had been stationed at Pachgatgoch in 1743. 
- s Zeisberger and Rundt arrived in Bethlehem on their return from 
Onondaga, December 15, 1752. 



Notes and Queries. 359 

NOTES AND QUERIES, 
notes. 

Letters of Hon. Jasper Yeates to Hon. James Wilson. — 

Pittsburgh July SO, 1776. 
D R Sir 

M r Morgan setting off for Ph ft we have just wrote to the Committee of 
Congress respecting some Matters wch have occurred to us. I could not 
have had a better Conveyance for a private Letter to you. 

Mr. Harvey arrived here on the 20 th Inst, & Mr. Montgomery & my- 
self on the Satdy following. I waited in Carlisle a Week for Mr. M. a 
sore Leg preventing him from riding. You will perceive by our joint 
Letter that the Treaty is deferred until September. I was much afraid 
at first that this Delay arose from the Desire of the Indians to discover 
what might be the Events of the Campaign before they would come in. 
Our Agent informs me of the Contrary & is confident that there will be 
a very large Treaty. 

You may recollect that sometime ago the Convention of Virginia He- 
solved that 200 Indians should be inlisted by John Gibson in the Service 
of that Colony. It seems they lately left the Execution of this Resolve 
to Mess™ Walker & Harvey, who are impowered to determined on the Pro- 
priety of the Measure! If the joint Commissioners are to confine them- 
selves to a mere Alliance of Peace, wch I sincerely hope may be the Case, 
what a ridiculous Contrariety will arise should it be judged eligible to 
put the Yirg a Eesolve into Execution ? The Savages must laugh at our 
Conduct. At present I am determined for my own Part, to repel the 
Measure with all my Might, should it be attempted at the Treaty. 

The Convention of the antient Dominion have recommended a tem- 
porary Line to our Representatives ; I will endeavour to send you the 
Boundaries they contend for. I most devoutly wish, that the Troops at 
this Fort, as well as at the Canawey, Wheeling & Kittanning were on 
the Continental Establishment. It would prevent undue Influence & 
put Matters on a more equal Footing than they now are. The Commit- 
tee of Westmoreland have resolved to put two more Companies in Pay 
& have appointed Officers for that Purpose on the Frontiers. Virginia 
has appointed Comni" to try the Validity of Claims under Indian 
Sales, & for this end to search for Testimony to invalidate them. How 
they will proceed, I know not, nor what Effect their Determinations will 
have. 

We shall be forced to exceed greatly the 10,000 Dollars voted by Con- 
gress for this Department. I could never have conceived the exorbitant 
Prices demanded for Indian Goods. No Patriotism in Trade, Methinks I 

Will you be good enough to forward to us the Resolves of Congress re- 
specting the ensuing Treaty, & of our Appointment properly authenti- 
cated? I know not how the Pulses of the Virginians may beat. 

I beg my Compliments to our Friend Ned Biddle. I shall be rejoiced 
to hear of his Recovery. Believe me to be D r Sir 

Your very affect. Hble Serv 1 . 
Honble James Wilson Esq*. J. Y. 

In Philad\ 



360 Notes and Queries. 

P.S. 

The Boundaries of a 14 th new independent Government stiled Westsyl- 
vania in the American Confederacy as described in a pompous Memo- 
rial intended for Congress, are 

"Beginning on the Eastern Bank of the Ohio opposite the mouth of 
"the Scioto & running thence in a direct Line to the Owasioto Pass, 
"thence to the Top of the Alleghency Mountain, thence -with the Top 
"of the said Mountain to the Northern Limits of the Purchase made 
"from the Indians in 1768 at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix thence with 
u the s A Limits to the Allegheney or Ohio River & thence down the s d 
"River as purchased from the s d Indians at the s d Treaty of Fort Stanwix 
"to the Beginning." — 

Since my writing the above I am informed the Memorial to Congress is 
to be laid aside, & that an advertisement has been published dividing 
the People of the new Government into Districts & desiring them to 
choose Convention Men who are forthwith to meet & appoint Delegates 
to represent them in Congress. How shockingly are the People here 
divided ? And to what ridiculous Lengths are not most of them hasten- 
ing? 

I cannot procure you the Convention Boundaries mentioned in my 
Letter, but thus far I am well informed that the temporary Line to be 
established reaches to the Bullock 7 miles from hence — the wrong Way. 

Aug* 1. 1776. 
J. Y. 

Pittsburgh Aug'. 31. 1776. 
1 o'clock A. M. 

D* Sir 

It is highly probable I shall have but little Time to communicate my 
private Sentiments to you by the Bearer hereof, [Thos. Girty] if I do 
not seize this late Hour for that Purpose. 

You will be informed by our joint Letter, which accompanies this, of 
the Intelligence we have received from the Indian Country. It is not a 
little alarming to us here, with a. Garrison of scarce 100 Men, & little 
ammunition & Provisions fitting for a Siege. If a general Indian War 
takes Place, the Consequences must be very dreadful to a People who 
have made no Preparation for it. We shall in the mean while take every 
Precaution to secure the Frontiers & put ourselves in a Posture of Defence. 
We shall write to the Committees of Westmoreland & Bedford to hold 
their Militia in Readiness & to Col. M c Coy to march his new raised 
Forces immediately to Kittanning. Will it not be proper for the present 
to dispense with the Resolve of Congress as to his taking Posts & erect- 
ing Forts at Presque Isle & Le Bceuf ? Will it not divide his Troops too 
much & accelerate a War by giving Umbrage to the Indians? 

It was a Capital Error to refer the Time of Holding the Treaty to the 
Wiandots. I have thought so ever since I came here, & so told M r Mor- 
gan. It has afforded ample Room to the different ministerial Officers to 
temper with, & alienate the minds of the Savages from our Interests. 
Should an Indian War take Place, I cannot but attribute it chiefly to 
the artful Endeavours of Lieut. Gov r Henry Hamilton. Pie was late 
Secretary to Gov r Carleton & by him put to Detroit from Canada. I am 
told he is a Man of Abilities & great Address by one who knew him 
well, while a Capt n of the 15 th Regt. 

It appears to me absolutely necessary that our Garrisons at this Place, 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 361 

the big & Little Kanawa & Wheeling should he immediately reinforced 
& fresh Supplies of Provision and Ammunition sent thither. If the In- 
habitants once get alarmed, there will be no Stopping of their Flight, & 
....the Country will be soon depopulated. We shall in a few Days be en- 
abled to determine the Truth or Falsehood of the Accounts we have re- 
ceived, & if we find we cannot cultivate a Peace with the Indians, we 
must endeavour to be useful in carrying on a War : We shall not give 
over Thoughts of the former, until we are fully convinced of its Imprac- 
ticability. Do use your Endeavours to have Mr. Morgan put off imme- 
diately to us, if he has not set out before this reaches you. We want 
some one here to superintend the Conduct of the Indians, & to watch 
their motions narrowly. 

We have received your letter by Mr. Campbell, but must defer an- 
swering it until another Conveyance offers. I am D r Sir much fatigued. 

Y r affectionate Humble Serv' 
Honble James Wilson Esq*. J. Y. 

Two Letters of Colonel Francis Johnston, Fifth Penn- 
sylvania Continental Line, to General Anthony Wayne. — 

[Francis Johnston, born in 1748, was a son of Alexander Johnston, of 
New London township, Chester county, Pennsylvania. As a young man, 
he took an active and earnest part, with his friends and neighbors, in 
their opposition to the oppressive measures of Great Britain, and, in 
July of 1774, was one of the delegates from Chester County to the Pro- 
vincial Convention, held in Philadelphia. In December following, he 
was chosen a member of the County Committee to carry into execution 
the Association, recommended by the late Convention. This Committee 
met generally at Richard Cheyney's in East Cain township and David 
Cowpland's in Chester, and we almost invariably find Anthony Wayne 
presiding, and Johnston acting as Secretary. A Committee of Observa- 
tion and Correspondence was also formed. In January of 1775, he again 
represented the county in the Provincial Convention held in Philadel- 
phia, and was one of its three secretaries. When Wayne's Fourth 
Pennsylvania Battalion was formed, Johnston was commissioned its 
lieutenant-colonel January 4, 1776, and it was he, with five companies 
of the battalion, which arrived at Ticonderoga on July 17th, who 
brought the first copy of the Declaration of Independence to the Northern 
Army. On the expiration of the term of enlistment of the battalion, in 
January of 1777, he was appointed colonel and recruited the Fifth 
Pennsylvania Continental Line, largely from his old regiment, and par- 
ticipated with it in the battles of Brandywine, Germantown, Monmouth, 
and Stony Point. Under the army rearrangement of January 17, 1781, 
Colonel Johnston was retired, and in April following was appointed 
Receiver General of Pennsylvania, and became a resident of Philadel- 
phia. In October of 1810 he was chosen high sheriff of the city. He 
died February 22, 1815, at his residence on Pine Street, and was survived 
by his wife Alice, a daughter Mary Erwin Renshaw, and a son, Alex- 
ander Washington Johnston.] 

.. Long Island, June 14, 1776. 

My Dear Coll. 

My endeavors to procure Arms, for the remainder of our Regiment, 
still prove unsuccessful ; I employ myself constantly in passing from this 
place to Head-Quarters ; — His Excellency's patience is almost exhausted, 



v* V 



362 Notes and Queries. 

and indeed there is scarce a Genl. Officer who does not look upon me as 
their evil Genius. 

I begin now to lose my Spirit wholly, & am fearful in a short time 
snail have but little relish for the Service ; most certain I am, I shall 
not continue 6 Months longer in the Service without Arms. 

There is yet one resource left, but whether that will avail us I know not ; 
it is more than probable I shall know by Saturday next. — Capt. Putnam 
by order of the Genl. is gone to Boston, for the Carbines which Mugg- 
ford took ; I have a half promise of being supplied with these — if I 
should fail here, I shall then be reduced to this irksome Dilemma, either 
to man some of the Fortifications, on this Island, with our people, 
arm'd with JSpears, or be compel I'd to leave the Camp in dudgeon. 

It is more than probable we shall have the Enemy here, in the course 
of a Week — we keep constantly upon the look out, tho' I am fearful we 
are not sufficiently attentive, more especially, when I consider myself to 
all intents, in an Enemie's Country. The Tories far exceed the Whiggs 
here, both in point of number as well as Influence — their impudence is 
unparrallel'd, particularly on this Island. — They have lately taken so 
much wig upon them as to destroy a Whig's Orchard root and branch, 
However, some few spirited Whiggs piay'd the Devil with the Tories 
yesterday, in N. Y. — they made a number of them ride upon sharp 
Rails, up and down the City, to the great detriment & injury of their 
lower Regions — to-morrow it is propos'd to serve the Tories on this 
Island, in the like manner, or perhaps worse. 

It is likely before this reaches you, that you will be acquainted with 
Genl. Gates & Col. Mifflin's promotions — the first to the rank of a Major, 
the latter to that of Brigr. Genl. The House of Assembly in our Prov- 
ince, have directed their Delegates in Congress, to declare an Inde- 
pendancy, if they think proper. We have had great Dissentions there, 
about this and a Convention, they are likely to subside. The Congress 
have ordered ten thousand Militia to be immediately rais'd & taken into 
pay in Penna. & a proportionable number in the other Colonies, as a 
flying Camp. 

An Express this moment has arrived from Philada., by which we 
learn, that Howe & his Red Coats will pay us a Visit immediately. 
Our Arm3 thro' the Army in general, are not in fighting order, we for 
our parts have nothing but damned Tomahawks- — the N. E. troops are un- 
healthy — added to this, we want a large reinforcement, — under all these 
difficulties we will fight them & leave ye issue with Providence. Canada 
I fear is lost ; our people have behav'd like Poltroons & Cowards, pray 
give me an acct. of this matter with precision — Write me by every 
opportunity — Give my sincere respects to my friend Robinson and the 
other Gentn. 

Yours &c, 

F. Johnston. 

May 1780. 

Dr. General. 

There never was a time which demanded the united exertions of 
America more than the present, nor was there a time which more seri- 
ously required the assistance of all ranks of Officers, in order to put the 
Soldiers in good humour & keep our little Army together. 

You can have but a faint Idea of the sufferings we have undergone 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 363 

for want of Provisions, and indeed our supplies of Shoes, Money, Shirts 
<fcc. (things by the by essentially necessary for the appearance as well 
as the very existence of the Soldier) have been extremely scanty. Dis- 
agreeable as our situation is, and distant as the prospect appears of being 
put on a more respectable footing, yet we are perpetually on Duty & 
constantly manoeuvering. 

In these matters the Inspector General, Baron Steuben, takes the lead, 
I cannot but say, that his attention to Duty, his indefatiguable perse- 
verance, his zeal for the service & his military knowledge entitle him to 
the applause of the whole Army. — My Dear General would you were 
here, for tho' such a respectable Body of Infantry cannot be formed this 
Campaign, as you are justly entitled to command, nor do I know whether 
any Corps of Infantry will be formed at all, yet your Country would 
reap advantages from your presence & I should esteem myself happy 
in your resuming your former command. This no doubt would be 
irksome to you, but My Dear General consider the circumstances of the 
Army, the alarming consequences which threaten your Country & let 
that true military principle have its due weight with you, which has 
always marked your Character — I mean that of sacrificing your feelings 
to the good of your Country, & even submitting to inconveniences tho' 
repugnant to a laudable ambition. 

Believe me your return to the Army is soon expected, & tis hoped you 
will command your old Brigadier, if none other more honorable, can 
with propriety be pointed out. I have heard the sentiments of divers 
officers on this subject, they all agree, that tho' your inclination cannot, 
yet your Duty will point out the necessity of resuming this command. I 
write you this with the honest sincerity of a friend and the candour of a 
brother officer — with the same sincerity & candour, I know you will 
answer me, which I pray may be soon. My Compts to all my good 
friends ; Mrs. Johnston & Col. Robinson beg leave to greet you well. 
I am Dear General, 

With Esteem, Yours &c. 

F. Johnston. 

A Very Dark Genealogy. — Among the negro slaves given by 
their owners to Bishop A. G. Spangenberg, who was superintending the 
Moravian movement in Pennsylvania, and then given their freedom, 
were two who for many years were residents of Bethlehem. 

Ofodobendo Wooma alias York, baptized Andrew, was a native of Ibo, 
Africa. When still young he was sold from place to place until 1741, 
when he was brought to New York city and purchased by a Hebrew, 
who sold him to Thomas Noble, a prominent merchant, and one of the 
Trustees of the Charity School, founded by Whitefield in Philadelphia, 
who had him educated. In November of 1746 he was sent to Bethlehem, 
and in February of the following year was baptized, and presented to 
Spangenberg. He died March 13, 1779. 

Beulah, of the Popo nation, was captured by slavers when ten years 
of age, and finally was brought to Philadelphia, where she was bought 
by Charles Brockden, Recorder of the Province for many years, and a 
member of the Moravian congregation. After the death of his wife, she 
was sent to Bethlehem, where she was baptized in May of 1748, and 
given the name of Magdalena. In 1762, she was married to Andrew, 
and by him had three children, who died before their parents. She died 



*v 



364 Notes and Queries. 

January 4, 18*20. The following is a copy of Brockden's deed of man- 
umission preserved in the Archives at Bethlehem. 

To the Faithful in Christ Jesus our Lord God and all other People, I 
*€harles Brockden of the City of Philadelphia in the Province of Penn- 
sylvania, Gentleman, send Greeting : — 

Whereas many years ago I bought and purchased with my own 
monies a certain negroe girl, which I think is of the Kingdom or Country 
of Angola, in Africa, and which I called Beulah, but at her Baptism at 
Bethlehem, in the County of Bucks, in the said Province, received the 
name of Magdalena. The cause of which Purchase of her was not with 
any intention of worldly gain by continuing her in Slavery all the days ot 
her Life, but partly for the service of my dear wife Susanna, who is since 
deceased, and partly in Mercy to prevent other persons from buying her 
for filthy lucre's sake without any regard to her everlasting Interest, I 
therefore as soon as I well could, sent the said Negroe to the Congrega- 
tion of the United Brethren at Bethlehem aforesaid who were so kind to 
take her under their care, which was five years ago or thereabouts, where 
she hath abode with my good-liking ever since, and I hope and believe 
hath by the Brethren's care and instruction received Faith in our 
blessed Savior Christ Jesus, and an Interest and nearness to and in 
the Merits of his sufferings and death. I have nevertheless always 
declined makeing any Sale or Alienation of my right and property to 
her personal service even unto any of the Brethren aforesaid from this 
consideration, viz*. I have considered my Property in her by the 
Providence of God to be only a Depositum or Trust committed to my 
care, and as the members of the aforesaid Brethren frequently travel 
Abroad by Land and Sea, and one cannot foresee all Events, and as the 
poor Negroes or Afiricans are generally made slaves of by every Nation 
and Religion of the Europeans into whose Hands or power they fall — 
Therefore should I part with my Eight and Property aforesaid abso- 
lutely I should thereby put it out of my power to reclaim her, and on 
the other side, I would for the cause above setforth prevent my Heirs 
Executors or Administrators after my Decease, as well as others, to 
infringe the Liberty of my said Negroe woman Beulah, now called 
Magdalena, or of her children, if please God she shall have any, I have 
therefore devised the Expedient of manumising her and her children 
absolutely with and under the Power of my Eevocation, and making 
null and void that manumission if I myself shall think fit to Revoke it 
in my Life Time, and not else. 

Now Therefore Know Ye. That for the causes and considerations so 
amply set forth as abovesaid, and for and in consideration of the good 
sen-ice of my said Negroe Woman Magdalena (formerly called Beulah), 
performed unto my said first wife Susanna and therefore unto me, I have 
manumised, emancipated and released, and by these Presents to all 
Intents and Purposes in the Law whatsoever, Do manumise, emanci- 
pate and release her my said Negroe Woman Magdalena Together with 
all her offspring or children, which by the good Providence of God she 
may happen to have and bear after her marriage (which marriage I fully 
leave to the discretion of the Congregation aforesaid) And all my 
Estate, Right, Title, Property and Interest of in and to her the said 
manumised Negro Slave Magdalena and her posterity or children for- 
ever So that my Heirs Executors or Administrators, nor any of them 
shall not or may or can by any way or means have claim, challenge, or 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 365 

Demand her the said Negro Magdalena or her children, or any of them 
or their or any of their service But thereof and therefrom shall be 
utterly excluded and debarred forever by virtue hereof — Provided 
^always nevertheless that If I the said Charles Broekden shall at any 
time hereafter during my lifetime Pevoke this manumission, emancipa- 
tion and Pel ease by any Deed or Writing under my Hand and Seal 
duly executed in the presence of two or more creditable Witnesses — 
Then this present writing, Manumission Emancipation and Release 
shall become utterly Null, void and of non effect as if the same had 
never been made. 

In Witness whereof I the said Charles Broekden have hereunto and 
unto one other writing or Duplicate of the same Tenor or Date, set my 
hand and seal Dated the third day of March in the year of our Lord 
one. thousand seven hundred and fifty-two (1752), I added the words 
marriage, Discretion of the, with my own hand before ye sealing and 
Delivery. 

Charles Brockden [Seal] 
Sealed and delivered 
in the presence of us. 

Thomas Davis, 

Jos i ah Jackson, 

Tim Horsfield, 

J. Okely. 

Letter of General John Armstrong, 1758. 1 — 

Carlisle, 8* July 1758 

Very dear Sir 

I receiv'd your favour with my Brothers 111 judg'd letter inclos'd, 
together with a few lines to Major Jaminson. 

I have the most tender sympathy of your harms' d state of life, and 
pity you more than any man this day living, yet desire sincerely to thank 
God, for your life & usefulness at a time when Zeal, Activity, Prudence, 
and Probity is so much wanted. — it is the fate of the meanest of your 
friends to labour day by day under a fresh Burthen without any near 
prospect of release, and that under the disadvantage of a slow mind & a 
stammering tongue, we have this both for comfort and the Principal part 
of pay namely the Consequence of our Actions & a good degree of acquit- 
tance in our anxious breasts. 

I hope things will go on tolerably well as to our main affair, now the 
General is come ; but thro' not being compleat in necessarys, the various 
Drafts and detachments to be made for the protection of the Frontier, 
and support of the Chain of Communication, together with many un- 
foreseen difficulties that must occur upon the Convention of such a 
number of undisciplin'd people gives us very full employ. The General 
has determin'd to leave near five hundred Men East of Susquehanah, 
to Garrison Augusta, and guard the Frontier. A Subaltern & 25 men 
to attend the Governor posted with you in Philadelphia. 

You desire the Reasons of Georges sending down his Commission — it 
was owing to Sir John St. Clairs ordering him in Arrest, on the Com- 
plaint of a Sergeant, (to whome George had given a Box on the side or 
the head for some neglect or other) without hearing George, together 

1 Dreer Collection. 



*v 



366 Notes and Queries. 

with sundry blustering threats out of the usual mode of treating an 
officer — this tho' a matter with which Sir John shou'd not have troubled 
himself before I had heard it, I put up with, but found that Gentleinans 
,.rash and extraordinary manner of treating the officers of the new Levys 
under my particular care & command, together with his ingrossing the 
detail of the Troops which belongs to every Colonel or Commander of a 
Core that I was oblidg'd to resent the Conduct upon which a quarrel 
ensu'd betwixt us, in the Course of which. Sir John, after appointing 
parson Barton to preach, he stop'd him again in the time of reading 
prayers, but soon found his Error, & he and the parson join their Forces 
to England — I'm oblidg'd to stop giving you this disagreeable detail. I 
hear the General has made all this matter square, tho' I have not had 
time to speak one sentence to him on the subject — Sir John is now very 
Polite, the Capts. Keed & Mountgomery want little but horn hair & 

hoof we have most of the Drafts made and sent from this place 

with the utmost dispatch — a Sergt and about 20 of Capt. M c Clungs 
Company Mutiny* d, on acet. of their Capt. being appointed to stay at 
some post — the Sergt. only will be punish' d but not with death I sup- 
pose. — I have yesterday by Order of the General wrote to Governor 
Sharp for Sixty Blankets, we are extreamly put to for Kettles and some 
Company s will be oblidg'd to wait their coming from Philadelphia. 
Canteens also will be much wanted and these the Men would buy but 
cant't get them. 

about thirty five men, the best of each company are Drafted to go for- 
ward, and the residue to stay upon the Eastern Frontier, and Garrison 
some posts on this side Susquehanah — this perplexing Duty being near 
Over 1 expect orders every Moment to join my own Battalion — in short 
our new Levys all things considered, both do, and appear very well, 
except those high Genious's Reed & Mountgomery & the men Drafted to 
stay w r ho are in Sundry Companys, none of the best Reed is ap- 
pointed to his own Frontier if he shou'd confine himself too much to his 
own borders, I hope the Governor will Castrate him, as much cannot be 
expected from his breed — Mountgomery is sent to Shamokin — I have 
kept fair weather with all those people, and excused their foibles where 
and when Convenient — the General is very well pleas' d w r ith most of 
them, 'tis three or four days since I began this letter, and five sundry 
times have I been oblig'd to lay it aside — I question whether you'd 
understand over the half of it. I doubt not parson Barton will write 
you some very high Charge against me like Sacrilege &c. I have 
neither time nor inclination to trouble you with a detail of his conduct, 
only that it is still very extraordinary, for the Publicks and your sake, 
I have not Open'd his Conduct nor Character to the General — he is at 
present quiet & I don't trouble my head with him, he won't suffer him- 
self to be called a Chaplain to the Battalion nor Act under the Governors 
Commission, but has procur'd a kind of Liberty from the General to go 
on the Expedition a Voluntier, the Officers of the third Battalion has 
for themselves & Men, asked of the General a Chaplain of the same 
Principles & Denomination with themselves the General ha3 Order' d 
them to pitch on whome they please, and he will appoint him, they ask 
Bay & it's said he is gone to Mary-land upon hearing he wou'd not be 
appointed. Beatty is up at Rea's Town, Steel sets out this day or to 
Morrow. I suppose the General will leave this place in three days or 
thereabout this is the 12th Inst, the General has promis'd and Major 



Notes and Queries. 367 

Janiinson has wrote, to have his Commission made out for my Battalion. 
Commissary Young i^ come up, and I believe has deliver'd George his 
new Commission — I have received Mine and shall write the Governor 
before I leave this place, your paragraph respecting Mr. Hamilton, is 
very agreeable — 1 am dear Sir, with the utmost respect & Esteem your 

Most Humble Servt. 

John Armstrong 
P. S. do not shew this 

letter to any person. 

HESSELIUS Family. — I am indebted to Mr. William Oswald Dundas, 
a descendant of Gustavus Hesselius, for the following additions to the 
notes on the family printed in the Magazine for April, 1905. Mary 
Young, widow of John Hesselius, died June 14, 1820, aged 81. She 
had by John Hesselius, seven children : (1) Henrietta Maria, born 
March 4, 17G4 ; died young. (2) Gustavus, born November 25, 1765 ; 
died young. (3) Henrietta, born January 15, 1708 ; died young. 
(4) Charlotte, born June 14, 1770. (5) Caroline, born June 9, 1773; 
married March 5. 1795, Judson Claggett ; married, secondly, Dr. Elisha 
De Butts. (G) Elizabety Dulany, born February 2, 1775. (7) John, 
born 1777 ; married February 25, 1799, Mary Wharton Williams ; died 
November, 1804. Mary Wharton Williams Hesselius was born Febru- 
ary 15, 1778, and died January 23, 1857. They had two children: 
(1) Mary Y'oung, married William H. Dundas, brother of James Dun- 
das, of Broad and Walnut Streets, Philadelphia. (2) Rachel, married 
Dr. Sidney William Smith. Mr. William Oswald Dundas is the son of 
Mary Young Hesselius and William H. Dundas. 

Charles Henry Hart. 

State of British Forces and Disposition, Sept. 11, 1777. — 
At the upper Ford under the command of L d Cornwallis. 

2 Eg* British Guards ) irr , A ™,, -, „ ■, -, ~ 10 

2 Do Lt. Infantry } 1 ' 40 Kllled & ™^ ded 612 

2 Brigade British 2240 360 

1 Do Hessians 800 60 
Fargarsons Riflemen 80 — 48G0 46 — 1078 

Middle Ford under command of Major Gen'l Gray. 

2 Battallions of Guards 500 
2 d & 42 d Begt Highlanders 700 

2 d & 71" Do " 700—1900 

Lov.er Chads ford under the command of Kniphausen. 
2 Brigades British consisting ] 

4 lh , 5, 10, 15, 23, 27, 28, 40 12240 580 

49, & 55 lb . J 

1 Brigade Hessians 800 28 

Queen's Rangers 480 — 3520 290 — 898 



Total 10280 Total 1976 

Lost at Brandy Wine Sept 11, 1777. 

The above is a true copy of a return found in one of the British 
officers' Marquees at the time of the engagement at German town, Oct. 
4, 1777. 



*v 



368 Notes and Queries. 

The Actions at Brandywtne and Paoli, described by a 
British Officer. — 

[The following account of the actions at Brandywine and Paoli, was 
'found in the British camp at Germantown, October 4, 1777. Original 
MS. in The Historical Society of Pennsylvania.] 

From the Camp on the Field of Battle near Dilworth, on the heights 
of Brandy Wine, September ll tU at night. 

I shou'd have written to Thee o Impend — consider the pain of the 
contusion 1 What excessive fatigue — a rapid march from 4 o'clock in the 
morning till four in the eve, when we engaged — till Dark we fought. 
Describe the Battle — 'Twas not like those of Covent Garden or Drury 
Lane. Thou has seen Le Bruns paintings and the Tapestry perhaps at 
Blenheim — are these natural resemblances ? pshaw — quoth The Captain 
in un mot. There was a most infernal Fire of cannon & musketry, most 
incessant shouting — incline to the right ! incline to the left I halt ! 
charge &c. The balls ploughing up the ground. The Trees cracking 
over ones heads. The branches riven by the artillery— The leaves 
falling as in autumn by the grapeshot. The affair was general. The 
Misters on both sides shew'd conduct. The action was brilliant. Mr. 
Washington retreated (i.e. ran away) and Mr. Howe remained Master of 
the Field. We took ten pieces of cannon & a Howitzer — 8 were brass — 
the other two iron of a new construction. I took a high cap lined with 
fur which I find very comfortable in the now "not Summer evenings 
in my Tent." A ball glanced against my ancle & contused it. For 
some days I was lifted on Horseback in Men's Arms — understand, I do 
not write from the Camp on the Field of Battle &c., &c, neither do I 
write in the month of September. Since the above Date I have been in 
a more bloody affair. 

At midnight on the 22 1 of Septra 1 * the Batt which I serve in (the 2* 
of Light Infantry) supported by Three Regiments & some Dragoons, 
surprised a Camp of the Rebels consisting of 1500 men & bayoneted (we 
hear) from 4 to 500. The affair was admirably conceived and executed. 
I will (as it is remarkable) particularize — I was relieved from picquet 
at Sunset (the preceding sunset I mounted) and was waked at nine at 
night to go on the bloody business. The men were ordered to unload — 
on no account to fire. We took a circuit in Dead silence. About one 
in the morning fell in with a rebel vadet (a vadet is a Horse Centenel) 
who challenged three times and fired. He was pursued but escaped. 
Soon after two foot Centrys challenged and fired — who escaped also. 
We then marched on briskly still silent — our Company was advanced 
immediately preceeding a Company of Riflemen who always are in front — 
a picquet fired upon us at the distance of fifteen yards miracuously with- 
out effect. This unfortunate Guard was instantly dispatched by the 
Riflemen's swords. We rushed on through a thick wood and received a 
smart fire from another unfortunate Picquet, as the first instantly mas- 
sacred. We then saw their wigwams or Huts partly by almost extin- 
guished light of their fires & partly by the light of a few stars & the 
frightened wretches endeavouring to form, we then charged. For two 
miles we drove them now and then firing scatteringly from behind fences 
Trees &c. The flashes of the pieces had a fine effect in the night — then 
followed a dreadful scene of Havock. The Light Dragoons came on 
Sword in Hand — the shrieks, groans, shouting, imprecations, depreca- 



Notes and Quaies. 369 

tions, the clashing of swords & bayonets &c., &c. (no firing from us & 
little from them except now and then a few as I said before scattering 
shots) was more expressive of Horror than are the Thunder of the artil- 
lery &c on the Day of action. They threaten retaliation, vow that they 
wi)*! give no quarter to any of our Battalions — We are always on the ad- 
vanced Post of the army — our present one is unpleasant — our left too 
open & unguarded. We expect reinforcements. 

There has been firing this night all round the Centrys, which seems 
as they endeavour to feel our situation. I am fatigued & must sleep. 
Coud'st Thou sleep thus? No more than I cou'd act Sir Wildair in a 
ship on fire — nor I at first (entre nous) but Tyrant Custom &c, yet my 
rest is interrupted — I wake once or twice, my Ear is susceptible of the 
least noise. 

Mr. Washington by the account of some come in today is eighteen 
miles distant with his main Body [Pennypaekers Mills] — they also say 
He intends to move nearer us resolved to try the event of another Battle. 
He has been reinforced. Before the action of the 11th. of Sept m & the 
nocturnal bloody scene our Battalion had a skirmish with Gen 1 Maxwell's 
light Troops whom we drove from a very strong pass on the Iron Hills. 

N. B. I write from Camp near Beggarstown [Germantown] seven 
miles distant from Philadelphia, which is garrisoned at present by the 
British & Hessian Grenedicrs under Lord Cornwallis — I have been there 
once — it is a fine environ. 

Octob r 2 1 , midnight, in my Tent. 

Letter of Col. jEneas Mackay to Col. Wilson, 1775. — 

Pittsburgh 8 til Nov* 1775. 

Sir. 

I have done myself the pleasure of informing you in a former Letter 
of the Tragical scene exhibited at this place on the Memorable 30th of last 
October, about S o'clock in the evening. I could not at that time give 
you the particulars of what happened after Aston was killed & Mr. 
Smith's leg being broke, nor even the circumstances attending that 
scene, but purpose now to do it, from the best authority the place can 
a fiord. 

The mob accompanied with the two Butlers, Capt Nevel & Mr. Smith, 
passing by Thompson's Redoubt, Nevel proposed to go in search of a 
Magistrate to the Fort, which Mr. W m Butler (who had by this time 
Bee' a Blow from Aston on his broken Collar Bone) objected to saying 
he Nevcl's leaving the multitude would be attended with Dangerous 
Consequences, considering the outrageous humour they were then in. 
Mr. Smith Readily joined in opinion with Butler, offered his service to 
go instead of Nevel, whose leave he obtained for that purpose, as did 
appear next day upon the oaths of Capt Nevel & Lieut. Waggoner, who 
was also present at the time, & Mr. Smith did set off towards the Fort, 
when George Aston who was one of the Ringleaders of the mob, and 
some small distance behind Nevel & Smith followed him up, saying 
God Dame you Smith what makes you be so officious & with that struck 
Smith on the side of the head & Eye, and with the Force staggered Mr. 
Smith so that he fell into a Clayhole a step or two just before him, 
where he fell, but soon Recovered himself and drew his Dirk, which 
whether observed by Aston or not judge you, from Aston' s own words at 

VOL. XXIX. — 24 



*v 



370 Notes and Queries, 

the time, as Declared upon oath next day viz. if you are for that play 
come on Smith, who was under Aston on the face of the hill, made a 
lung at Aston with his Dirk, and by all probability with eagerness to get 
a*fe> Smith, Aston found himself upon the point, which went 5£ inches 
through his Body, of which he Died immediately, then the mob, in 
number I think from 30 to 40, some with and some without arms, who 
were made Drank beforehand for the purpose by the perfideous Savage 
Simon Girty & Mrs. Sample, fell to beating Poor Smith with their Gun 
Barrels, Bayonets, Swords <fc sticks &c, however, he made his escape by 
some means from among them, but before he could get out of Beach of 
their firing, they snaped rive Guns at him, one only of the number went 
off which shot Smith through the leg & Broke both Bones, the mob then 
gathered around him and Repeated their former brutality with Double 
Violence & Barbarity, with an additional Torture of Draging him 
through the mude by the Broken Leg. one of the Gang on this occasion 
snaped his Gun twice at Mr. Smith's head, but mist fire. Mr James 
O'Hara & James M c Cashland endeavoured by persuation to Rescue out 
of their hands, but they were like to pay dear for the attempt, for they 
were very neer being murdered by the furious mob. Lieut 1 Girty, 
Morgan & Bide, all three of Capt. Xevel's Corps Distinguished them- 
selves on this occasion in point of Cruelty, for which no Doubt they will 
be promoted, after they exhausted their malice in the manner aforesaid, 
they Draged him into the Fort, kicking and Cuffing him as he was car- 
ried along & then he was put in the Guard house, where he would have 
been murdered, had it not been for Lieut Waggoner, to whose humanity 
Mr. Smith is indebted to for his life, for he stayed with him all night, 
in order to keep the outrageous mob, who looks on the Conduct of his 
fellow officers that night, with an Eye of Indignation. 

By giving Bail Mr. Smith was suffered next Day to be carried up 
to his own house, where he now lays, almost covered over with Wounds 
and Bruses, besides his broken Leg, he is in great Torture and pain & 
its uncertain as yet whether he will live or die. Your friends in this 
quarter [torn~\ now than ever, we know you feel for us and will procure 
Relief if you can. 

I am Sir with unfeigned Respect 

Your most Humble and 

most Obed 1 Servant 

E>~ s Mackay. 

Col. Wilson 

Epitaphs from the Old Churchyard at Neshannock (Near 
New Wilmington), Lawrence Co., Pexna. — Copied by Helen E. 
Keep, Detroit, Mich. 

Beneath this stone lies the bodv of John Young who departed this 
life in the 30th (?) year of his age. ' Feb. 16, A.D. 1826. 

Beneath this stone lies the body of Elizabeth Young, consort of John 
Young, who departed this life in the 63rd year of her age. May 15, 
1825. Be ye also ready. 

Mary, wife of Isaac Phillips, died June 9th, 1843 aged 64 years. 

In memory of Isaac Phillips, who departed this life July 5, 1824 
aged 48 years. 

In memory of jane punray departed August the 25 A.D. 1833 aged 
16 mo. 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 371 

In memory of Margaret, wife of William Phillips, rvho departed this 
life Mar. 31, 1859, aged 30 years, 5 mo., 21 days. 

Christopher Fulkman, Jr. died Sept. 21, 1867, aged 73 years, 6 months. 

Sarah C. wife of Christopher Fulkman, died Aug. 26, 1873, aged 73 
ye^irs, 3 mos. and 16 das. 

Christian Folkman, died Mar. 23, 1813, aged 62 years. 

In memory of Kichard Tenbroek, who departed this life Apr. 5, 1847, 
in the 72nd year of his age. 

John Wilson died Oct. 22, 1845 aged 56 years. 

Katherine wife of John Wilson, died July 23, 1744, aged 51. 

Elizabeth B. Wilson daughter of John and Katherine Wilson died 
Dec, 13, 1843 aged 25. 

James Love died Sept. 24, 1856 in his 79th years. 

Anne Love wife of James Love, died Aug. 28, 1856 in her 72nd year. 

Hugh Love died Mar. 1, 1884 aged 79 yrs, 4 mo., 5 da. 

Martha wife of Hugh Love, died Sept.* 7th, 1860 aged 48 years, 10 
months. 

In memory of Mary, consort of William E. Summer ville who departed 
this life 

In memory of Mary Allen, consort of Joseph Allen who died May 5, 
1833, in the 34th year of her age. 

In memory of William Johnston who departed this life Sept. 9, 1838 
in the 75th year of his age. 

In memory of Elizabeth consort of William Johnston who departed 
this life Dec. 2 (or 24) 1838 in the 68th yeir of his age. 

In memory of John McClain who departed this life Nov. 9, A.D. 
1838, in the*78th year of his age. 

Here lies the body of James McCready, who departed this life Mar. 
12, 1825, aged 75 years, 2 months. 

In memory of Alexander Cotton, who departed this life Oct. 26, 1811, 
in the 70th year of his age. 

Bruce Hezlep, died Sept. 16, 1824 aged 49 years. 

Maryann wife of Bruce Hezlep, died Sept. 16, 1824 aged 49 years. 

William Young, 1 died Dec. 27, 1820, in the 80th year of his age. 

Mary wife of William Young died Oct. 5, 1836 in the 83rd year of 
her age. 

Gen. Anthony Wayne Congratulates Washington on his 
Election as President of the United States. — 

Richmond State of Georgia 
6th April 17S9. 

Sir 

Accept of my warmest & sincerest congratulations upon your appoint- 
ment to the Presidency of the United States of America, and altho' it 
can not add to the Illustrious character you have so justly merited and 
established through the World, Yet it reflects additional honor upon the 
Western Empire, by a display of Prudence, Wisdom and gratitude in the 
choice she has made, of her greatest Soldier, ablest Statesman, & truest 

l John and William Young were sons of William Young of Lurgan twp., Franklin Co., 
I enna., 1753. John Young was private in the Sixth Penna. Battalion, Col. William Irvine, 
Revolutionary War, Capt. Abraham Smith's Companv. Elizabeth wife of John Young 
was daughter of David Elder of Fannet twp., Franklin Co. John and Elizabeth Young 
removed after the Revolution to Indian Run, Mercer Co.. Pa., which is near Neshannock. 
Mary wife of W'illiam Young was sister oi Elizabeth Elder, wife of John Young, 

H. e. k. 



*v 



372 Notes and Queries, 

friend ; to preside over her. The task she has assigned you is ardious, 
but you are equal to it — the unbounded confidence placed in you, by 
every class of citizens (which no other man could expect or hope for) 
.will contribute to render it less difficult — in fact it is a Crisis that re- 
quires a Washington. I am therefore, tempted to take the liberty as an 
individual sincerely & truly devoted to you & to my Country, to pray 
you not to decline the trust now committed to your charge; & at the 
same time to oner my ready & best services, shou'd they be at any time 
Necessary, either in the Civil or Military line in any quarter of America. 
Have the goodness to pardon this freedom, as it flows from the heart 
of a sincere friend, & also permit me to introduce Brigr. Genl. James 
Jackson (a representative from the State of Georgia) who I know to be 
a valuable Citizen, a good Soldier, & an honest man. 

I hope to have the honor of paying my respects to you at the seat of 
Government in the course of the summer. Interim believe me to be 
with even- sentiment of regard & Esteem, 

Your Excellency's 
Most Obt. 
& 
very Humbl Set. 

Anty Wayne. 

Letter of Lafayette to General Wayne, 1786. — 

PARIS December the 20th 1786. 
My dear friend, 

The Hey ward's departure affords me an Opportunity to write to you 
Which I eagerly embrace. It Has been My Happy fate to Enjoy such 
a pleasing intercourse with my Brother officers, and particularly My 
Bosom friends among them, that I cannot find an alleviation in the 
Heartfelt privation of that pleasure, but when I have the good fortune 
to hear from them, and the power to Express my feelings to them. 
There is at present but little of News to impart. You have heard of the 
treaty of Commerce between France and England, which are to treat each 
other like the Most favoured European Nation, — America being Excepted 
of Course. You have no doubt received a letter to Mr. Jefferson, which 
however, I enclose. The affairs of Holland are not yet settled. 

I beg you will remember me to all my friends in Georgia and Caro- 
lina — many of the Charlestown ladies I have the Honor to be acquainted 
with. I hope Mrs. Kinloe has not forgotten a friend who loves her 
with the tender affection of a Brother. Be pleased to pay My Compli- 
ments to the families of Mr. Rutlege, Mr. Bee, Mr. Izard, Mr. Crips, 
to our Brother generals and officers— don't forget Colonel Call, my good 
friend — nor Col. Washington, nor any of them — and God Grant, My 
dear Wayne, I may soon be invited to some fresh punch in your House, 
which will perhaps Be the Case next spring, and most Certainly before 
the End of next Winter. I Have written many letters to Charlestown 
which I am afraid have Miscarried — I beg you will mention it to such 
as did not receive my answers. 

If you with a family in Georgia, I beg you will not forget My Re- 
spects — and am with those Sentiments of Regard and affection which 
are not a New thing to You, 

My Dear friend 

Yours 

Lafayette. 



s* V 



Notes and Queries 



373 



Muster Roll of the Fourth Company, First Battalion, Third 
Regiment, Somerset County New Jersey Militia, 1808. 



Cornelius Terhime, Captain. 
Jonathan Everett, Lieutenant. 
Jesse Woodward, Ensign. 
Joseph H. Skelton, Clerk 



Andrew Mershon, 
Elisha Clark, 
William Slingland, 
Matthew G. Ferguson', 
John Parsage, 
John Napton, 
John Kevins, 
William Schenck, 
Jacob Frelinghuysen, 
Ephraim Applegate, 
Francis D. Janvier, 
Jonathan Cool, 
David Johnson, 
Thomas Jones, 
Samuel Bayles, 
Benj n Hubbard, 
Joseph Van Huys, 
David Runyan, 
William Downie, 
W m Davison, 
Isaac Skilman, 
Elisha Sortore, 
W m Johnson, 
David Johnson, 
Mayer Smith, 
James Johnson, 
William Peirce, 
Bloomfield. 



Thomas Millet, 
Job Stockton, 
Peter Tharp, 
James G. Ferguson, 
Samuel Abrams, 
Forman Hight, 
John Robeson, 
Jacob Keen, 
William Johnson, 
John Leonard, 
Jesse Scott, 
William Cool, 
Cornelius Blanc, 
Jacob Gulick, 
Aaron Might, 
Elias Scudder, 
David Clark, 
Charles Crawford, 
Robert Davison, 
W m Hamilton, 
Sam 1 Bayard, 
Lewis Johnson, 
Stacy Morford, 
Jeremiah Updyke, 
Samuel Jeffries, 
Daniel Agnew, 
John Updyke, 



Josiah Worsh, 
Patrick Duncan, 
John Norris, 
John F. Molatt, 
Robert Yoorhees, 
Peter Bogart, 
George Davis, 
Cornelius Grover, 
Jon. Davids, 
William Joline, 
Isaac Horner, 
Gabriel Smith, 
William Jones, Jr., 
Robert Baytes, 
Samuel Skilman, Jr., 

Smith, 

James Caldwell, 
Joseph Stants, 
Jediah Davison, 
Sam 1 Updyke, 
Michael Ryley, 
Caleb Johnson, 
John Gross, 
John Bronn, 
Rich d Compton, 
Henry Van de Waters 
John Cheston, 



Kinsey.— In "A Register of Marriages and Deaths, 1803/' Penna. 
Mag., Vol. xxiv., p. 207, for John Kinsey, read James Kinsey. He 
was appointed Chief Justice of New T Jersey, November 20, 1789. 

W. N. 

Letter of Ashbel Seymour to "Josiah Willard in Newing- 
ton in Weathersfield in Connecticut," 1775.— Donated by De 
Forrest Willard, M.D., to The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 
Ashbel Seymour served in the ''Lexington Alarm" campaign as a 
private, and was Sergeant of Ninth Company, Captain John Chester, 
Second Connecticut Regiment, Colonel Joseph Spencer. The names in 
italics indicate that they were killed at Bunker Hill. 

Cambrig June 19 1775. 

I have now an opportunity to Right to you to inform you that thro the 

Goodness of God I am alive & well, notwithstanding the many hazards 

I have been in of Late. Last Satterday was a day which New England 

never beheld the scene before — Cannons roaring, drums Beating, Bells 



•v*V 



374 Notes and Queries. 

Ringing to Alarm her Sons to go forth in her Defence & to spill their 
precious Blood to save her from Ruin & misery. 

Last Satterday the Battel began about 2 Clock in the afternoon & 
"''Lasted near 3 hours. Grape shot & musket balls as thick as Hail — had 
not the Lord been on our side thousands must have fell, but our Lives 
were spared, so that we hope that 50 is the most that are dead — About 
as many more wounded. There is 4 of our Company missing, we sup- 
pose are Dead, 3 wounded not mortally. Wilson Boulinson, Roger Fox, 
Laurence Sullivan, Garshum Smith Dead, newington people are well 
except Daniel Deman, [Deming], finger shot off in battel — some shot 
thro their Clothes. 

A Remarkable providence that we were preserved. For the Regulars 
stormed our Entrenchments, we was obliged to Retreet they firing upon 
us— there was above 400 of the enemy tis supposed. It was thought we 
took an Emprudent step by going so near the mouths of their Cannon to 
entrench For they played upon us on three sides with Cannon. Charles- 
town is all burnt down, the entend to burn Cambrig. 

I Received yours Dated June 12 which informs me that you are well 
& all your fathers family. I remember my Love to them all & to all 
Enquirers. 

I subscribe my name 

Ashbel Seymour. 

Nazareth Hall. — In May last, the sesqui-centennial anniversary 
of the laying of the corner-stone of Nazareth Hall, the oldest church 
boarding school in Pennsylvania, was celebrated, upward of three hun- 
dred of the alumni being present. Of the early directors of the school, 
the Rev. Francis C. Lembke, Ph.M., was, perhaps, the most learned. 
He was born at Blansingen, Baden, July 13, 1704. He was first sent to 
the Gymnasium at Durlach and then to the "Collegium Wilhelmita- 
num" at Strasburg. He applied himself with much diligence to his 
studies, and made such rapid progress in them that he was admitted to 
the University in his seventeenth year. There he devoted all his 
energies to a further study of the classics, and especially philosophy, so 
that his acquirements soon attracted the attention of the trustees, and 
he was looked upon as a candidate for a professorship. In 1733 he 
went to Jena, but two years later was recalled to Strasburg, as professor 
in the Gymnasium. Entering the ministry of the Moravian Church in 
1746, he spent the following nine years in Germany and England. In 
1754 he was sent to Pennsylvania, and from 1759 to 1779 was the dis- 
tinguished director of Nazareth Hall. He died July 11, 1785. 

Letter of Elisha Stoddard, 1776. — Presented by De Forrest 

Willard, M.D., to The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Elisha 

Stoddard was a private in Captain John Morgan's company, Eighth 
Regiment, Connecticut Militia. 

Brother. 

In a hurry I take this opportunity to present you with a short sketch 
of what I met with since I left home. Sailed from Rockey-hiil Saturday 
about 10 of the Clock — Come to an Anchor at Moodus about sunset — 
Sailed from thence on Sunday at sunrise — arrived at Saybrook about 
noon, past by Forkin Island at 7 of the Clock — went through Hell Gate 
on Monday about 12 — arrived here at 2 in the afternoon. 



Notes and Queries. 375 

I have been in good health since I left home, not seasick at all — 
Several of the Company were very sick in passing the Sound. James 
Camp has hardly got over it yet. 

I have been round viewing the City and Fortifications — have had a 
view of the Ministiral Fleet and Camp on Statan Island it struck a dread 
upon me at first sight but seem a little more harden'd to it now how my 
courage would serve me in an ingagement. 

The ships that were up the north river returned on Sunday morning, 
piloted by a trator through a part of the chanel of the river where the 
blocking was not completed — our artillery at the forts piay'd upon them 
with very little effect, they fired from the Ships and some of their Balls 
went over the City and fell into Harbor on the other side. 

What is like to be done further I know not, last night the talk was 
that the Regulars would be here today as their Tents were struck, but 
they are pitched again now. We have a very numerous Army here, 
every street swarms with Soldiers, some think there is near 100,000 men 
here abouts — they are constantly coming in. 

Your brother and the rest who came by Land are not arrived, as I can 
hear (one of the clock). We are quartered in the middle of the city in a 
very good House, Hanover Street. But I must close my scrawl, thanking 
God for my preservation hitherto — hoping for the continuation of his 
protection, and trusting that in your prayers you will not forget 

Your friend and Brother 

Elisha Stoddard. 

New York, 

Aug 20 th 1776. 

Dr. John Morgan's Notice to Dp.. William Shippex, Jr., 
to Attexd the Taking or Depositions of Yy^itxesses for His 
Approachixg trial, 1779. — Original in Manuscript Collection of 
The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 

Sir. 

Please to take notice that on Saturday Jan r ^ 1 1780 at nine o'clock in 
the morning I propose to examine & take the Depositions of David 
Thomas & Owen Thomas, at the house of the former, being three miles 
from the Yellow Springs in Vincent Township, Chester County, & at 
half past 10 o'clock of Sirs. Sarah Kennedy at her House at the Yellow 
Springs, as Evidence on your approaching Trial. On Monday the 3d 
of January at 10, 11, & 12 o'clock I propose to take the Depositions of 
Christopher Marshall Esq r , Mr. Bowsman &Mr. Derringer (late Tavern- 
keeper) all of Lancaster, at their respective houses in Lancaster. 

On Tuesday the 4th of January I propose to take the Depositions of 
Jacob Kimmel & Henry Bear, of "Ephrata, at 10 o'clock at the house of 
Jacob Kimmel, living at the Mill at Ephrata of Christian Roherback, 
Tavernkeeper, at Ephrata, at the 12 mile stone from Lancaster ; at l 
after ten of Peter Miller & [torn] of Ephrata ; & at 12 Susannah & 
John Miller at Miller's Tavern, half a mile from Ephrata. At 3 o'clock 
in the afternoon of the same day I propose to take the Deposition of 
Philip Eppright at his House in Adams Town. 

On Thursday the 6th of January from 10 o'clock and on Friday 
morning from the same hour, I propose to take the Depositions of the 
following persons at the house of John Hartman, Tavern Keeper at 



v* V 



376 Notes and Queries. 

Reading viz. W m Keeper, Daniel Levari, -John Hart man, Adam Haltze- 
der, Henry Haifa, Capt. John Mears, Andrew Engle, John Fry, 
Michael Conrad, M. Dagenhart, Jacob Stehley, Baltzar Geer, Michael 
Bright, D. Waller, Elizabeth Xietz or Nightly, Susannah Rabb, Hannah 
Lewis, Nicholas Bower, & C. Bauny. 

On Saturday at 5 o'clock p. m. Jan r > 8, I propose to examine & take 
the Deposition of Jacob Gangewer at Allen Town, Northampton County 
at Robert Levers Esq ; on Monday at 10 o'clock a. m. I propose to take 
the Deposition of Doct r Otio at Nazareth, at his own house. 

On Tuesday January 11th at 10 o'clock I propose to take the Deposi- 
tions of Nicholas Rimmel & John Marricle, at the house of Nicholas 
Rimmel, 4 miles from Bethlehem, on the Road to Springford, and at 12 
o'clock of the Rev. Mr. Ettwein, of John Hassey, Ephraim Culver & 
Jost Johnson, at Johnson's Tavern, Bethlehem, & on Wednesday Jan y 
12 at 4 o'clock in the afternoon I intend to take the Deposition of W m 
Bennet, Tavern Keeper, in Bucks County, on the Old York Road 28 
miles from Pliilad 3 . 

These several Depositions are intended to be produced in evidence on 
your approaching Trial agreeable to the Resolve of Congress of this day, 

John Morgan. 

Philada. Dec. 24 1779. 

To D r Wm Shippex Jun., 
Direct 7 Gen 1 &c. 

Abstract of Manumission of a Negeo Slave of Gen. Anthony 
Wayne, 1792. — Manumission of negro, Edward Potts, aged fifteen 
years, General Wayne reserving his " servitude" for himself and assigns 
for nine years. Indenture for the same to be made out the day follow- 
ing, General Wayne for himself and heirs releasing all right in him as 
a slave, only reserving him as servant. Signed by Anthony Wayne 
and witnessed by Thomas Harrison in Philadelphia, before Matthew 
Clarkson, Mayor, May 25, 1792. 

General Anthony Wayne Needs a Furlough. — 

Camp at the Gulp 1 9th Deer. 1777. 
Dear Sir : — 

After strugiing with a StuVron cold for near two Months and a pain 
in my breast Occasioned by a fall at Germantown where my horse was 
shot under me — the Caitiff has taken post in my Lungs and throat — and 
unless I am permitted to change my Ground I dread the Con sequences — 
I have not Interest Sufficient with his Excellency to Obtain leave of 
Absence long en ought to effect a Radical cure — my physicians advise me 
to go to some Inland town or place where I can be properly Attended and 
procure a Suitable Regimen — I have now been on Constant duty for 23 
Month Sixteen of which I served in Canada and Ticonderoga the Re- 
mainder with his Excellency during which period I have never had One 
single moment respite my private Interest is in a suffering Condition all 
the Accts of Money's Reed, and Expenditures since I entered the service 
remain unsettled — so that if any misfortune should happen me there is 
no person who could Liquidate them — These Considerations together 
with my state of Health Induces me to request you to lay my case before 
Congress and endeavour to Obtain leave of Absence for me for five or Six 
Weeks, I am Confident that when they Reflect on the length of time I 



Notes and Queries. 377 

have served them together with the hard duty I have underwent they 
will not hesitate to crant me this Indulgence it being the first I ever 
akcd. 

I am happy to hear that my Daughter has blessed you with a Son — 
and that she is likely to Assist in. forming his young mind and placing 
him in the bright path to Honor Virtue freedom and Glory — from which 
I trust that neither he nor my little fellow will turn and altho' the track 
should be marked with their father's Blood. 

I wish you to forward the furlow I require with all possible dispatch. 
Interim I am vour most 

Obt Huml Sert 

Anty Wayne. 

Extracts from the Day-Book of Charles Willson Peale; 
Expenditures ox Account of his Museum; 1808-1813. — 

1808. Box of Eaisins and 6 lbs Almonds for the use of the Orchestra, 
$7.50. Music from Blake for Orsran, $34. 6 Bottles Lemonade, $4. 
32i galls Lamp Oil, $32^%: Bear's cage $30. Posting Bills $2.50. 
4 Cast Iron Stove*, $25. 40 bush. Lehigh Coal, $20.50. 8 Portraits 
by Rembrandt Peale, $400. 

1809. 20 bush Virginia Coal, $$. Organ of 8 stops made by Low 
$1000. 2 patent Lamp, of 4 wicks each, $56. Claronet, $16. 

1810. 2 Chandeliers bought of Bradford, $60., 12 Lamps made by 
Leadbeater, $48. Live Elk, $15. Deformed Calf, $40. 

1S11. Mr. Vivant for gilding 24 portraits, $162. Plastering and 
material done in State House Steeple, $33. Black Rattlesnake, $10. 
Abbot's Stove, $35. 1 Copy D r Shippen, $30. Paid James Peale, 
varnishing and finishing the Collection, $90. 

1812. Advertising in Aurora 2 years, $61.37. Electrical Table, made 
by G. Jones, $18. James Peale repairing pictures, $1.50 Raphaelie 
for picture of the fish on wood. $15. and Watermellon, $30. 

1813. K. P. Cumming, for coppering the State House, $13.50. 
Pamphlets of Pictures, $138.50. Glass for Electrical plate, $25. Por- 
trait of Gen. Davis, $30. Frame, $8. Portraits of Com. Decatur and 
Capt. Jones, by R. Peale $160. 4000 Handbills, $5.12$. Luken's 
Model of Perpetual Motion, $80. A View up the Schuylkill, $12. 
Plaster busts of Rush & Physick, $20. 

The gross receipts of the museum from 1795 to 180S, were $42,101. 22 J. 

Queries. 

Susax Lear. — I have in my possession an interesting journal kept 
by a Philadelphia girl, Susan Lear, during a visit to Providence and 
several places in Massachusetts in 1788. From Philadelphia to Provi- 
dence she travelled with Mr. and Mrs. Nicholas Brown, and is said to 
have been related to Mrs. Brown (Avis Binney). She was the guest of 
the Brown family in Providence, and of Gen. Hull in Newton, Mass. 

Not long after 1788 Susan Lear married Capt. James Duncan in 
Philadelphia and they moved to Mercer County, Pa. 
^ From the journal, which mentions many well-known people of the 
time, the Lear family must have been of some prominence in Philadel- 
phia. Can anyone tell me who Susan Lear was ? PL E. K. 
753 Jefferson Ave., Detroit, Mich. 



v* V 



378 JWotes and Queries. 

Henderson, Gass, Young, Elder. — 1. Who was Robert Hender- 
son (born 174S), who came from Cootehill, County Cavan, Ireland, to 
Philadelphia about 1795, with his wife, Jane Carnahan, and several 
children? Later they went to Pittsburg and from there to Mercer 
County, where they settled in a place afterwards called Hendersonville. 

"Wanted — records of descendants of Robert and Jane (Carnahan) Hen- 
derson for a genealogy. 

2. Benjamin Gass, of Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, died in 1752, 
leaving a wife (Eleanor) and children : Benjamin, Prudence, Mary, and 
William. The guardians of the children were Benjamin Chambers and 
John Potter. The wife of Benjamin Gass, Sr., was Eleanor Galbraith. 
Who was she ? 

3. Mary Gass, daughter of Benjamin and Eleanor (Galbraith) Gass, 
married Lieut. William Stewart, of Carlisle, who came from Green Hill, 
Donegal, Ireland, about 1750 and was in Col. Hazen's regiment, " Con- 
gress Own," in the Revolutionary War. There is a family tradition 
that Mary Gass was at one time stolen by the Indians, and that a book 
was written about her experiences. Can any one tell me anything 
about this book or pamphlet? 

4. William Young was taxable on the list of Lurgan Township, 
Franklin County, Pennsylvania (then part of Cumberland County), in 
1753. He died before March 6, 1753. His wife was Elizabeth. Their 
children were : 

1. William married Mary Elder. 

2. John married Elizabeth Elder. 

3. Elizabeth married John McConnell. 

4. Gilsey married Daniel Slaymaker. 

5. Margaret married Andrew Hemphill. 

6. Another daughter. 

David Elder's grandchildren mentioned in the will were : David, son 
of William Elder, Noah Elder, and Elizabeth Barr. 

W T ho was David Elder? Was he the son of James Elder, the brother 
of the Rev. John Elder, of Paxtang? 

4. David Elder in 1778 was Justice of the Peace in Fannet Town- 
ship, Franklin County, Pennsylvania. In his will, dated 1807, he be- 
queathed to his children and grandchildren about 700 acres of land. 
His children were : 

1. William married Sarah Abraham and had Noah Abraham, who 
lived near Germantown, Pa. 

2. Elizabeth married John Young. 

3. Mary married William Young. 

4. John, born 1765 or 1772. 

5. William married Mary Leeper. 

6. Jane. 

7. James, born 1776. 

Who was John Young ? Family tradition says that he was the son of 
John Young and Mary White, of Wyoming County, and that John 
Young, Sr., was killed by the Indians. H. E. K. 

753 Jefferson* Ave., Detroit, Mich. 

Low>~es. — Information is wanted of the descendants of Caleb Lownes, 
who was living in Philadelphia in 1794. Where mav they be found? 

H. E. 

2026 Mount Vernon Street, Philadelphia . 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 



379 



Alumni Catalogue of the University of Pennsylvania. — The 
Alumni Catalogue Committee of the University of Pennsylvania requests 
data concerning graduates of the early medical classes. A query mark 
indicates that the place of residence of a graduate, at the time of matricu- 
lating, is unknown or in doubt. The Editorial Committee desires to 
ascertain (1) the full name of each man, when initials only are given ; 
(2) dates in full, and place of death ; (3) academic honors or degrees 
conferred, with names and dates of institutions conferring them ; (4) 
reference, etc., printed matter, memoirs, etc., concerning these men. 

Information may be forwarded at once to the office of the General 
Alumni Society, 3451 Woodland avenue, Philadelphia. 



1769. 



1784. 



James Armstrong, New York. 
Thomas Pratt, South Carolina (?). 
Alexander Skinner, Virginia. 
Myndert Veeder, New York. 
John Winder, Yiriginia (?). 

1771. 

Jonathan Easton, Ehode Island. 
Frederick Kuhn, Pennsylvania. 
John Kuhn, Pennsylvania. 
Robert Pottinger, Maryland. 

1773. 

Thomas Biddle, Pennsylvania. 
1780. 



Joseph Blythe, New York. 
Reuben Guilder, Virginia. 
Elisha John Hall, Maryland. 
James Lyon, Virginia. 
John MeSparran, Pennsylvania. 



Monzien, Virginia. 

1785. 

James Gilchrist (?). 

Isaac Hayne ('?). 

Richard Hopkins, Maryland. 

Samuel Knox, Pennsylvania (?). 

John McConnell ('?). 

Edward Miller, Delaware. 

Robert Walker (?). 

1786. 



William W. Smith, Maryland (?). 
John Foulke, Pennsylvania. 

1781. 

Ezekiel Bull, Maryland. 

1782. 

Nicholas Coxe, Maryland. 
James Craik, Maryland. 
John Gibbons, Pennsylvania. 
Ennals Martin, Maryland. 
Walter Payne, Virginia. 

1783. 

John Morris. Pennyslvania. 
Thomas Waring, South Carolina. 
John Watson, Pennsylvania. 



John Graham, Pennsylvania. 

1787. 

Robert Coleman, Virginia (?). 
Peter Keene, Maryland or Virginia. 
Andrew McDowall, Pennsylvania. 
John Ramsay, Pennsylvania (?). 

1788. 

James Beatty, Pennsylvania (?). 
William Parker, South Carolina. 

1789. 

Charles Harris, Pennsylvania (?). 
Stephen Theodore Johnson, Mary- 
land. 
Frederick Zerbaut (?). 



3 SO Motes and Queries. 

Ashton — Clare — Aubrey. — Charles Ashton of Northumberland 
Co., Ya., an officer in the Colonial Militia and a Justice of the County 
Court, testified that he was aged forty years in 16G5. lie was a near 
kinsman of Capt. Peter Ashton, an associate of Col. John Washington, 
the immigrant, and the Ashton family was one of the most important of 
the Colonial aristocracy of Virginia. The wife of Charles Ashton was 
Isabel, whose family name does not appear. But in the oldest record 
book of Northumberland Co., Va., now very badly wormed, there is at 
p. 61, May 1654, a deed of gift from Richard Clare for the consider- 
ation of love and affection to "John Ashton sonne to Charles Ashton" 
of a cow and calf. This makes it likely that when Charles at the age 
of 29 had raised a son to 8 or 10 years of age the maternal grandfather 
of the boy gave him a cow and calf. 

In Colonial Pennsylvania there were two women, Barbara and Martha 
Aubrey from the Welsh-Norman family of that name, descendants of 
Saunders de St. Aubrey, brother of the Duke of Boulogne, who came 
into England with William the Conqueror. After the conquest of 
England Sir Bernard Newmarch with several other Norman nobles 
undertook and accomplished the conquest of South Wales, slaying in 
battle Rhys ap Tudor, King of South Wales and son of Tudor the 
Great, late King of all Wales. Among the companions of Bernard 
was Sir Reginald Aubrey who married Isabel daughter of Richard de 
Clare Earl of Briony. 

It seems that the occurrence of these three names Isabel, Richard and 
Clare, must be something other than accidental, albeit they are some five 
centuries apart. Still there are instances of names coming down in 
families through equally long periods. 

George Wilson. 
Lexington, Mo. 



Meredith. — Wanted the names of parents and the birth-place of 
Hannah Meredith, who was married to Capt. Harry Gordon, R. E., 
January 30, 1762, at Christ P. E. Church, Philadelphia. W. J. 



JSoofc Notices. 



Richard Spelman's Descendants. — Mrs. Eannie C. W. Bar- 
bour, of 169 Hicks Street, Brooklyn, New York, is compiling a gene- 
alogy of the descendants of Richard Spelman, born in Danbury, Essex 
County, England, and settled in Middletown, Connecticut, about 1700. 
She requests all descendants, who have not already done so, to communi- 
cate with her at once, to enable her to complete the data to date. 

June, 1905. 

Year Book of the Pennsylvania Society, 1905. Edited by Barr 
Ferree. New York. 1905. 8vo, 208 pp. 
Mr. Secretary Ferree has compiled an interesting and valuable book 
for the members of this enterprising Society. In addition to the frontis- 
piece, s. portrait of United States Senator Philander C. Knox, upwards 



Notes and Queries. 381 

of seventy engravings illustrate the text. A copy of this annual should 
be found in every library in Pennsylvania. 

The Magazine of History, with Notes and Queries. Vol. I. 
New York. 1905. Subscription price, $5.00 per annum. 
The Magazine of American History, founded in 1877, was ably edited 
until 1893 by John Austin Stevens and Mrs. Martha J. Lamb, when its 
publication was suspended. The new magazine, edited and published 
by Mr. William Abbatt, who is favorably known in historical circles, is, 
in general appearance and in type, a close duplicate of the old monthly. 
The articles which have been printed are valuable and interesting, and 
the genealogical department will be a leading feature in the new monthly. 
It is a welcome addition to the cause of historical and genealogical re- 
search, and has our best wishes for success. 

A Branch of the Woodruff Stock. By Francis E. Woodruff. 
Parts I., II., III. 1902-5. 
The three leaflets, so far published, contain sketches of John Gos- 
mer, John Woodruff, the immigrant, and his two sons ; the Westneld 
Woodruffs ; and Dr. Hezekiah Stites Woodruff. The appendices are 
rich in genealogical details and notes, and several maps illustrate the 
text. Descendants will find them very helpful. Copies may be ob- 
tained of the compiler at 9 James Street, Morristown, N. J. 

Genealogical Kecords of George Small, Philip Albright, 
Johann Daniel Dunckel, William Geddes Latimer, Thomas 
Bartow, John Reid, Daniel Benezet, Jean Crommelin, Joel 
Richardson. Compiled by Samuel Small, Jr. Philadelphia. 
1905. Printed for Private Distribution. Roy. 4to, pp. 393. Illus- 
trated. 
It is a pleasure to welcome this recent contribution to Pennsylvania 
genealogies. The compilation of the records of his family by Mr. 
Small, revised and edited by Miss Anne H. Cresson, has been earnestly 
and ably prepared ; the type and paper are excellent, and the volume, 
externally and internally, has everything that gladdens the soul of the 
lover of beautiful books. 

The founder of the Small family, of York, Lorentz Schmahl, came 
to Pennsylvania with his wife and live children, from Essenheim, Duchy 
of Hesse, in the year 1743. Many of his descendants intermarried into 
prominent families of the State, and are noted for their probity, philan- 
thropy and commercial enterprise and their services in the struggle for 
Independence. In addition to the genealogical records enumerated in 
the title, mention may be made of the Kramer, Uber, Geddes, and Wels- 
chance connections. The illustrations, artistically in keeping with the 
character of the work, are reproductions of family portraits and coats 
of arms. 

The Moravians in Georgia, 1735-1740. By Adelaide L. Fries. 
Winston-Salem, N. C. 1905. 252 pp. Illustrated. 
The history of the first attempt of the Moravian Church to establish a 
settlement in the American Colonies of Great Britain has not before re- 
ceived the attention its importance deserves, and the publication of the 



382 Notes and Queries. 

work under notice is timely. It was probably through the negotiations of 
Count Zinzendorf with the Trustees of Georgia, in behalf of the Schwenk- 
felders, who had been granted asylum on his estate, that the idea occurred 
of founding a Moravian settlement on the Savannah River, as a centre 
for missionary labors among the Indians of the South. Land having 
been obtained of the Trustees, the first Moravian colonists sailed from 
England early in 1735, and were followed by the second party later in 
the year. Among the passengers on this vessel were General Oglethorpe 
and the brothers John and Charles Wesley. In 1737, hostilities between 
the colonists of Spain and England breaking out, and military service 
being demanded of the Moravians, which they refused, they finally 
determined to transfer their people to Pennsylvania, and Bethlehem 
was founded. In the preparation of this work the author has had access 
to the original documents in the Moravian archives in Europe and 
America, and it is authentic in its details. The text is liberally illus- 
trated by portraits and maps. 

The American Weekly Mercury, Vol. Ill, 1721-1722. (Fac- 
simile). 
The Colonial Society of Pennsylvania has issued to its members a 
fac-simile of The American Weel'hj Mercury, Vol. iii, 1721-1722, 
printed by Andrew Bradford. An edition of two hundred and fifty 
copies was printed, after which all the plates and negatives were 
destroyed. A limited number of copies of Vols, i and ii, are on sale. 
Price $5.00. 

The Immigration of the English Quakers into Pennsylvania 
and New Jersey, 1675-1750. — I desire to announce that I have been 
engaged for some years in the collection of materials for an extended 
work on the above subject, having examined the Quaker records both 
here and in England. The study, as proposed, will be somewhat simi- 
lar in plan to my " Immigration of the Irish Quakers into Pennsylvania/' 
published in 1902, although I shall hope to make it broader and more 
scientific in treatment. An important feature of the work is an investi- 
gation of the English origins of the immigrants. I shall endeavor to 
treat of the religious, social, and economic life of the colonists in their 
old home and to show what mental and physical characteristics, what 
manners and customs, what ideas and institutions they contributed to 
the making of Pennsylvania and the American nation. The religious 
annals of the early Friends have been fully exploited and the printed 
materials are abundant, but their social and economic history, like that 
of the other members of the great middle class of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, in England, is yet to be dug from the scattered manuscript sources. 

Some aspects of the social and economic history of the seventeenth- 
century English Friends which I wish to discuss are included under the 
following heads: social status, occupations, financial condition, land 
tenure, houses, house and farm furnishings, education, reading matter, 
social intercourse, manners and customs, superstitions, training for citi- 
zenship in Penn's Quaker experiment in government, knowledge of 
English local government, familiarity with legal forms and courts of law 
through persecution. 

Other topics of the work for consideration are : religious, economic, 
and other causes of migration, inducements that led the immigrants to 



Notes and Queries, 383 

Pennsylvania, places in England whence the immigrants came, extent 
and intensity of the migration, ports of embarking, the voyage, ships, 
ship-stores, provisions, cost of passage, incidents of the migration, 
dangers and difficulties of the voyage, aid to immigrants, indentured 
servants, etc. 

A list of the immigrants, with notes of the places whence they came, 
and the like, compiled from certificates of removal, meeting minutes, 
and other sources, is included in the plan. 

Information or suggestions on any aspect of my subject will be grate- 
fully received. I am especially desirous of learning of any old diaries, 
journals, letters, and the like, throwing light on the migration. I shall 
also be glad to have genealogical records and notes of migrating Friends 
from minute books in England and to obtain views of any old houses in 
England that are known to have been occupied by Friends of the sev- 
enteenth century. Albert Cook Myers. 
Kennett Square, Pennsylvania. 

The Kittochtinny Magazine. A Tentative Record of Local 

History and Genealogy West of the Susquehanna. G. O. 

Seilhamer, Editor and Publisher, Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. 

Published quarterly at $3 per annum. 

The main scope of this new quarterly is set forth in its title, and as it 

is not proposed to publish anything in the nature of a complete history 

of the district, its veteran and scholarly editor will spare no pains to 

make it worthy of the importance of the field to which it relates. The 

numbers which have appeared contain valuable contributions to local 

genealogy, and the historical papers have been prepared with much 

care. The magazine is worthy of the most liberal general support, for 

through its developments an important section of the State's history and 

that of its peoples is made accessible. 

History of Beayer County, Pennsylvania, and its Centen- 
nial Celebration. By Pvev. Joseph H. Bausman, A.M. In two 
volumes, 8vo. New York. 1904. 
The territory which is now within the bounds of Beaver County, lay 
in the track of the early French and English explorers of the valley of 
the Mississippi and its great tributary the Ohio. It was the scene of 
the labors of Jesuit and Moravian missionaries, and its wilds were also 
penetrated by men who subsequently became illustrious in the annals 
of the nation, — Washington, Wayne, St. Clair, Harmar, and George 
Rogers Clark. A work on local history, to be instructive, should be 
more than a compilation of dates, statistics, and isolated facts, — it should 
have such a background of general history as will give the reader an 
intelligent understanding of the causes and events described. In this 
the author has been successful, for his work has been conceived in a 
spirit of scholarly regard for historical accuracy ; it gives evidence of 
wide research, and it has been arranged with good judgment. The 
chapters dealing with the period prior to the beginning of the last century, 
are particularly valuable, for they are rich in data which had not been 
developed before, and are not only interesting locally, but form an im- 
portant contribution to the history of the western section of the State. 
The volumes are printed with clear type, on fine paper, and are liberally 
illustrated with reproductions of rare pictures. 



384 Notes and Queries. 

Le Droit International ; Les Princtpes, les Theories, les 
Faits, par Ernest Nys, Conseiller, a la Cour d'appel, 
professeur a l'Uniyersite de Bruxelles. Brussels and 
Paris. 1905. 
Two of the three volumes of this handsome work have now been pub- 
lished. In them the author, M. Ernest Nys, Conseiller a la Cour 
d'appel de Bruxelles, has made numerous references to the Monroe 
Doctrine, and to the impulsion given by the United States to the devel- 
opment in many directions of International Law. Judge Nys, who is 
a member of PInstitut de Droit International, and whom the King of 
the Belgians has made, because of his scholarly writings in the past 
upon questions of the Laws of Nations, a Chevalier de l'Ordre de Leo- 
pold, fortifies his statements and opinions with a wealth of references 
and facts. 

Letters of Mary Boardman Crowninshield, 1815-1816. Edited 
by Francis Boardman Crowninshield. Cambridge. 1905. 8vo, 
p*p. 82. Illustrated. 
This interesting collection of letters was written by Mrs. Crowninshield 
to her family in Salem, Massachusetts, during her residence in Washing- 
ton of five months, her husband having been appointed by President 
Madison, Secretary of the Navy, to succeed "William Jones, of Penn- 
sylvania, who had resigned. The second war for independence was 
drawing to a close, the White House and most of the public buildings 
had been burned by the British, and many prominent people were com- 
pelled to live in boarding houses, but the delightfully intimate accounts 
that she gives of her official and social life, and those of her friends at 
the Capital, add a charm to the collection. The editor has furnished 
numerous explanatory notes. Portraits of Mr. and Mrs. Crowninshield, 
painted by Yanderlyn, are reproduced in photogravure. The volume 
has been printed at the Eiverside Press, in a limited edition of 300 
numbered copies, and can only be had at the offices of Houghton, 
Mifflin & Co., 4 Park Street, Boston, and 85 Fifth Avenue, New York 
city. Price, $2.50 a copy, post-paid. 



THE 

PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE 

OF 

HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY. 

Vol. XXIX. 1905. No. 4, 



WASHINGTON'S HOUSEHOLD ACCOUNT BOOK, 

1793-1797. 
[In May of 1904 The Historical Society of Pennsylvania purchased 
the Household Account Book of Washington, covering hi3 second term 
as President of the United States. The first 32 pages are in the hand- 
writing of Tobias Lear and the remainder (256 pages) in that of Bar- 
tholomew Dandridge. The entries begin March 4, 1793, and close with 
March 25, 1797, and record the receipts of cash "for the use of the 
President," and the daily household disbursements.] 

March 4-th, 1793. 

Cash remaining on hand on closing the old 
Books from April, 1789, to this date, as 
per Ledger A, Folio 68 292.79 

5th 

Contgt. Exps. Dr. To Cash 

delvd. to Laurence "Washington to pay 

his barher 2. 

7th 

Sund. Exps. Dr. To Cash 

Contgt. Exp. delvd. Gk S. Washington to 

pay hi3 barber 2. 

House Exp. pd. Fidus ImhofT 

a months wages 10. 12. 

vol. xxix.— 25 ( 385 ) 



386 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

9th 

Sundries Dr. To Cash 

Mr. B. Dandridge pd. him on acct. of 

Salary 3. 

Mr. H. Lewis pd. him on acct. of do. . 10. 13. 

nth 

Cash Dr. to the Treasy. of the U. S. 

reed, for the use of the President . . . 4000. 

Paid Colo. Hamilton the money borrowed 

from him on the 1st of feby. . . . 2000. 

Sundries Dr. To Cash 

Contgt. Exp. pd. Subs, to the Columbia 

Asylum 6 mo 1.20 

Contgt Exp. gave a poor man by the 
Presds order 1. 

do. delvd to G. S. Washington to pay his 
Music Master 4. 

Mr. Dandridge pd him on Acct of Sal- 
ary 10. 16.20 

— : 12th 

Sundries Dr. To Cash 

Saml Fraunces deld him to purchase 

SundsforHo ........ 272.58 

House Exp pd for 406 lls loaf Sugar . . 98.13 

Do. pd for a Cask Lamp Oil ... . 24.84 

Contgt Exp. pd tinmans Acct . ... 4.10 

do. pd for linnen & Cambrick and mak- 
ing 7 shirts for Hercules 15.38 

do. pd Mrs. Tarbet for Mrs. Washington 3.68 

do. pd Mrs. Lockeyr for Mrs. "Washing- 
ton 21.27 

do. pd Mr. Guest for Cambrick & Muslin 

for Mrs. Washington 78.63 

do. pd Mrs. Smart for Cloak bonnet &c. 

for Mrs. Fanny Washington . . . 26.59 



*v 



Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 887 

do. pd for Sundr for Mr. Washington 

pr Acct 16.07 

do. pd for 5 yds. Muslin for do. . . 7.16 

do. pd I. Parish for a hat for L. Wash- 
ington 3.73 

do. pd Mr. Dunlap for his paper to the 

end of the year 1792 8. 580.16 

13th 

Sund Expenses Dr. To Cash 

House Exp. pd for 10 \ Cords wood, 

haulg piling &c 33.59 

Stable Exp pd for 93 bushls Oats @ 2.10 35.13 

do. pd. for 100 bundles Straw . . . 4.45 
Contgt Exp pd for sitting a Miniature 

k 2p. earrings for Mrs. Washington . 9. 82.17 

H.th 

Contgt Exp Dr. To Cash 

pd. for 21 yds Muslin for Mr. "Washing- 
ton 1. 

15th 

Contgt Exp. Dr. To Cash 

deld to Wm. Osborne to buy 2 pr Stock- 
ings for the Presdt k 1 yd blk Crepe 4.94 

pd. Mr Manly for Sandals for Miss 

Custis 4.64 9.58 

ieth 

Mr H Lewis Dr. To Cash 

pd. him on acct of Salary 4.50 

18th 

Sundries Dr. To Cash 

House Exp. pd Chs Liddle in full for 
wages 11, 



Contgt Exp. deld to G. S. Washington 

to pay for cleang shoes and for quills 2. 
do. deld to Lau ce to pay for do. . • • 1. 



*v 



388 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

do. pd for a box of paints for Miss Eliza 

Custis 3.50 

do. pd for altering 2 Rings for Mrs. 

Washington 50 

Saml Fraunees deld him to purchase 

Sund for Ho 130.47 

Mr. B. Dandridge pd him on aect of 

Salary 8. 156.47 

19th 

Mr. H. Lewis Dr. to Cash 

pd him on Acct of Salary 10.50 

Will 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Contgt Exp. gave a poor woman ... 1. 

do. pd Mrs Lockyer for tiffing, lustering 

& a fan for Mrs. Washington ... 4.24 

do. pd Mr. Hannson for Shoes for L. 

Washington 7.25 

The President's Acct proper 

pd to Andrew Clew & Co. a bill for £50. 
Virg ft C 7 drawn by the Trustees of the 
Alexa Academy for the Presidents an- 
nual donation for 1792 166M 179.15 

91st 

Sundy Exps Dr. to Cash 

House Exps pd Fidus Imhoff in full of 

his wages . 10. 

Contgt Exps pd the Presdts Subscriptn 
to Mr Blanchard 25. 

2M 

Cash Dr. to the Treasy of the U. S. 

reed for the use of the President ... . 1000. 

Contgt Exps Dr. To Cash 

pd Mrs Smart for a hat k Ribbon for 

Miss Custis . 2.64 



•s* V 



Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 389 

lost by wt of gold at the bank diffr 

between wt and tole . . . . . . 5.60 

Contgt Exps deld to the Presidt to defray 
his Exps on his trip to Mt. Vernon, 
100 Guineas 466.G7 

do. deld to the Presidt a bank note of 30 

dolls, to send to K York .... 30. 504.91 

23d 



Sundries Dr. To Cash 

House Exps pd ¥m Osborne on acct of 

Wages 35. 

Mr. 13. Dandridge pd him on Acct of 

Salary 10. 

Contgt paid for a hat, trimmings &c for 

Miss Custis 3.29 48.29 

25th 



Contgt Exps Dr. To Cash 

deld to L. Washington for 12 weeks 
pocket money ........ 12. 

pd for 2 pr. Stockings for Martin . . . 1.20 

pd for linen to make a bag for the Stables .67 13.87 

26th 

Sundries Dr. To Cash 

Contgt Exps gave a poor woman by Mr 

TVs desire 1.50 

The President's Acct, proper 

pd Mr. A. P. Morris for a stud Horse . 200. 
House Exps pad Eichd Keating 2 mos 

Wages 14. 215.50 



27th 



Sundries Dr. To Cash 

Saml Fraunces deld him for the use of the 

House , . . 152.25 

Contgt Exps deld to G S. Washington 

for pockt My 8. 



390 Washington's Household Account Book, 1798-1797. 

do. deld to L. Washington to buy paper 1. 
do. pd TI103 Smith for Sundy Jobs of 

Joiners work done for the year past . 86.75 
do. pd do. for desks made for G. & L. 

Washington 20.13 

do. pd for striking off 30 Hand bills of 

Knight of Malta 1. 

do. pd freight of 3 hampers 1 bbl & 1 

box to Alexa 4. 

do. pd for Howell's Small Map of Pennsya 1.75 

Stable Exps pd for 24 brooms .... 2. 276.88 

98th — 

Contgt Exps Dr. To Cash 

pd for G. W. P. Custis to see tumbling 

feats .50 

SOth 

Contgt Exps Dr. To Cash 

deld to Mrs Washington by her desire 

ten Guineas 46.67 

pd for makg 12 Shirts and 12 Stocks for 

thePresdt 13.60 

pd for Sunds bot of Mr. Barnes to send 

to Virga by Col. Griffin by Mrs Wash- 

ington's desire 40.90 101.17 

Cash Dr. to the Treasy of the IT. S. 

reed for the use of the President . . . 1000. 

April 1st 

Sundries Dr. To Cash 

House Exps pd the following persons their 

wages in full to this date yiz. 

Mr. Fraunces 75. 

Mrs. Emerson 33.33 

John Gaceer 20. 

James Hurley 11. 

George Beard 21. 



Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 391 

Fanny Frink 10. 

Martha Charming 10. 

Eliza Warner 10. 

Katy Bowers 10. 

Katy Jacobus 10. 210.33 

Do. pd two women for work — one 5 J 

days and one 2 days @ 3/ per day, 

employ d by M. Fraunces 3. 

Saml Fraunces deld him for the use of 

the House 126.35 

Contgt Exps gave a poor woman by order 2. 
do. gave to Molly & Oney to see the 

tumbling feats 1. 342.68 

2d 

Contgt Exps Dr. To Cash 

pd for a bottle of Chalybeate wine for 

Miss Custis .75 

4th 

Sundries Dr. To Cash 

Stable Exp pd for shoeing horses to 

April 1st 17.12 

Contgt Exp. pd J. Robinson for sundry 

Jobs of Smith Work done in the House 8.27 
do. deld to G-. S. Washington to pay his 

[Music Master & to buy fiddle strings . 5. 
Mr. H. Lewis pd him on Acct Salary . 6. 36.39 

6th 

Contgt Exps Dr. To Cash 

pd for washing — mending lace for Mrs. 

Washington 7.12 

gave a blind man by Mr. Washington's 

desire 1. 

pd Mr. Cenas for instructg Miss Custis 

in dancing 9.33 

pd Mr. Winstanley for two painting of 

Views on the [North River — 30 Guineas 140. 157.45 



*v 



392 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

8th 

Contgt Exps Dr. To Cash 

pd Barteau in full of his Acct for Chairs 

£c 17.01 

- deld G. S. Washington to pay for ser- 
mons bot. by him for Mrs. Washington 4.00 
deld to L. "Washington to buy Night Caps 1. 22.01 

9th 

Sundries Dr. To Cash 

Saml Fraunees deld him for the use of 

the House 107.95 

House Exp pd S. Fraunees for a marble 
slab & sundry tin pans bot by him, as 
he says by Mrs Washington's order . 26.80 

Contgt Exps gave a poor woman, by order 1.50 

Do. pd for large fan for Mrs. Washington .33 

Do. pd for a book for G. W. P. Custis 

call'd the Tutor's Aest 50 137.08 

11th 

Sundry Exps Dr. To Cash 

House Exps pd for 11 J Cords Wood, 

hauling, piling &c 31.65 

Contgt, Exps deld to G. S. Washington 
to pay for beer & Porter for himself k 

brother 10.91 42.56 

Cash Dr. to the Treasy of the TJ. S. 

reed for the use of the President . . 1000.00 

12th ■ 

Contgt Exps Dr. to Cash 

pd for 2 fans for Mrs Washington . . .62 

18th 

Contgt Exp3 Dr. to Cash 

pd for a pair Shoes for Moll .... 1.33 



Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 893 



15th 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Saml Fraunces delivered to him for the 

use of the House . 96.33 

ContgtExps pd Mr. Manley for Shoes for 

Miss Custis 2. 64 98.97 

16th 



Contgt Exps Dr. to Cash 

pd Mr. Macy for dressing Mrs. Wash- 
ington 6 mos & Sunds. furnished by 
him 53.14 

deld G. S. Washington to pay his own & 

Laurence's board to the first of Apl . 93.33 

do. pd Richd Courtney his Acct of Tay- 
lor's work done for the family . . . 226.83 373.30 

17th 

Sundy Exps Dr. to Cash 

Contgt Exps pd for a wheel barrow for 

the use of the Stables 3.27 

do. pd for 2J- yds Mantua for Mrs. Wash- 
ington 4. 

do. pd Js Starr & Son in full for boots & 

Shoes to this date 21.40 

do. deld L Washington to pay for clean- 
shoes for himself and brother ... 2. 
Stable Exps pd for 23 bushl Oats @ 2/9 . 8.43 39.10 



19th 



Sundy Exps Dr. to Cash 

House Exps pd Erancis Zache a month's 

wages 7. 

do. pd Katy Bowers in full of her wages 
to the 16th Inst, when she quitted the 

famy 2.50 

Contgt Exps paid for Russia Sheeting, viz. 
2 ps. contg 42 yds @ 5.15 



* v 



394 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 



2 do. contg do @ 5.19 

1 do contg 69 yds @ 6.2 

1 do. contg do. @ 016 

Total £66.10.6 ...... 

one piece Irish. Sheeting 54 yds @ 5/ . 

one pc. Diaper @ 2/8 for 27 yards . . 

20th 



177.40 

36. 
9.60 



Sundry Exps Dr. to Cash. 

Stable Exps pd ¥m Crouch for 21 cwt 

Hav & weighs: 8 loads 

Contgt Exps gave to a poor woman . 
do. pd for keeping a horse 2 days & 

nights 



19.66 
1. 



n& 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Saml Fraunces deld him for the use of 

the House • . 

Contgt Exps deld to Mrs. Emerson to 

buy thread to make sheets .... 
do. pd freight of books by the Ariadnee 

(the Bee.) 50 

23d 



133.23 



1. 



232.50 



.90 21.56 



134.73 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Contgt Exps gave a poor blind man . . 2.00 
do. deld Mr. Dand ridge to pay for 6 vols. 

same History bot. by him for Mrs. 

Washington 6. 

do. deld to Dr Collins J part of the 

President's Subs towards enabling M. 

Micheau to explore the Western Coun- 

trv to the South Sea 25. 

af 

Mr. B. Dandridge pd him on Acct of 
Salary 25. 

Mr. H. Lewis pd him on Acct. of Salary 8. 66.00 



Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 395 

94th 

Contgt Exp3 Dr. to Cash 

pd for 8 tickets for the Circus .... 8. 
pd freight on 6 barrels of Cyder from 
Few York 2. 10. 

85th 

Cash Dr. to the Treasy of the U. S. 

received for the use of the President . 1000. 

26ih 

Sundry Exps Dr. to Cash 

Stable Exps pd for 25 bushls Oats @ 2/8 8.88 
do. pd for 18 cwt. Hay @ 6 pr ton . . 14.80 
Contgt Exps deld to G. S. Washington 

to buy tickets for the Hotel Lottery . 30. 53.68 

29th 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Mr. Howel Lewis deld him on acct of 

Salary to pay his Taylor's Acct . . 85.15 
Saml Fraunces deld him for the use of 

the House 131.02 

Mr B. Dandridge pd him on Acct of 

Salary 2. 

House Exps pd 10 \ Cords Hickory 

wood, hauling piling &c 51.51 269.68 

30th 

Sundy Exp3 Dr. to Cash 

House Exps pd Amy for 4 weeks work 

as Ho maid 4.75 

Contgt Exps pd for 4 pr. Stockings for 

G. W. P. Custis ....... 2.30 

do. gave to a poor woman 1. 8.05 

May 1st 

Sundy Exps Dr. to Cash 

Stable Eps. pd for 64 bush Oats . . . 23.53 
House Exp; pd Jas. Hurley in full of his 

waores to this date . . . . . ... 14. 37.53 



'O 



896 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

S d 

House Exps Dr. to Cash 

pd. Polly Charming a months wages . . 5. 

pd. Geo. Meade Esq for a pipe of wine 

shipped by Jno M. Pintard on board 

the Illustrious President Capt Butler 

k gone to Et Indies £38. etg. 

freight 26.5. 291.27 
■ 4th ■ 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

House Exp. pd Fanny Frink a months 

wages 5. 

do pd Patrick Kennedy two mo. wages . 20. 
Contgt Exp. gave a poor woman by Mrs. 

Ws desire 2. 

Mr. H. Lewis pd him on acct. of Salary . 13. 40. 

■ ■ 6th 

Contgt Exps Dr. to Cash 

pd for music for Miss Custis .... 2. 

pd Mr. H. Lewis amt of his Exps from 
Mt Vernon to Fredksbg on the Presi- 
dent's business last Summer . . . . 8.12 

deld L. A. Washington to pay the barber 
k shoe bill for himself & brother . . 5. 

pd Mr Fenno for 6 mos of the Gazette 

of the U. S. . 3. 18.12 

7th 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Contgt Exps deld to L. A. Washington 

to buy 4 pr. thread & 4 pr. silk hose 

k 4 cravats 20. 

Saml Fraunces deld him to purchase 

Sunds for the House 123.68 

House Exp3 pd Dean Trimmers for soap 

k Candles 36.94 180.62 



V*V 



Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 397 

8th 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Contgt Exps deld to L. A. Washington 

in addition for hose .62 

do. pd for a pr. of Stockings for Martin 1. 

do pd for a "bible hot by Mrs. Washing- 
ton for Miss M. Custis 2.90 

Mr. B. Dandridge pd him on Acct of 
Salary 15. 

Saml Fraunces deld him to purchase 
Sundr for the Ho 20. 

House Exps pd Dean Trimmers for soap 

k Candles had in March last . . . 31.71 71.23 



10th 



Sundry Exps Dr. to Cash 

Contgt Exps pd towards building a 

church in Martintown 4.66 

House Exps pd Mr Boudinot for 5 bbls. 

Cyder 26. 80.66 

11th 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Mr. H. Lewis pd him on Acct. of Salary 8. 
Contgt. Exps deld Mr. Dandridge to pay 

for a locket for Mrs. W 12. 

do. deld to Mrs. Washington .... 20. 
do. pd for No. 1 Carey's Geograpy . . .25 
do. pd Mr. Reynolds in full for pictures 

frames & Mirrors 86.83 

do. pd Mary Rhodes for marking habits 

and Jackets for Miss E. Custis . . . 5.6 
do. pd Dr. Shippen his Acct for advice 

k attendance on L. A. Washington . 10. 142.14 
Cash Dr. to The Treasury of the U. S. 

received for the use of the President . . 2000. 



398 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 
ISth 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

'Contgt Exps pd D. Breintnall for shoes for 

Mrs. Washington 11.92 

do. pd Whitesides & Collier for 3 yds 
muslin for do 2. 

do. pd Chs Kirkharn for 10 J yds muslin 

for Mr. W 12.82 

do. pd Mrs llamelin for teachg Miss 

• Custis French 16.70 

do. gave to the sufferers by the late fire 
in 3d strt 20. 

do. deld to G. S. "Washington to pur- 
chase 4 pr. thread, 4 pr. Silk hose & 2 
Cravats 18.33 

Saml Fraunces deld him to purchase 

Sunds for the Ho 123.96 

House Exps pd B. AY. Morris for 6J 

Gross porter 108.94 

do. pd E k I. Pennington for 288 lbs 

Sugar 78.31 

do. pd H. Sheaff for Claret Tea k Spirits 123.02 

do. pd for 112 lbs Starch 9.33 525.33 

15th 

Sundry Exps Dr. to Cash 

Stable Exps pd for 30 bushl Oats . . . 11.33 
Contgt Exps deld to the Presdt to give 

Capt Elhatthan 2 Gs 11.67 

do. pd for 14J yds Check for Mrs. Wash- 
ington's maids . , 4.90 

do. pd for a ticket for Miss Custis to go 

to the Circus with Mrs. Morris ... 1. 28.90 

17th 

Sundry Exps Dr. to Cash 

Contgt Exps pd Mr. Mervin a qtr tuition 

of G. W. P. Custis 13.25 

Stable Exps pd for 132 bundles Straw . 6. 19.25 



Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 399 
■ 18th 



Sundries Exps Dr. to Cash 

Contgt Exps pd for mending shirts for 

Presdt & makg 10 pr. Sheets . . . 7.20 
do deld to L. A. Washington to buy 

paper and quills 1. 

Mr. B. Dandridge pd him on Acet of 

Salary 5. 

House Exps pd Mary Bailey one mos 

wages 5. 18.20 

20th 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Contg Exp. gave an old Sergeant, by 

the Presidents' order 2.33 

do pd Chimney Sweep acct 8.27 

do pd for 8 pr. gloves for Mrs. Wash- 
ington 2. 

do deld L. Washington to pay subs, to 

Carey's Geograpy .50 

Samuel Fraunces deld him to purchase 

Sunds for the Ho 138.68 

House Exp. pd Francis Leechs a mo3 
wages , 7. 

Mr. Howell Lewis pd him on acct of 

salary 8.13 166.91 



21st 



Contg Exps Dr. to Cash 

pd. for 17 yds mantua for Mrs. Wash- 
ington 20.97 

pd. for making 26 towels 84 

pd. Mrs. Washington Subsn to the Ladies 

Magazine 1. 22.81 

m& 



Stable Exp. Dr. to Cash 

pd for 177J bushls Oats at 2/10 . . . 67.05 



*v 



400 Washington's Household Account Book, 1798-1797. 

$8d 

Contg Exp. Dr. to Cash 

pd John Phile for 48 napkins & two ps 

Diaper for table Cloths pr. acct. . . 162.78 
pd Jas. Mo Al pin's taylors Acct for G. S. 

Washington from Xov. to this time . 75.96 
pd do for L. A. Washington . . : . 56.30 295.04 

Sundy Exp. Dr. to Cash 

Contg Exp. pd for Swinton's travels for 

G. W. P. Custis 2. 

do. gave a poor woman 1. 

House Exp. pd John Gaceer a mos Wages 10. 13. 

25th 

Sundy Exp. Dr. to Cash 

Stable Exps pd for 100 bundles Straw . 4. 

House Exps pd hire of a washwoman 4 

days 1.60 

Contg Exp. pd. Mrs. Larbet for Mrs. 

Washington 5.67 

do. deld to G. S. Washington to pay 
board of himself & brother to 1st of 
June 62.22 

do. deld to do. to pay his Expns to Vir- 
ginia &c 30. 103.49 

27th 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Samuel Fraunces deld him to purchase 

Sunds for the Ho 138.83 

Contg Exp. pd for fixing the awnings for 

the windows of the President's room . 1. 139.83 

29th 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Stable Exp pd for 6 bushl Shorts ... 2. 
The President's Acct proper pd for a pr. 

Scales sent to Mount Vernon . . . 12.98 



Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 401 

Contg Exp pd for 7J yds Mantua for 

Mrs Washington 10.83 

do pd for a yd baize to rub the horses . .33 26.14 

• 80th - 



Sundries Br. to Cash 

Con tg Exp. pd for 17 yds dimity, 1 p. 

Chintz 9£ yds toweling for Mrs. W. . 19.33 
do deld to L. A. Washington to pay for 

cleans: shoes & to buy Gil Bias in 

freneh 5. 

The President's Acct proper pd for 

weights sent to Mount Vernon . . . 11.60 35.93 

June 1st 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Mr Dandridge pd him on acct of Salary 10. 

House Exp. pd Mary Fessinger a month's 
wages 5. 

Contg Exp. pd subsn to Carey's Geogra- 
phy for G. S. Washington Fo 111-rIV .50 

do pd from Xo 1 to IsTo 4 for the Presi- 
dent's and Mrs Washington, one sett 
each 2. 

do lent Dr Benj. S. Burton by the Presi- 
dent's order to be repaid in one month 60. 

do gave to a porter who brot a box from 

a vessel .12 

The President's Acct. proper pd Dr Bass 

for Medicines sent to Mt Vernon . . 41.33 118.95 



3d 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Saml Eraunces deld him to purchase 

Sunds for Ho 128.98 

Contg Exp. pd the hairdresser for G. & 

L. Washington . 4. 132.98 

vox,, xxix. — 26 



*v 



402 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

tlh 

Mr B Dandridge Dr. to Cash 

paid you on acct salary 8. 

5th 

Cash Br to the Treasy of the U. S. 

receiyed for the use of the President . 1000. 

6th 

Sundy Exp. Dr. to Cash 

Contg Exp. pd Mrs Smart for Sundr for 

Mrs Washington 56.03 

do pd for 4 pr Stockings for Austin . . 4.11 

House Exp. pd a woman for washing 6J 

days @ 3/ . . . 2.60 62.74 

7t h 

Sundry Dr. to Cash 

Contg Exp. deld to G. S. Washington to 

pay 6 mos sub. to Brown's paper . . 3. 
House Exp pd Lewis List a months wages 7. 
Mr H. Lewis pd him on acct of Salary . 2. 12. 

8ih 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Contg Exp. pd for 4 pr silk stockings for 

the President 9. 

do pd for a crape hot for the President 

in Feby last - . . . S6 

do pd F. Hurley for washing for G & L. 

Washington 4 mos 14.69 

do pd for x yol of Encyclopedia ... 5. 
do deld to L. Washington to pay to 

jESTo yiii of Carey's Geography ... 1. 
do gaye a poor man by order .... 1. 
do pd Mess' D & F. Clark in adyance for 

the Presidt Phaeton 100. 



Washington's Household Account Bool; 1793-1797. 403 

House Exp pd Messrs Xixon & Foster 
Duties on a pipe of wine reed of them 
in Augt last 36.05 

The President's acct proper pd for 3024 

large Nails sent to Mt Vernon . . . 36.76 205.16 

10th 

Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Saml Fraunces deld him to purchase 

Sunds for the Ho 158.77 

Contgt Exp. pd Mr. Claypoole a years 

subs for his paper ending 1st June . 8. 

do gave a poor woman 1.10 

do pd drayage of 6 loads to a vessel 

bound to Alexa 1.50 

do pd Capt Ellwood freight of Sundr to 

Mt Vernon . . 12.38 

Mr B. Dandridge pd him on aect of salary 10. 

The President's Acct. proper pd for 442 

lb clover seed @ 9Jc 41.99 

one Ton Iron 85.33 

1 Cask of 20d & 1 of 12d nails . . . 51.74 

2 bars Steel wt . 2 . 23 6.58 

Drayage of the above .86 

House Exp pd Fanny Fink her wages in 

full to 24 May . 4.50 382.75 

12th 

Contg Exp Dr. to Cash 

pd Capt Jenney for bringing a Horse 

from Trenton for the President to see 5. 
Gave an old German Doct. by order, who 

had served in the Southern Army . . 3. 
pd Dr Bass his Acct in full for medicine 

furnished the family for one year . . 61.99 69.99 

13th 

Cash Dr. to the Treasury of U. S. 

received for the use of the President . . 1000. 



*v 



404 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

13th - 

Contg Exps. Dr. to Cash 

pd M. Duplain for teaching Miss Custis 

french 3.33 

deld L A Washington for 6 weeks pocket 

money 6. 

pd for thread for Mrs. Washington , . 3.24 12.57 



Uth 



Contg Exp. Dr. to Cash 

gave to a poor woman by order . . . 

15th 



Sunds Dr. to Cash 

Mr. H. Lewis pd him on acct of salary . 5. 
Contg Exp. deld to L A Washington to 

to pay his shoe black .50 5.50 

17th 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Saml Fraunces deld to him to purchase 

Sunds for the Ho 149.75 

Contg Exp. pd for 2 India patterns for 

Mrs Washington 6. 

do pd for 6 tickets to admit the family 

to see Mr Blanchard's parachute . . 5. 158.75 



18th 



Contg Exp Dr. to Cash 

pd I. Bringhurst for a set of china . . 211. 
gave Mr. Trumbull's servant who bro't 

pictures .50 

pd for shoes for Miss Custis . . . . 11.31 
pd for the Dc Ion [?] two sticks for Miss 

Custie 67 223.48 



v* V 



Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 405 

19th 

Contg Exp. Dr. to Cash 

* pd Danl Hurting for altering a muff, 

trimming a cloak ko, for Mrs. Wash- 

ington in Jany 1792 2. 

pd for a ruled book for music for Miss 

Custis , . . . . 1.67 3.67 



21st 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Contg Exp. pd Geo. Butz for shoes, slip- 
pers &c by Mrs Washington's direction 5.47 
Mr. II. Lewis pd him on acct of Salary . 25. 30.47 

22d 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Contg. Exp. pd D. Clark in part for the 

President's Phaeton 100. 

do pd for Ko VII Carey's Geography for 

the President & Mrs Washington ... .50 
do del. L. A Washington to pay do for 

himself & for George also .... .50 
House Exp. pd Wm. Osborne in acct wages 25. 
Mr H. Lewis pd him on acct of Salary . . .25 126.25 

$4ih 



Sundries Dr. to Cash 

Saml Fraunces del. him to purchase Sund 

for the House 152.35 

Contg. Exp. pd for !No. VI of Carey's Geog. 

for the President & Mrs Washington . .50 
do pd for do for G. S. Washington ... .25 
do gave to a poor woman by order ... 1. 
do gave to Mrs Washington's maids to go 

to the Circus 1. 

Mr B. Dandridge pd him on acct of Salary 25. 180.10 



*v 



406 Washington's Household Account Book, 1793-1797. 

mth 

Sundry Exp. Dr to Cash 

~- Coutg. Exp. pel for a "Willow-Eat for the 

President 1.67 

do del. Lewis List for ferrage pd by him 

going to Mr Penns 33 

do pd for 2 pr. Kankeen gloves for the 

President .....* 1.12 

do pd for a thimble & pr earrings for Xelly 

Custis 5.67 

House Exp. pd for a woman working this 

week . . 2.50 11.29 



29th 



Sundries Dr to Cash 

Contg Exp. pd for Xo 8 Carey's Geog for 

the President & Mrs "Washington . . . .50 
do del to L. A. Washington to buy a Hat 1.67 
Mr. H Lewis pd him on aect of Salary . . .50 2.67 

(To be continued.) 



Narrative of Marie Le Boy and Barbara Leininger. 407 



THE NARRATIVE OF MARIE LE ROY AXD BAEBAEA 
LEIXIXGEE, FOE TIIEEE YEARS CAPTIYES AATOXG- 
THE INDIANS. 

[In the library of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania is a rare 
little pamphlet, Die | Erzehlungen | von | Maria le Roy | und 
Barbara Leininger. | Welche vierthalb Jahr unter den In | dianern 
gefangen gewesen, und am 6 ten May | in dieser Stadt gliicklich 
angekommen. | Aus iln - em eignen Munde nie der geschrieben unci | zum 
Druck betordcrt. | Philadelphia gedruckt und zu haben in der teut 
| sehen Buchdruckerey das Stuck vor 6 Pentz. | M.DCCLIX. | which 
gives an account of the captivity and escape of these two girls, whose 
families lived on Penn's Creek, in the present Union County, Penna. 
The translation was made by the late Rt. Rev. Edmund de Schweinitz, 
of Bethlehem, and the few annotations by the Ed. Pexxa. Mag.] 

Marie le Roy was born at Brondrut, in Switzerland. 
About live years ago she arrived, with her parents, in this 
country. They settled fifteen miles from Fort Sehamockin. 1 
Half a mile from their plantation lived Barbara Leininger 
with her parents, who came to Pennsylvania from Reut- 
lingen, about ten years ago. 2 

Early in the morning of the 16 th of October, 1755, while 
le Roy's hired man went out to fetch the cows, he heard the 
Indians shooting six times. Soon after, eight of them came 
to the house, and killed Marie le Roy's father with toma- 
hawks. Her brother defended himself desperately, for a 
time, but was, at last, overpowered. The Indians did not 
kill him, but took him prisoner, together -with Marie le 
Roy and a little girl, who was staying with the family. 
Thereupon they plundered the homestead, and set it on fire. 
Into this fire they laid the body of the murdered father, feet 
foremost, until it was half consumed. The upper half was 

*Jean Jarmes Le Roy came to Pennsylvania on the ship Phoenix, Capt. 
R. Horner, from Rotterdam via Cowes, Nov. 22, 1752. 

'Sebastian Leininger, aged 50, with his family, arrived Sept. 16, 
174S, on the ship Patience, Capt. John Brown. 



s*V 



408 Narrative of Marie Le Boy and Barbara Leiningcr. 

left lying on the ground, with the two tomahawks, with 
which they had killed him, sticking in his head. Then they 
..jrindled another fire, not far from the house. While sitting 
around it, a neighbour of le Roy, named Bastian, happened 
to pass hy on horseback. He was immediately shot down 
and scalped. 

Two of the Indians now went to the house of Barbara 
Leininger, where they found her father, her brother, 1 and 
her sister Regina. Her mother had gone to the mill. They 
demanded rum ; but there was none in the house. Then 
they called for tobacco, which was given them. Having 
filled and smoked a pipe, they said : " "We are Alleghany 
Indians, and your enemies. You must all die ! " There- 
upon they shot her father, tomahawked her brother, who 
was twenty years of age, took Barbara and her sister Regina 
prisoners, and conveyed them into the forest for about a 
mile. There they were soon joined by other Indians, with 
Marie le Roy and the little girl. 

j^ot long after several of the Indians led the prisoners to 
the top of a high hill, near the two plantations. Toward 
evening the rest of the savages returned with six fresh and 
bloody scalps, which they threw at the feet of the poor 
captives, saying that they had a good hunt that day. 

The next morning we were taken about two miles further 
into the forest, while the most of the Indians again went 
out to kill and plunder. Toward evening they returned 
with nine scalps and five prisoners. 

On the third day the whole band came together and di- 
vided the spoils. In addition to large quantities of provis- 
ions, they had taken fourteen horses and ten prisoners, 
namely : One man, one woman, five girls, and three boys. 
"We two girls, as also two of the horses, fell to the share of 
an Indian named Galasko. 

We traveled with our new master for two days. He was 
tolerably kind, and allowed us to ride all the way, while he 
and the rest of the Indians walked. Of this circumstance 
Mohn Conrad Leininger. 



*v 



Narrative of Marie Le Boy and Barbara Lcininger. 409 

Barbara Leininger took advantage, and tried to escape. 
But she was almost immediately recaptured, and condemned 
to be burned alive. The savages gave her a French Bible, 
which they had taken from le Roy's house, in order that she 
might prepare for death; and, when she told them that she 
could not understand it, they gave her a German Bible. 
Thereupon they made a large pile of wood and set it on 
fire, intending to put her into the midst of it. But a young 
Indian begged so earnestly for her life that she was par- 
doned, after having promised not to attempt to escape 
again, and to stop her crying. 

The next day the whole troop was divided into two 
bands, the one marching in the direction of the Ohio, the 
other, in which we were with Galasko, to Jenkiklamuhs, 1 a 
Delaware town on the West branch of the Susquehanna. 
There we staid ten days, and then proceeded to Puncksoto- 
nay, 2 or Eschentown. Marie le Roy's brother was forced to 
remain at Jenkiklamuhs. 

After having rested for five days at Puncksotonay, we 
took our way to Kittanny. 3 As this was to be the place ot 
our permanent abode, we here received our welcome, accord- 
ing to Indian custom. It consisted of three blows each, on 
the back. They were, however, administered with great 
mercy. Indeed, we concluded that we w T ere beaten merely 
in order to keep up an ancient usage, and not with the in- 
tention of injuring us. The month of December was the 
time of our arrival, and we remained at Kittanny until the 
month of September, 1756. 

The Indians gave us enough to do. We had to tan 
leather, to make shoes (mocasins), to clear land, to plant 
corn, to cut down trees and build huts, to wash and cook. 

1 ChinL-Iacamoose, the central point of the great " Chinklacamooee 
Path," on the present site of Clearfield. 

*Punx$utawny } in Jefferson County. 

x Kittan7iing, in Armstrong County, through which passed the great 
trail, by which the Indians of the West communicated with those of the 
Susquehanna country. 



*v 



410 Narrative of Marie Le Boy and. Barbara Lcininger. 

The want of provisions, however, caused us the greatest 
sufferings. During all the time that we were at Kittannv we 
had neither lard nor salt; and, sometimes, we were forced to 
live on acorns, roots, grass, and hark. There was nothing 
in the world to make this new sort of food palatable, except- 
ing hunger itself. 

In the month of September Col. Armstrong arrived with 
his men, and attacked Kittannv Town. 1 Both of us hap- 
pened to he in that part of it which lies on the other (right) 
side of the river (Alleghany). We were immediately con- 
veyed ten miles farther into the interior, in order that we 
might have no chance of trying, on this occasion, to escape. 
The savaees threatened to kill us. If the English had ad- 
vanced, this might have happened. For, at that time, the 
Indians were greatly in dread of Col. Armstrong's corps. 
After the English had withdrawn, we were again brought 
back to Kittanny, which town had been burned to the 
ground. 

There we had the mournful opportunity of witnessing the 
cruel end of an English woman, who had attempted to flee out 
of her captivity and to return to the settlements with Col. 
Armstrong. Having been recaptured by the savages, and 
brought back to Kittanny, she was put to death in an un- 
heard of way. First, they scalped her; next, they laid 
burning splinters of wood, here and there, upon her body ; 
and then they cut off her ears and fingers, forcing them into 
her mouth so that she had to swallow them. Amidst such 
torments, this woman lived from nine o'clock in the morn- 
ing until toward sunset, when a French officer took com- 
passion on her, and put her out of her misery. An English 
soldier, on the contrary, named John . . . . , who escaped 
from prison at Lancaster, and joined the French, had a 
piece of flesh cut from her body, and ate it. "When she 
was dead, the Indians chopped her in two, through the 
middle, and let her lie until the dogs came and devoured her. 

'In August of 1756, Col. John Armstrong fitted out his expedition at 
Fort Shirley. The Delaware war-chief, Capt. Jacobs, lived in the town. 



*v 



Narrative of Marie Lc Boy and Barbara Leininger. 411 

Three days later an Englishman was brought in, who had, 
likewise, attempted to escape, with Col. Armstrong, and 
burned alive in the same village. His torments, however, 
continued only about three hours; but his screams were 
frightful to listen to. It rained that day very hard, so that 
the Indians could not keep up the fire. Hence they began 
to discharge gunpowder into his body. At last, amidst his 
worst pains, when the poor man called for a drink of water, 
they brought him melted lead, and poured it down his 
throat. This draught at once helped him out of the hands 
of the barbarians, for he died on the instant. 

It is easy to imagine what an impression such fearful in- 
stances of cruelty make upon the mind of a poor captive. 
Does he attempt to escape from the savages, he knows in 
advance that, if retaken, he will be roasted alive. Hence he 
must compare two evils, namely, either to remain among 
them a prisoner forever, or to die a cruel death. Is he fully 
resolved to endure the latter, then he may run away with 
a brave heart. 

Soon after these occurrences we were brought to Fort 
Duquesne, where we remained for about two months. "We 
worked for the French, and our Indian master drew our 
wages. In this place, thank God, we could again eat bread. 
Half a pound was given us daily. We might have had 
bacon, too, but we took none of it, for it was not good. In 
some respects we were better off than in the Indian towns ; 
we could not, however, abide the French. They tried hard 
to induce us to forsake the Indians and stay with them, 
making us various favourable offers. But we believed that 
it would be better for us to remain among the Indians, in as 
much as they would be more likely to make peace with the 
English than the French, and in as much as there would be 
more ways open for flight in the forest than in a fort. 
Consequently we declined the offers of the French, and ac- 
companied our Indian master to Sackum, 1 where we epent 
the winter, keeping house for the savages, who were continu- 
x SauhunJc8 } 8 miles below Logstown. 



v% V 



412 Narrative of Marie Le Boy and Barbara Lcininger. 

ally on the hunt. In the spring we were taken to Kaseh- 
kaschkung, an Indian town on the Beaver Creek. There 
,we again had to clear the plantations of the Indian nobles, 
after the German fashion, to plant corn, and to do other 
hard work of every kind. We remained at this place for 
about one year and a half. 

After having, in the past three years, seen no one of our 
own flesh and blood, except those unhappy beings, who, 
like ourselves, were bearing the voke of the heaviest slaverv, 
we had the unexpected pleasure of meeting with a Ger- 
man, who was not a captive, but free, and who, as we heard, 
had been sent into this neighbourhood to negotiate a peace 
between the English and the natives. IJis name was Fred- 
erick Post. 1 "We and all the other prisoners heartily wished 
him success and God's blessing upon his undertaking. We 
were, however, not allowed to speak with him. The Indians 
gave us plainly to understand that any attempt to do this 
would be taken amiss. He himself, by the reserve with 
which he treated us, let us see that this was not the time to 
talk over our afflictions. But we were greatly alarmed on 
his account. For the French told us that, if they caught 
him, they would roast him alive for five days, and many 
Indians declared that it was impossible for him to get safely 
through, that he was destined for death. 

Last summer the French and Indians were defeated by 
the English in a battle fought at Loyal-IIannon, 2 or Fort 
Ligonier. This caused the utmost consternation among 
the natives. They brought their wives and children from 
Lockstown, 3 Sackum, Schomingo, Mamalty, Kaschkasch- 
kung, and other places in that neighbourhood, to Mosch- 
kingo, 4 about one hundred and fifty miles farther west. 
Before leaving, however, they destroyed their crops, and 
burned everything which they could not carry with them. 

a Christian Frederick Post, the Moravian missionary. 

x Loyalhanna. 

% Log down. 

i Mu$J:ingum. 



*v 



Narrative of Marie Le Boy and Barbara Leininger. 413 

We had to go along, and staid at Moschkingo the whole 
winter. 

In February, Barbara Leininger agreed with an English- 
man, named David Breckenreach [Breckenridge], to escape, 
and gave her comrade, Marie le Boy, notice of their inten- 
tions. On account of the severe season of the year, and the 
long journey which lay before them, Marie strongly advised 
her to relinquish the project, suggesting that it should be 
postponed until spring, when the weather would be milder, 
and promising to accompany her at that time. 

On the last day of February nearly all the Indians left 
Moschkingo, and proceeded to Pittsburg to sell pelts. Mean- 
while, their women traveled ten miles up the country to 
gather roots, and we accompanied them. Two men went 
along as a guard. It was our earnest hope that the oppor- 
tunity for flight, so long desired, had now come. Accord- 
ingly, Barbara Leininger pretended to be sick, so that she 
might be allowed to put up a hut for herself alone. On the 
fourteenth of March, Marie le Roy was sent back to the 
town, in order to fetch two young dogs which had been left 
there ; and, on the same day, Barbara Leininger came out 
of her hut and visited a German woman, ten miles from 
Moschkingo. This woman's name is Mary . . . . , and she 
is the wife of a miller from the South Branch. 1 She had made 
every preparation to accompany us on our flight; but Bar- 
bara found that she had meanwhile become lame, and could 
not think of going along. She, however, gave Barbara the 
provisions which she had stored, namely, two pounds of 
dried meat, a quart of corn, and four pounds of sugar. 
Besides, she presented her with pelts for mocasins. More- 
over, she advised a young Englishman, Owen Gibson, to flee 
with us two girls. 

On the sixteenth of March, in the evening, Gibson reached 
Barbara Leininger's hut, and, at ten o'clock, our whole 
party, consisting of us two girls, Gibson, and David Breck- 
enreach, left Moschkingo. This town lies on a river, in the 
^outh Branch of the Potomac. 



v* V 



414 Narrative of Marie Le Boy and Barbara Leininger, 

country of the Dellamottinoes. We had to pass many huts 
inhabited by the savages, and knew that there were at least 
■sixteen dogs with them. In the merciful providence ot 
God not a single one of these doers barked. Their barking: 
would at once have betrayed us, and frustrated our de- 
sign. 

It is hard to describe the anxious fears of a poor woman 
under such circumstances. The extreme probability that 
the Indians would pursue, and recapture us, was as two to 
one compared with the dim hope that, perhaps, we would 
get through in safety. But, even if we escaped the Indians, 
how would we ever succeed in passing through the wilder- 
ness, unacquainted with a single path or trail, without a 
guide, and helpless, half naked, broken down by more than 
three years of hard slavery, hungry and scarcely any food, 
the season wet and cold, and many rivers and streams to 
cross? Under such circumstances, to depend upon one's 
own sagacity would be the worst of follies. If one could 
not believe that there is a God, who helps and saves from 
death, one had better let running away alone. 

We safely reached the river [Muskingum] . Here the first 
thought in all our minds was: ! that we were safely across ! 
And Barbara Leininger, in particular, recalling ejaculatory 
prayers from an old hymn, which she had learned in her 
youth, put them together, to suit our present circumstances, 
something in the following stvle : 

O bring us safely across this river ! 

In fear I cry, yea my soul doth quiver. 

The worst afflictions are now before me, 

Where'er I turn nought but death do I see. 

Alas, what great hardships are yet in store 

In the wilderness wide, beyond that shore ! 

It ha3 neither water, nor meat, nor bread, 

But each new morning something new to dread. 

Yet little sorrow would hunger me cost 

If but I could flee from the savage host, 

Which murders and fights and burns far and wide, 

While Satan himself is array'd on its side. 



Narrative of Marie Le Boy and Barbara Lciningcr. 415 

Should on us fall one of its cruel bands, 

Then help us, Great God, and stretch out Thy hands! 

In Thee will we trust, be Thou ever near, 

Art Thou our Joshua, we need not fear. 

Presently we found a raft, left by the Indians. Thanking 
God that He had himself prepared a way for us across these 
first waters, we got on hoard and pushed off. But we were 
carried almost a mile down the river before we could reach 
the other side. There our journey began in good earnest. 
Full of anxiety and fear, we fairly ran that whole night and 
all the next day, when we lay down to rest without ventur- 
ing to kindle a fire. Early the next morning, Owen Gibson 
fired at a bear. The animal fell, but, when he ran with hi3 
tomahawk to kill it, it jumped up and bit him in the feet, 
leaving three wounds. TTe all hastened to his assistance. 
The bear escaped into narrow holes, among the rocks, where 
we could not follow. On the third day, however, Owen 
Gibson shot a deer. We cut off the hind-quarters, and 
roasted them at night. The next morning he again shot a 
deer, which furnished us with food for that day. In the 
evening we got to the Ohio at last, having made a circuit of 
over one hundred miles in order to reach it. 

About midnight the two Englishmen rose and began to 
work at a raft, which was finished by morning. We got on 
board and safelv crossed the river. From the signs which 
the Indians had there put up we saw that we were about one 
hundred and fifty miles from Fort Duquesne. After a brief 
consultation we resolved, heedless of path or trail, to travel 
straight toward the rising of the sun. This we did for seven 
days. On the seventh we found that we had reached the 
Little Beaver Creek, and were about fifty miles from 
Pittsburgh. 

And now, that we imagined ourselves so near the end of 
all our troubles and misery, a whole host of mishaps came 
upon us. Our provisions were at an end; Barbara Leinin- 
ger fell into the water and was nearly drowned; and, worst 
misfortune of all ! Owen Gibson lost his flint and steel. 



*v 



416 Narrative of Mark Le Boy and Barbara Leininger. 

Hence we had to spend four nights without fire, amidst rain 
and snow. 

On the last day of March we came to a river, Alloquepy, 1 
about three miles below Pittsburg. Here we made a raft, 
which, however, proved to be too light to carry us across. 
It threatened to sink, and Marie le Roy fell off, and narrowly 
escaped drowning. We had to put back, and let one of our 
men convey one of us across at a time. In this way we 
reached the Monongahella River, on the other side of Pitts- 
burg, the same evening. 

Upon our calling for help, Col. [Hugh] Mercer immediately 
sent out a boat to bring us to the Fort. At first, however, the 
crew created many difficulties about taking us on board. 
They thought we were Indians, and wanted us to spend the 
night where we were, saying they would fetch us in the 
morning. When we had succeeded in convincing them 
that we were English prisoners, who had escaped from the 
Indians, and that we were wet and cold and hungry, they 
brought us over. There was an Indian with the soldiers in 
the boat. He asked us whether we could speak good In- 
dian ? Marie le Roy said she could speak it. Thereupon 
he inquired, why she had run away? She replied, that 
her Indian mother had been so cross and had scolded 
her so constantly, that she could not stay with her any 
longer. 

This answer did not please him; nevertheless, doing as 
courtiers do, he said : He was very glad we had safely 
reached the Fort. 

It was in the night from the last of March to the first of 
April that we came to Pittsburg. Most heartily did we 
thank God in heaven for all the mercy which he showed 
us, for His gracious support in our weary captivity, for the 
courage which he gave us to undertake our flight, and to 
surmount all the many hardships it brought us, for letting 
us find the road which we did not know, and of which He 
alone could know that on it we would meet neither danger 

x AUegheney. 



Natrativc of Marie Le Boy and Barbara Leininger. 417 

nor enemy, and for finally bringing us to Pittsburgh to our 
countrymen in safety. 

N Colonel Mercer helped and aided us in every way which 
lay in his power. Whatever was on hand and calculated to 
refresh us was offered in the most friendly manner. The 
Colonel ordered for each of us a new chemise, a petticoat, a 
pair of stockings, garters, and a knife. After having spent 
a day at Pittsburg, we went, with a detachment under com- 
mand of Lieutenant Mile, 1 to Fort Ligonier. There the 
Lieutenant presented each of us with a blanket. On the 
fifteenth we left Fort Ligonier, under protection of Captain 
[Philip] AVeiser and Lieutenant Atly,' for Fort Bedford, 
where we arrived in the evening of the sixteenth, and re- 
mained a week. Thence, provided with passports by Lieu- 
tenant [Henry] Geiger, we traveled in wagons to Harris' 
Ferry, and from there, afoot, by way of Lancaster, to Phila- 
delphia. 

Owen Gibson remained at Fort Bedford, and David Breek- 
enreach at Lancaster. "We two girls arrived in Philadelphia 
on Sunday, the sixth of May. 

And now we come to the chief reason why we have given 
the foregoing narrative to the public. It is not done in 
order to render our own sufferings and humble history 
famous, but rather in order to serve the inhabitants of this 
country, by making them acquainted with the names and 
circumstances of those prisoners whom we met, at the various 
places where we were, in the course of our captivity. Their 
parents, brothers, sisters, and other relations will, no doubt, 
be glad to hear that their nearest kith and kin are still in 
the land of the living, and that they may, hence, entertain 
some hope of seeing them again in their own homes, if God 
permit. 

Maria Basket is at Kaschkaschkun^. She was taken 
prisoner on the Susquehanna, where her husband was killed. 

'Lieut. Samuel Miles, of the ''Augusta Regiment," Col. William 
Chapman. 

'Lieut. Samuel J. Atlee. 
vol. xxix. — 27 



418 Narrative of Marie Lc Roy and Barbara Lciningcr. 

She has two sons. The younger is with his mother; the 
elder is in a distant Indian town. 

Mary Basket's sister, — her name is Nancy Basket, — is at 
Sackum. 

Mary, Caroline, and Catharine Haeth, 1 three sisters, 
from the Blue Mountains. 

Anne Gray, who was captured at Fort Gransville, 2 is at 
Kaschkaschkung. AYe saw her daughter, hut she has been 
taken farther west by the Indians. 

John "Weissman, a young unmarried Englishman, about 
eighteen years of age, is now at Moschkingo. He is said to 
have been captured on the South Branch. 

Sarah Boy, David Boy, Bhode Boy, Thomas Boy, and 
James Boy, five children. The youngest is about five or six 
years old ; Sarah, the oldest, is about fifteen or sixteen years 
of age. Three years ago they were captured in Virginia. 

Nancy and Johanna Dacherty, two sisters, aged about 
ten and six years, captured at Conecocheague, and now in 
Kaschkaschkung. 

Eve Isaacs, William Isaacs, and Catharine Isaacs. Eve 
is a widow, and has a child of about four years with her. 
Her husband was killed by the Indians. William is about 
fourteen or fifteen years of age, and Catharine about twelve. 
They are Germans. Eve and her child, together with 
Catharine, are in Kaschkaschkung; William in Moschkingo. 
They were captured on the South Branch. 

Henry Seiffart, Elizabeth Seiffart, George Seiffart, 
Catharine Seiffart, and Maria Seiffart, brothers and 
sisters, Germans, captured about thirteen months ago, at 
Southport, in Virginia, are now at Kaschkaschkung and 
Moschkingo. 

Betty Rogers, an unmarried woman, with five or six 
brothers and sisters, of whom the youngest is about four 
years old, captured three and a half years ago, on the South 
Branch. 

1 Hoeth, of Northampton County. 

'Fort Granville, one mile west of Lewistown, on the Juniata. 



*v 



Narrative of Marie Le Roy and Barbara Lciningcr. 419 

Betty Frick, a girl about twenty-two years old, captured, 
three years ago, in Virginia, now in Kaschkaschkung. 
■a Fanny Flardy, from Virginia, married to a Frenchman. 
Her daughter, seven or eight years old, is at Kasch- 
kaschkung. 

Anna Brielinger, 1 wife of a German smith from Scho- 
moko, now at Kaschkaschkung. 

Peter Lixe's 2 two sons, John and "William, German 
children from Schomoko, now in Kitahohing. 

An old Englishman, or Irishman, whose surname we do 
not know, but whose Christian name is Dan, a cooper, 
captured on the Susquehanna, now in Kaschkaschkung. 
His wife and children are said to be in this country. 

Elizabeth, a young English woman, captured about a 
mile and a half from Justice Gulebret's [Galbraith] place, 
on the Swatara. Her child, which she took along, is dead. 
Her husband and other children are said to be living some- 
where in this country. She is at Kaschkaschkung. 

Marie Peck, a German woman, captured, two and a half 
years ago, in Maryland. Her husband and children are 
said to be living somewhere in this country. 

Margaret Brown, a German single woman, captured on 
the South Branch, in Virginia, now in the country of the 
Oschaschi, a powerful nation, living, it is said, in a land 
where there is no timber. 

Mary Ann Villars, from French Switzerland, a girl of 
fifteen years, was captured with Marie le Roy, has a brother 
and sister living near Lancaster. 

Sally "Wood, a single woman, aged eighteen or nineteen 
years, captured in Virginia, three and a half years ago, now 
in Sackum. 

Two young men, brothers, named Ixosr, the one about 
twenty, the other about fifteen years old, at Kaschkasch- 
kung. Their mother was sold to the French. 

*Wife of Jacob Brielinger who lived on Penn's Creek, below New 
Berlin, in Union County. 

■Peter Lick, of Perm's Creek. 



420 Narrative of Marie Le Roy and Barbara Lcminger. 

Mary Lory and James Lory, brother and sister, the first 
about fourteen, the second about twelve or thirteen years 
old, captured three years ago, at Fort Granville. 

Mary Taylor, an English woman, captured at Fort 
Granville, together with a °irl named Margaret. 

Margaret, the girl captured with the foregoing. 

We became acquainted with many other captives, men, 
women, and children, in various Indian towns, but do not 
know, or cannot remember their names. "We are, however, 
heartily willing to give to all such as have, or believe to 
have, connections among the Indians, any further informa- 
tion which may lie within our power. "We intend to go 
from here to Lancaster, where we may be easily found. 



*v 



d List of Freeholders } City and County of Burlington. 421 



"A LIST OF THE FFREEHOLDERS FOR THE CITY AND 
COUNTY OF BURLINGTON AND IN EACH RESPEC- 
TIVE TOWNSHIP TAKEN THIS 16 th DAY OF APRIL 
1745." 

CONTRIBUTED BY CARLOS E. GODFREY, M.D. 

[Copied from the original manuscript return of Thomas Hunloke, 
Sheriff of Burlington County, at Trenton, New Jersey.] 



John Allen Esq r 
Joseph Allinson 
Joseph Antrum 
John Antrum 
Joshua Barker 
Bennet Bard 
Daniel Bacon 
John Bacon 
Isaac Conarroe 
Silas Crispin 
Joseph Clewes 
Joseph Carlile 
Isaac DeCow Esq' 
Isaac DeCow Jun r 
John Deacon 
George Eyres 
Anthony Elton 
Robert Hartshorne 
Hugh Hartshorne 
W m Hewlings 
Samuel Hunt 
James Inskeep 
Obadiah Ireton 
John Kemble 
Aaron Lovett 



City of Burlington. 

William Lyndon 
Josiah Matlock 
Isaac Pearson 
Joseph Pearson 
Ralph Peart 
Nicholas Powell 
Caleb Raper Esq r 
Joshua Raper 
Joseph Rose 
Thomas Rodman 
Peter Rose 
John Rodgers 
Thomas Rodders 
Richard Smith Esq r 
Richard Smith jun r Esq' 
Daniel Smith Esq r 
Robert Smith Esq r 
Samuel Smith 
Thomas Shaw 
Thomas Shreeive 
Elnathan Stevenson 
"William Skeels 
Thomas Scattergood 
Thomas Scott 
Henry Scott 



422 A List of Freeholders, City and County of Burlington. 



Jonathan Scott 
Robert Sutton 
Joseph Thomas 
James Verree 
Richard Wright 
Frettwell Wright 

TJie Township 
Joshua Shrieve 
Ffrancis Vinakum 
W* Stockton 
John Stockton 
Zebulon Gaunt 
Tho' Staples jun r 
Tho 8 Staples 
Henry Cooper 
Tho 5 Earl 
John Croshaw 
Joseph Biddle 
Hugh Cowperthwait 
W m Atkinson 
Jonathan Housdi 
Michael Atkinson 
Caleb Shreive 
John West 
Thomas Foster 
Abraham Merriott 
W m Shinn 



Joseph White 
Thomas Wetherill 
Christopher Wetherell 
Stephen Williams 
Paul Watkinson. 



of Springfield. 
Obediah Eldridere 
James LongstafF 
Job Lippincott 
Isaac Antrum 
Nathan Fohvell 
Edward Tonkin 
Job Ridgway 
Daniel Zelley 
Jo 8 Atkinson 
John Atkinson 
Joshua Owen 
James Antrum 
Daniel Haines 
Walter Harbert 
John Butcher 
[Nathaniel Wilkinson 
John Ffenimore 
Benj n Ivemble 
Joseph Lamb. 



The Township 

Isaac Horner 

Preserve Brown (Merch*) 

Robert Field 

Joshua Quicks ell 

Joseph Shreive 

Joseph English 

(torn) Imley Esq r 



of Mansfield. 

Nathaniel Potts 
Isaac Bolton 
William Ham ell 
W m English 
John Jackson 
W m Fohvell 
Henry Allen 



A List of Freeholders , City and County of Burlington. 423 



Francis Ellis 
Thomas Tuley 
•Godfrey Hancock 
Josiah Wright 
Parnal Clayton 
Jobc Ridgway 
John Pan coast 
John Harvey 
George Folwell 
"William Hancock 
Isaac Gibbs 
John Gibbs 
John King 
Hugh Hutchins 
John Curtis 
Joseph Pancoast 
Benj n Shreive 
Barzilla Kewbold 
Richard French 
Isaac Ivins 



Eber DeCow 
Isaac DeCow 
Joseph Arinson 
David Rockhill 
Benj n Tallman 
Michael Butsing 
John Butting 
Joseph Pope 
Joshua Scattergood 
Caleb Scattergood 
Francis Gibbs 
John Antrum 
Jo (torn) 
Jobe Tallman 
John Hamell 
John Folwell 
Robert Rockhill 
John Rockhill 
William French. 



William Cook Esq r 
William Bunting 
William Black 
William Taylor 
William Quicksell 
John Sikes 
John Warren 
John Bunting 
John Taylor 
John Beck 
John Forsyth 
John Thorn 
John Rockhill 
John Schooley 
Anthony Woodward 



The Township of Chesterfield. 

Anthony Bunting 
Mathew Watson 
Marmaduke Watson 
Safety Borden Esq* 
Tho' Folks 
Ephraim Lockwood 
Joseph Borden (Merch*) 
Joseph Reckless 
Joseph Thorn 
Samuel Farns worth 
Samuel Shatterthwaite 
Samuel Woodward 
Samuel Fenton 
Sam 1 Cheshire 
Sam 1 Taylor 



v*V 



424 A List of Freeholders, City and County of Burlington. 



Robert Chapman 
Daniel Farns worth 
James Farrow 
Godfrey Beck 
Rowerth Beck 
Michael Xewbold Esq' 

The Township 

Timothy Abbott 
John Abbott 
Robert Pearson Esq' 
"William Murfin 
"William Morris 
Guisbert Hendrickson 
Joseph Radford 
John Lawrence 
John Quicksell 

The Township 

Jacob Eeulings Esq' 
John Pimm 
Thomas Smith 
James Eldridge 
Freedom Lippincott 
John Inskeep 
Sam 1 Eaves 
W m Evins 
John Hootton 
Samuel Lippincott 
Amos Wilkins 
Joseph Haines 
Daniel Wills (Merch*) 
John Evans 
Tho Andrews 
Philip Wallis 
Nathen Haines 
Carlile Haines 



Burgiss Hall 
Francis Hall 
Henry Detatouche 
Jacob Taylor 
Phillip Marot 
Sam 1 Farnsworth. 

of Nottingham. 

Abraham Till ton 
William Miller 
George Middleton 
Nathaniel W 7 arner 
John Lamb 
John Stevenson 
Joseph Brittain 
Joseph Thorn 
W m Thorn. 

of Evesham. 

Caleb Haines 
W m Foster 
Josiah Foster 
Robert Hunt 
Jonathan Haines 
Michael Braning 
John Peacock 
Mark Stratton 
Emanuel Stratton 
David Stratton 
Joseph Hewlings Esq' 
Tho 8 Evens 
John Lippincott 
Amos Haines 
Tho" Bellinger 
Benjamin Allen 
W m Sharp 
W m Carwood 



A List of Freeholders, City and County of Burlington. 425 



Benj a Moore 
Timothy M'iddleton 
Enoch Haines 
Benj* Moore jun r 
W a Gooldy 
W n Austin 
W» "W— kins 
Amos Austin 
Robert Ingle 
James Mason 
Benj a Allen jun r 



The Ton 



John Hollinshead Esq r 
Joseph Stoakes 
Tho' Lippineott 
Thomas Hackney 
Samuel Atkinson 
Henry "Warrington 
Joshua Whright 
Phillip Wallis 
Joseph Heritage 
Tho* Cowperwaite 
John Rudderow 
Tho 1 French Junr 
Edmond Hollinshead 
Jonathan Borden 
Samuel Stoakes 
Joshua Humphry 3 
Kathan Middleton 
Peter Phillips 
Kehemiah Haines 
Richard Heritage 



Richard Borden 
Jonathan Hewstead 
John Darling 
William Hootten 
Thomas Middleton 
Francis Dudley 
Tho 8 Wilkins 
Joshua Bellinger 
Joseph Moore 
John Roberts. 



nship of Chester. 

Mathew Allen 
James Leconey 
David Walker 
W m Leconey 
Samuel Davis 
Rob* French 
Ezekell Harding 
John W r ard 
Mathias Brackney 
Tho' Stokes 
Edward Clemmens 
Tho 8 Moor (Tavern 

keeper) 
Arthur Burdell 
John Means 
George Matlock 
Daniel Morgan 
Tho 8 Ffrench jun r 
Joshua Bispham. 



The Township of Wellinborough. 

Thomas Busby John Stokes 

Nathan Crosby 



Thomas Green 



426 A List of Freeholders, City and County of Burlington. 



Samuel Garwood 
Joseph Fenimore 

Si 

The Township 

Samuel Woolman Esq r 
W m Busby 
Revill Elton Esq T 
Robert Elton 
Nathaniel Haine3 
Tho 8 Kimbell 
Joseph Burr 
James Lippincott 
Haran Bryan 
Benj n Brian 
Nathaniel Cripps 
John Powell 
Joseph Parker 
Michael Woolston 
George Bri^s 
Tho 8 Budd (Cooper) 
Jacob Lamb 
James Wells 
Vincent Leeds 
Tho 8 Moore (farmer) 

The Township 

Edward Weaver 

Rodger Fort Senior 

James Shinn Sen r 

Ffrancis Shinn 

W m (torn) 

Henry Cooper 

Samuel Wright Esq r 

James (torn) 

Peter Harrison 

David Brandson 

William. Kirby 

Thomas Earl (SchoolMaster) 



Abraham .Perkins 
James Pearson. 

of Northampton. 

Tho 8 Eayres 
John Hilliard 
John Burr 
Henry Burr 
Edward Hilliard 
Tho 8 Shinn Esq r 
Andrew Conarroe 
W m Buddie 
W m Murrell 
Tho 8 Atkinson 
Philo Leeds 
John Burr jun r 
Henry Paxton 
Nicholas Toy 
Abraham Farrington 
Edward Mull in 
Josiah White 
Partrick Reynolds 
John Bennett 
John Osmond. 

of New Hanover. 

Joseph Rodgers 
John Brown 
Isaac Foreman 
Joseph Arney 
John Bullock 
Mahlon Wright 
David Wright 
W m Bullock 
Joseph Steward 
John Steward 
Thomas Miller. 

Tho 8 Hunloke, Shrf. 



Register of St. Michael's Parish, Maryland, 1672-170^ 427 



KEGISTEE OF ST. MICHAEL'S PARISH, TALBOT 
COUNTY, MARYLAND, 1672-1704. 1 

CONTRIBUTED BY M. ATHERTON LEACH. 

John Aldridge, s. of John of St. Michael's River, b. 10 
February, 1699; bap. 14 October, 1701. 

William Arnett, of Third Haven Creek, had these chil- 
dren : John, b. 11 August, 1698. William, b. 4 February, 
1699 ; bap. 2 April, 1701. Thomas, b. 4 December, bap. 10 
December, 1701. Catherine, b. 4 December, bap. 10 De- 
cember, 1701. Daniel, b. 10 December, 1702 ; bap. 7 March, 
1703. 

James Auld, s. of James of St. Michael's River, b. 21 

1 St. Michael's, St. Peter's and St. Paul's were the original parishes of 
Talbot County ; the Reverends James Clayland, James Leech and John 
Lillingston being the respective rectors. Of St. Michael's sacramental 
registers nothing but the above remains until 1823. A manuscript his- 
tory of the Talbot County parishes, by the Peverend Henry M. Mason, 
for thirty years the rector of St. Peter's, Easton. (183S-186S) h now in 
the Rectory library of that parish. The following items relating to Mr. 
Clayland, escaped Mr. Mason's notice : In a deposition of 10 December. 
1694, "Mr. James Clayland sayeth he was ordained in the year 16G6, 
Deacon in the year 1667, full minister by Mr. Nicholson, Bishop of 
Gloucester, but hath left orders, and is ready to be deposed so that he can 
Bend for them, likewise he sayeth he shewed them to Governor Copley." 
(Liber H D No. 2, folio 363, Council Minutes of Maryland.) A warrant 
for lands, of record in Liber XVII, folio 60, Land Office, Annapolis, states 
that James Clayland "imported himself into the Province to inhabit 
8 October, 1672" ; and the same year, under date of 21 January, he re- 
ceived from Andrew Skinner of Talbot County, "fifty acres as glebe land/ ' 
on the north side of St. Michael's River near the head of Morgan's 
Creek, " towards the maintaining a preaching minister." (Talbot County 
Land Records II, 11) . He married (1), a daughter of Captain William 
Hehnsley of Talbot County, who died about 1677, leaving one child, 
Judith; he married (2), Elizabeth, daughter of Roger Nettleship, by 
whom he had at least seven children, all named in his will, dated 13 July, 
1699, and probated on 7 November following. 



v*V 



428 Register of St. Michael's Parish, Maryland, 1672-1701,.. 

April, 1699. John, s. of the same, b. 9 January, hap. 4 
February, 1702. 

Susanna Banning, d. of Edward, b. 11 February, 1702/3; 
bap. 20 May, 1703. Charles, s. of the same, of Third Haven 
Creek, b. 1 August, 1700; bap. 11 May, 1701. 

James Bell, s. of William, Jr., of Second Creek, b. 30 
November, 1699. 

Mary Bell, d. of William, of Tuckahoe Creek, b. 2 July, 
1702; bap. 29 November, 1702. 

Thomas Bennett, of Third Haven Creek, had : "William, 
b. 1 November, 1701; bap. 13 November, 1701. Judith, 
b. 15 October, 1702; bap. 16 November, 1702. Nicholas, 
b. 7 July, 1704. 

Captain James Benson, of St. Michael's River, had these 
children: Margaret, b. 4 February, 1682/3. James, b. 21 
February 1684/5. Edmund, b. 4 June, 1687. Anne,b. 10 
September, 1689. Elizabeth, b. 19 October, 1691. Perry, 
b. 1 April, 1694. Nicholas, b. 1 March, 1699. Mary, b. 
22 January, 1702/3; bap. 1 February, 1702/3. 1 

Robert Bias, s. of Elizabeth, widow, of Second Creek, b. 
6 January, 1703/4; bap. 14 April, 1704. 

Susannah Blades, d. of G-eorge, of St. Michael's River, 
bap. 28 June, 1702. 

John Blesse, s. of Mary, of Second Creek, b. 14 October, 
1689. 

Robert Booker, s. of Robert, of Third Haven Creek, bap. 
February, 1702. 

John Bradshaw, of Auderbies Creek, had these children : 
Elizabeth, b. 21 April, 1696. Elizabeth, b. 31 March, 1698. 
William, b. 4 July, 1702; bap. 9 August, 1702. Jane, b. 
12 April, bap. 10 May, 1704. 

Bridges, s. of Charles, b. 26 June, 1698. Mary, 

1 Dr. James Benson, one of the early practitioners of medicine in 
Talbot County, "imported himself" into the Province of Maryland in 
1674 ; was Captain of a Troop of Horse, 1689-1693 ; his will, dated 23 
August, 1705, named all the above children except Margaret who was 
probably deceased. 



Register of St. Michael's Parish, Maryland, 1672-1704. 429 

d. of the same, of Harris Creek, b. 2 March, 1701/2; bap. 1 
November, 1702. 

Joseph Bridges, s. of Joseph, of Third Haven Creek, b. 
26 June, bap. 30 July, 1705. 

Samuel Broebaty or Broibats, s. of Samuel, of Second 
Creek, b. 9 October, 1700; bap. 20 March, 1701. 

Edward Brooklebanck, s. of Mary, b. Auderbies Creek, 
22 November, 1702; bap. 30 October, 1703. 

Francis Bullock, s. of Francis, b. 17 April, bap. July, 
1704. 

Mary Calk, d. of Peter, of Second Creek, b. 22 February, 
1698,9. Peter, s. of the same, b. 15 September, 1700; bap. 
2 December, 1700. 

John Camper, of Second Creek, had these children : John, 
b. 28 October, 1699; bap. 2 February, 1699. Mercy, b. 
29 December, 1701 ; bap. 31 May, 1702. 

Robert Camper, of Second Creek, had these children : 
Rebecca, b. 23 January, 1698/9; bap. 1698/9. John, b. 2 
September, bap. 18 October, 1702. 

Elizabeth Camper, d. of William, of St. Michael's River, 
b. 29 August, 1700; bap. 13 April, 1701. 

Peter Carr, s. of Peter, of Second Creek, b. 15 September, 
1700; bap. 27 December, 1700. 

Edward Cassale or Caslake, s. of Edward, of Carnringham 
Creek, b. 25 October, 1700; bap. 4 May, 1701. 

Nathaniel Cear (?), s. of Benjamin, b. 18 April, 1699. 

Susanna Collison, d. of George, of Harris Creek, b. 24 
September, 1693. Sarah, d. of the same, of Third Haven 
Creek, b. December, 1701/2; bap. 1704. 

John Collior, s. of Joan, b. at Michael Ohelie3 of Bay 
Side, 7 January, 1690/1; bap. 1690/1. 

Job Connor, of Third Haven Creek, had these children : 
Elenor, b. 29 September, 1691; bap. 1691. Susannah, b. 
29 May, 1693 ; bap. 1693. Job, b. 28 March, 1696 ; bap. 22 
October, 1702. Gilbert, b. 18 August, 1698; bap. 21 Feb- 
ruary, 1698/9. 

James Cormack, e. of John, servant to Colonel Edward 



430 Register of St. Michael's Parish, Maryland, 1672-1704.. 

Lloyd, of Wye River, b. 27 February, 1701/2 ; bap. 26 April, 
.1702. 
** William Cooper, of Bay Side, had these children: Sarah 
Maria or Sarah Diana, b. 10 October, 1700; bap. 11 May, 
1701. John, b. 10 December, 1703; bap. 23 April, 1701. 

Robert Croft, s. of Robert, of Second Creek, b. 30 
December, 1686; bap. 1686. 

Mary Croft, d. of Robert, of Third Haven Creek, b. 5 
October, 1688; bap. 1688. 

Catherine Croly ["Crowley"] , d. of James, of St. Michael's 
River, b. 26 October, 1701; bap. 24 May, 1702. 

Jane Crosse, d. of Thomas, of Third Haven Creek, b. 3 
August, 1699; bap. 23 June, 1703. 

Margaret Crowley, d. of James, of St. Michael's River, 
bap. 11 June, 1704. 

John Dawson, of St. Michael's River, Gent, had these 
children: John, b. 21 February, 1697/8; bap. 21 February, 
1697/8. Susanna, b. 14 April, 1700; bap. 27 April, 1701. 
James, b. 12 April, 1702; bap. 16 April, 1702. 

Ralph Dawson, Sr., Gent, of St. Michael's River, had 
daughter Mary, b. 24 September, 1699; bap. 27 April, 1701. 

Ralph Dawson, Sr., of Harris Creek, had daughter Elle- 
nor, b. 22 June, 1702; bap. 9 August, 1702. 

Ralph Dawson, Jr., had daughter , b. 25 March, 

1697. 

Ralph Dawson, of St. Michael's River, had daughter Mar- 
garet, b. 16 September, 1702; bap. 18 October, 1702. 

William Dixon, of St. Michael's River, had Mary, b. 21 
December, 1679 ; bap. 7 April, 1701. William, son of the 
same, of St. Michael's River, b. 10 September, 1683; bap. 7 
April, 1701. 

Robert Dows, of Third Haven Creek, had these children : 
Anthony, b. 11 July, 1689. Thomas, b. 18 October, 1691. 
Sarah, b. 18 October, 1691. Elizabeth, b. 29 January, 
1694/5. 

Edmond Fferrell, s, of William, of Third Haven Creek, 
b. March, 1702/3. 



*v 



Register of St. Michael's Parish, Man/land, 1672-1704.. 431 

Henry Fforth, s. of Henry, of Second Creek, b. 31 Jan- 
uary, 1700; bap. 11 May, 1701. 

Robert Fuller, e. of William, of Second Creek, b. 11 
January, 1699. 

Elizabeth Fferrals, d. of William, of Third Haven Creek, 
b. 1 October, 1700. 

Charles Fawlkner, s. of Thomas, of St. Michael's River, 
b. 22 December, 1700; bap. April, 1701. 

Thomas Garrard, of Second Creek, had these children : 
Barbarie, b. 10 August, 1(396; Prudence, b. 10 August, 
1696; Mathew, b. 23 August, 1698. 

Jacob Gibson, of St. Michael's River, had these children : 
Ann, b. 6 May, 1690. Sophia, b. 15 November, 1692. Wool 
man, b. 28 (?) March, 1694. Jacob, b. 13 October, 1698; 
bap. 10 August, 1701. 

John Glasse, s. of John, of Bay Side, b. 15 January, 
1700/1; bap. 24 Xovember, 1702. 

Robert Gest or Gott, of the head of Third Haven Creek, 
had these children : Robert, b. 15 October, 1680 ; bap. 1680. 
Joseph, b. 27 November, 1685; bap. 1685. William, b. 14 
February, 1686.7; bap. 1686.7. John, b. 15 April, 1690; 
bap. 1690. Richard, b. 14 September, 1693; bap. 
1693. 

Robert Goldsborough, Esq., of St. Michael's River, had: 
Mary, b. 14 December, bap. 2 February, 1702. Elizabeth, 
b. 13 February, 1703; bap. young. Sarah, b. 28 March, 
1704. Thomas, a negro of Robert Goldsborough, of St. 
Michael's River, Esq., bap. 2 February, 1702/3. Sarah, a 
negro of same, bap. 2 February, 1702 3. 

James Griffith, servant of John Griffith, and son of John 
Christison, of St. Michael's River, b. 15 November, 1697. 

Robert Hall, of Third Haven Creek, had these children : 
Robert, b. 2 January, 1689. Robert, b. 18 January, 1698/9. 
Edward, b. 26 Xovember, 1703; bap. 19 October, 1704. 

Thomas Hall, of Third Haven Creek, had: John,b. 27 
June, 1699 ; bap. 27 April, 1701. Rachel, b. 6 July, 1702 ; 
bap. 9 August, 1702. 



:% 



432 Register of St. MichacVs Parish, Maryland, 1673-1704.. 

Katherine Hambleton or Hamilton, d. of William, of 
St. Michael's River, b. 21 December, 1701; bap. 19 or 29 
^farcb, 1702. 

Richard Harrington, Jr., of Second Creek, had these chil- 
dren : Thomas, b. 29 November, 1699. John, b. 11 Decem- 
ber, 1701 ; bap. 9 August, 1702. William, b. 30 June, bap. 
30 Julv, 1704. 

Robert Harrison, of Second Creek, had these children : 
Joseph, b. 9 October, 1G98; bap. March, 1700/1. Alice, b. 
19 March, 1700/1; bap. 14 September, 1701. 

Sarah Harrison, d. of Robert Harrison, of King's Creek, 
b. 25 March, bap. 27 August, 1704. 

"William Harrison, s. of Richard, of Second Creek, b. 20 
June, 1704. 

John Hart, s. of John, of St. Michael's River, b. 4 March, 
1701/2; bap. 5 July, 1702. 

Elizabeth Harris, d. of William, of Harrises Creek, b. 28 
August, 1699 ; bap. 9 October, 1699. 

Joseph Hopkins, s. of Joseph, of Third Haven Creek, b. 
26 June, bap. 30 July, 1704. 

Ann Harvey, d. of William, of Bay Side, b. 13 December, 
1701; bap. 14 June, 1702. 

Joseph Hawkins, s. of Joseph, of Third Haven Creek, b. 
26 June, 1704. 

Benjamin Hennemore (?), s. of Andrew, of St. Michael's 
River, b. March, bap. 11 June, 1704. 

Hennyor Horney , d. of Morlaugh, of St. Michael's 

River, b. 15 August, 1696 ; bap. 18 May, 1701. 

Mary Higgins, d. of James, of St. Michael's River, b. 28 
June, 1702; bap. 16 August, 1702. 

James Hopkins, s. of James, of Third Haven Creek, b. 26 
July, 1702; bap. 4 October, 1702. 

Thomas Hopkins, of St. Michael's River, had : Rebecca, 
b. 28 February, 1699/1700; bap. 18 May, 1701. Rebecca, 
b. 8 October, 1702. 

Anne Hopkins, d. of William, of Third Haven Creek, b. 
22 November, 1702; bap. 21 December, 1702. 



Register of St. Michael's Parish, Maryland, 167 2-170 b* 433 

Margaret Hughes, d. of Richard, of Wye River, b. 25 
August, 1701; bap. 1 March, 1701/2. 

■* Abraham Hurlock, s. of Abraham, of St. Michael's River, 
b. 29 January, 1701 ; bap. 18 September, 1702. 

Elizabeth Jackson, d. of Samuel, of Second Creek, b. 8 
August, 1700; bap. 23 February, 1700. 

Elizabeth Johnson, d. of William, of Third Haven Creek, 
b. 11 November, 1698; bap. 21 February, 1698/9. 

Elizabeth Jone3, d. of Elizabeth, b. at Mr. Ridgway's, in 
Third Haven Creek, 29 September, bap. 11 January, 1703. 

Elizabeth Jones, d. of Elizabeth (widow), at "William 
Ridgway's, in Third Haven Creek, b. 15 April, 1704 ; bap. 
in June, 1704. 

William Jones, of St. Michael's River, had these chil- 
dren: Mary, b. 30 March, 1699. William, b. 25 October, 
1700. 

William Jones, of Second Creek, had daughter Mary, b. 
15 April, bap. 17 April, 1704. 

Benjamin Kinnamont, s. of Andrew, of St. Michael's 
River, b. 11 March, bap. 11 June, 1704. 

Robert Keddy, s. of Robert, of Charles County, b. 4 
March, 1673/4; bap. at St. Michael's Church, 23 August, 
1702. 

Elizabeth Kemp, d. of Robert, of Bay Side, b. 20 May, 
1683; bap. 19 September, 1702. 

Robert Larramore, s. of Alexander, of Second Creek, b. 
17 March, 1699. 

Nicholas Lurkey, s. of John, of Second Creek, b. 15 
April, 1699; bap. 14 May, 1699. 

William Lee, of Great Choptank River, had these chil- 
dren: Elizabeth, b. 14 February, 1702/3; bap. 4 April, 
1703. William, b. 11 June, bap. 27 August, 1703. 

Elizabeth Lurkey, d. of Nicholas, of Harris's Creek, b. 21 
March, bap. 4 June, 1704 ; Ann, b. 21 March, bap. 4 June, 
1704. 

Edward Mack (Cormack?), s. of John, of River, 

bap. 21 May, 1704. 

vol. xxix. — 28 



434 Begista* of St. Michael's Parish, Maryland, 1672-1704. 

Thomas Mackcor (Cormack?), s. of John, of Miles 
Eiver, hap. 21 May, 1704. , 

* Anne Marsden, d. of Mr. Richard, minister of St. 
Michael's, b. 30 July, 1702; bap. , 1702. 

Mary Mason, d. of Thomas, of Second Creek, b. 12 June 
1692. 

Sarah Mattock, d. of Charles, of Wye Eiver, b. 20 
October, 1700 ; bap. 4 May, 1701. Charitie, d. of the same 
of St. Michael's River, b. 8 May, bap. 19 September, 1701 (?) 
Elizabeth, d. of the same, b. 1 May, 1703; bap. September 
1703. 

Joseph Merchant, s. of George, of Third Haven Creek, b. 
1 or 9 December, 1700; bap. 11 May, 1701. Elizabeth, d. 
of the same, b. 25 October, 1702; bap. 18 April, 1703. 

John Merlen, s. of John, of St. Michael's River, b. 13 
July, 1703; bap. August, 1703. 

John Merrick, of St. Michael's River, had these children 
James, b. 1 August, 1690; bap. 1690. John,b. 1 February, 
1692/3; bap. 1693. Daniel, b. 3 November, 1695; bap. 
1695. Abraham, b. 29 January, 1699; bap. 14 May, 1700. 
Isaac, b. 3 July, 1703; bap. 27 August, 1703. 

William Morgan, of Third Haven Creek, had : Daughter, 

, b. 30 April, 1699 ; bap. 3 August, 1701. Daughter, 

, b. 7 November, 1700; bap. 3 August, 1701. 

William Morrison, s. of William, of the Island at the 
Mouth of Great Choptank, b. 13 February, 1695/6. 

Francis Morlen, of St. Michael's River, had these chil- 
dren : Sarah, b. 4 September, 1672. Francis, b. 5 Novem- 
ber, 1678. John, b. 30 March, 1681. Abraham, b. 22 
November, 1683. Isaac, b. 11 May, 1686. Jacob, b. 13 
April, 1689. Charles, b. 1 September, 1691. 

Richard Muttace, s. of John, of Third Haven Creek, b. 19 
June, 1690. 

Thomas Needles, s. of Thomas, of Third Haven Creek, b. 
21 August, 1701; bap. 9 November, 1701. 

Richard Needles, s. of Thomas, of Eay Side,b. 21 March, 
1703/4; bap. 13 August, 1704. 



Register of St. Michael's Parish, Maryland, 1672-1704. 435 

Daniel Newman, s. of John, of St. Michael's River, bap. 
23 August, 1702. 

•* William Palmer (?), s. of William, of Broad Creek, b. 9 
June, 1698; bap. 1698. 

John Oldfield, s. of Henry, of King's Creek, b. 11 January, 
1698/9; bap. 21 February, 1698/9. 

Nathaniel Peck, s. of Benjamin, of Hunting Creek, b. 18 
April, 1099; bap. 4 August, 1701. 

Benjamin Peeke, s. of Benjamin, of Hunting Creek, gent, 
and Mary his wife, b. 28 January, 17023 ; bap. 1702,3. 

Susannah Pearson, d. of Robert, of Second Creek, b. 8 
December, 1691. 

Francis Porter, of St. Michael's River, had these children : 
John, b. 15 June, 1700 ; bap. 27 December, 1700. Joseph, 
b. 30 April. 1702; bap. 7 March, 1703. 

Mary Porter, d. of John, of St. Michael's River, b. 11 
November, 1701; bap. 1701. 

Sarah Porter, d. of Lawrence, of Bay Side, b. 13 March, 
1703/4; bap. 23 April, 1704. 

Richard Price, s. of Richard, of St. Michael's River, b. 12 
January, 1700; bap. 4 May, 1701. 

AnnPurifil (?), d. of William, of St. Michael's River, b. 
16 December, 1702; bap. 14 March, 1703. 

Richard RatclifTe, of Auderbies Creek, had these chil- 
dren: Richard, b. 5 March, 1691/2. James, b. 6 May, 
1693. 

Sarah Ridgway, d. of William, of Third Haven Creek, b. 
14 June, 1701 ; bap. 12 June, 1702. 

Arthur Rigby, s. of Arthur, of Third Haven Creek, b. 15 
March, 17023, at two o'clock in the morning; bap. 20 
November, 1708; certified 18 February, 1707. 

Bartholomew Roberts, son of Richard, of Third Haven 
Creek, b. 24 August, bap. 9 November, 1701. 

Mary Roberts, d. of William, of Third Haven Creek, b. 
16 January, 1703; bap. 3 April, 1704. 

John Sandsbury, s. of John, of Second Creek, b. 26 June, 
1698. 



436 Reg^ter of St. Michael's Parish, Maryland, 1672-1704.. 

Elizabeth Sewell, d. of William, of Third Haven Creek, 
b. 1 October, bap. 16 March, 1700/1. 

Daniel Sherwood, of Second Creek, had these children : 
Daniel, b. 8 April, 1699. Thomas, b. 8 April, 1699. 
Margaret, b. 4 January, 1701. Mary, b. 25 May, 1704; 
bap. 16 July, 1704. 

Philemon Skinner, s. of William, of Broad Creek, b. 2 
December, 1701; bap. 3 May, 1702. 

Thomas Studdam, s. of Thomas, of Broad Creek, b. 13 
April, 1702; bap. 3 May, 1702. 

Henry Smith, s. of Henry, of Second Haven, b. 31 Janu- 
ary, 1700; bap. 11 May, 1701. 

William Smith, s. of William, of Third Haven Creek, b. 
14 February, 1699. 

William Snelling, of St. Michael's River, had : William, 
b. 22 March, 1696,7 ; bap. 4 May, 1701. Margaret, b. 11 
March, 1697/8; bap. 4 May, 1701. Thomas, b. 5 Novem- 
ber, 1703; bap. June, 1704. Lawrence, b. 5 November, 
1703; bap. 13 June, 1704. 

Hugh Spedden, s. of Hugh, of Third Haven Creek, b. 8 
August, 1703 ; bap. September, 1703. 

Mary Spedden, d. of Thomas, of Second Creek, b. 3 Sep- 
tember, 1703. 

AJice Spencer, d. of Jame3, of St. Michael's River, b. 15 
August, 1699. Mary, d. of the same, b. 23 February, 
1700; bap. 1 April, 1701. William, s. of the same, of 
Bay Side, b. 15 , 1703; bap. 16 July, 1704. 

Abigail W. Sprignall, d. of John, of Third Haven Creek, 
b. 20 April, 1702; bap. 1 August, 1702. 

Christopher Spry, of Third Haven Creek, had these chil- 
dren : William, b. 2 February, 1701 ; bap. 13 January, 1702. 
Elizabeth, b. 12 September, 1702; bap. 9 February, 1703. 

Thomas Spry, s. of Thomas, of St. Michael's River, b. 27 
March, 1701/2; bap. 5 July, 1702. Abigail, d. of the same, 
b. 11 March, bap. 11 June, 1704. John, b. 15 Septem- 
ber, 1694. Anthony, b. 15 September, 1696. Jane, b. 9 
March, 1697/8. Samuel, b. 31 March, 1700. 



Register of St. Michael's Parish, Maryland, 1673-1704.. 437 

John Start (Stuart or Stewart?), e. of John, of St. 
Michael's River, b. 4 March, 1701/2; bap. 3 July, 1702. 
«* Francis Stanton, of St. Michael's River, had these chil- 
dren : Susannah, b. 1632; bap. 22 June, 1702. Thomas, 
b. 18 September, 1694; bap. 1694. Frances, b. 3 March, 
1696; bap. 1696. John, b. 30 Jul}', 1698; bap. 1698. 
Samuel, b. 23 October, 1701; bap. 10 November, 1701. 
Susanna, b. 26 October, 1700; bap. 23 June, 1703. 

Elizabeth Stewarts, d. of James, of St, Michael's River, 
b. 19 October, 1701; bap. 13 September, 1702. Mary, d. 
of the same, b. 19 October, 1701 ; bap. 13 September, 1702. 

Samuel Taylor, s. of George, of Second Creek, b. 4 Feb- 
ruary, 1679/80. 

Sarah Turner, d. of Thomas, of Third Haven Creek, b. 
24 March, 1699; bap. 1701. 

Dorothy Valiant, d. of John, of Third Haven Creek, b. 
4 June, 1702; bap. 1702. 

Elizabeth Victor, d. of John, of Third Haven Creek, b. 

10 October, 1701; bap. 23 August, 1702. 

Robert Vows, of St. Michael's River, had : Anthony, b. 

11 July, 1689. Sarah, b. 18 October, 1691. Thomas, b. 
18 October, 1691. Elizabeth, b. 29 January, 1694/5. Fran- 
cis, b. 9 November, 1700; baptized 24 June, 1702. 

Thomas Ward, s. of John, of St. Michael's River, b. 24 
July, 1703; bap. 29 August, 1703. 

Mary Ward, d. of Matthew Tilghman Ward, of St. 
Michael's River, gent, b. 28 February, 1701. 

Dennice White, s. of Dennice, of Second Creek, b. 11 
May, 1699. 

Henry Wharton, of Second Creek, had : Henry, b. 18 
November, 1701; bap. 27 November, 1701. Mary, b. 13 
December, 1702 ; bap. 17 February, 1702/3. 

Richard Williams, of St. Michael's River, had : Richard, 
b. 3 August, 1699; bap. 23 June, 1703. John, b. 6 April, 
1702; bap. 21 June, 1702. 

Elizabeth , d. of Thomas, of St. Michael's River, 

b. 3 August, 1699 ; bap. 4 May, 1701. 



438 Register of St. Michael's Parish, Maryland, 1672-1704.. 

Susannah , d. of , of Third Haven Creek, 

b. 11 October, 1703 ; bap. 30 March, 1704. 

Elizabeth Whitfield, b. 10 June, 1G72. Henry Whitfield, 
b. 6 November, 1676. 

Elizabeth Webb, d. of William, of Bay Side, b. 12 Sep- 
tember, 1703. 1 

a Thi3 record, copied some twelve years since from the time-stained al- 
most illegible original, differs in a few questioned particulars from a later 
manuscript copy, made by, and now in the possession of the Maryland 
Historical Society, by the courtesy of which a comparison was made. 



*v 



The Quaker : A Drama in One Act. 439 



THE QUAKER: A DRAMA IN ONE ACT. 1 

BY AUGUST VON KOTZEBUE. 

[August von Kotzebue, the dramatist, was born at Weimar, May 3, 
1761. During the period of the American Revolution, he was a student 
at the University of Jena. He was in Paris about 1790, and filled a 
number of offices in the Russian service. He was assassinated at 
Mannheim, May 23, 1819, as a tool of the Holy Alliance, by the student, 
Karl Sand, a liberal enthusiast, who became enraged at the strong mon- 
archical sentiments of Kotzebue. Sand regarded himself in the light 
of a liberator of his race, much as did Charlotte de Corday, and suffered 
the penalty of execution afterward. 

Kotzebue was a prolific writer, and left over one hundred plays of 
more or less importance, besides a vast amount of political and other 
publications. He evidently shared the Continental interest in the 
progress of our Revolutionary war, and the development of our Federal 
government. He may have learned some of his facts from the returning 
Hessians, after the close of the war. In 1792 his "Die Indian er in 
England," a comedy in three acts, was published in a French transla- 
tion at Brussels ; and " Kosmouk, or Die Tndianer in Marseilles," another 
three-act comedy, was published in Paris in 1801. 

•''The Quaker" is one of his minor plays, included in the forty-seven 
volumes necessary to contain his works. It must interest an American 
today, from the fact that it shows how well was understood the character 
of the Quaker by a German whose mode of thought must have been 
very diverse. "Walter" Mifflin is doubtless intended for Warner 
Mifflin, an interesting compilation of the facts of whose life has just 
been made by Miss Hilda Justice. 

The incident of Mifflin's interview with General Howe is founded on 
fact, and has been variously given, upon the authority of Hector St. 
John de Crevecceur, in his "Letters of an American Farmer." The 
spirit of the occasion is preserved by Kotzebue ; he has, of course, 
taken liberties with his characters in their family relations, but this is 
permissible to the poet, who 13 not writing history. The incident 
occurred during the British occupation of Philadelphia, in the early 
winter of 1777. A. M. G.] 

1 Translated by Amelia M. Gummere. 



440 The Quaker : A Drama in One Act. 

Dramatis Personal. 
The English General, Lord Howe. 
Lieutenant Howe, his son. 
His Adjutant. 
Walter Mifflin^ 
Edward Mifflin V Quakers. 
Maria Milford J 

[The scene, laid in the period of the Revolution in Pennsylvania, at 
the English headquarters outside of Philadelphia, is the apartment of 
the General, which has a cabinet opening out from it.] 

Scene First. 
The General; his Adjutant. 

General (to the Adjutant, who has just entered). Well, 
Adjutant, no more news from my son? 

Adjutant (shrugging his shoulders). Not yet. 

Gen. No trace of the whole detachment ? 

Adj. None. 

Gen. They should have returned to camp yesterday. 

Adj. So the order ran. 

Gen. I am afraid something has happened. 

Adj. Whence can danger come ? No enemy's troops 
are near, and the whole neighborhood is only 
occupied by Quakers. 

Gen. But they too are men. 

Adj. Not quite. Smite one of them upon his cheek 
and he turns the other, imploring another blow. 

Gen. Even patience has its limits. Besides, this forag- 
ing is dangerous business, and I fear my son's 
daring. 

Adj. He is a brave youth. 

Gen. Often unrestrained. 

Adj. At his years 

Gen. (laughing). Yes, yes, Mr. Adjutant, men know how 
to console themselves, be they fools or knaves. 
Too old, too } T oung, drunkenness, passion; — these 



The Quaker : A Drama in One Act. 441 

are but excuses for foolish or evil doings. I could 
-wish my son did not need such excuses, and yet I 
begin to fear that he does. 

Adj. In an enemy's country one allows himself many 
liberties. 

Gen. The enemy's country is God's earth, which one 
should never soil with crimes, and leaBt of all 
this Pennsylvania. The only country in Amer- 
ica that has not robbed its aborigines, but was 
taken with their free consent. Perhaps the only 
country in the world wherein no curse rests 
upon the beginning of its rule. And yet I hear 
daily of excesses. 

Adj. The English soldier regards every inhabitant as a rebel 
against his Fatherland. That excites him, makes 
him wild. Yet but a few moments ago came an 
old Quaker into camp without a pass, whom I 
only protected from abuse by great exertion. 

Gen. What did he want ? 

Adj. He wishes to speak with your Excellency. I never 
yet saw a man who bore mockery and arrogance 
with such patience. 

Gen. Bring him in. (Exit Adjutant.) 

Gen. (Alone.) Did they mock him because of his calmness ? 
That is another inconsistency of men — that with 
the same lips they acknowledge and deride the 
teachings of their God. 

Scene Second. 
The General; Walter Mifflin; the Adjutant 

Gen. Who are you ? 
Mifflin. Walter Mifflin. 
Gen. A Quaker ? 
Miff. Yes, Friend Howe. 
Gen. Whence come you ? 
Miff. From County Kent. 



442 The Quaker : A Drama in One Act. 

Gen. "What do you want ? 

Miff. To speak with thee. 

-Adj. ([Removing Mifflin's hat.) Shameful ! To say " thou " 
to the General; to come into his presence with 
the hat on ! 

Miff. Your customs are strange to me. I have never seen 
a general before, but I know that every man is 
my brother. My hat I have all my life worn upon 
my head. It is a part of my clothing, and if I 
stood before a King, I should not remove it. 
Have I in this offended thee, Friend Howe ? For 
that I am sorry. I wear my hat before God ! 
Why not before thee ? 

Gen. I know your customs. Give him back his hat. (The 
Adjutant obeys, and Mifflin replaces it.) 

Gen. IvTow speak. What is your standing ? 

Miff. I am a Quaker from the county of Kent. 

Gen. Who sent you here ? 

Miff. The Society of Friends. 

Gen. (Mocking.) A peasant. 

Miff. We are all alike among ourselves. 

Gen. What does the Society desire ? 

Miff. Thou knowest that we Friends mingle in no strife, 
and least of all with weapons. All men are our 
brothers, even you. You have come armed to 
us ; — we have not resisted. We gave you to eat 
and drink willingly; that we do to all who are 
hungry or thirsty. Wherefore then do thy sol- 
diers plunder us ? 

(During this conversation, an orderly has 
entered and whispered a word in the Adjutant's 
ear. The latter goes out in much excitement.) 

Gen. You are rebels. 

Miff. j^ot at all. We obey the rulers that God has put 
over us. If He has allotted this power to you, we 
shall bear it and be silent. If thy King wishes to 
be our father, then he must not trample down his 



*v 



The Quaker : A Drama in One Act. 443 

children. This is all we ask; the rest we leave 

to God. 
Gen. Why are you come without a pass ? 
Miff. A man may go where he will. 
Gen. Even in time of war ? 
Miff. We recognize no war. 

Gen. Out of stubbornness, you create hindrances for your- 
selves. 
Miff. If we took passes from you, that would mean that we 

recognized the so-called rights of war, and that 

would be a sin. 
Gen. Strange reasons. 
Miff. If thou dost not approve them, despise them not, for 

they are founded upon righteousness, and the love 

of man. 
Gen. If you despise my protection, how can I vouch for no 

mischance ? 
Miff. What befalls me, I shall bear with patience and 

courage. 
Gen. And the source of this courage ? 
Miff. My faith, my conscience. 

Gen. But how, if I placed soldiers before your meeting- 
houses, and forbade an entrance upon pain of 

death ? 
Miff. If the spirit moved me, I should go. 
Gen. Even to death ? 
Miff. Yes. 

Gen. You hold yourselves as inspired ? 
Miff. Why not, Friend Howe ? All good thoughts come 

from God. That even the heathen knew, and 

Marcus Aurelius, and Epictetus. 
Gen. You are no peasant. 
Miff. A peasant from County Kent. 
Gen. You are a spy. 
Miff. Fo. 
Gen. Swear it. 
Miff. -We do not swear. 



444 The Quaker: A Drama in One Act. 

Gen. Shall I trust your mere word ? 

Miff. Yes, for we never lie. 

'Gen. In the shade of your trees, such sentiments might do 
for a little handful of men. For the government 
of a state, they are deadly ! 

Miff. I am not come, Friend Howe, to dispute with thee. 
We leave every man to his own belief. If in thy 
right hand thou must bear the sword, at least take 
in thy left the olive branch of mercy. It will 
bring thee honour if thy troops are not robbers. 

Gen. You speak insolently. 

Miff. I speak the truth. 

Gen. Has fate often proved your courage through sufferings? 

Miff. God has not yet shown me this mercy. 

Gen. And yet you believe yourself able to bear His prov- 
ings ? 

Miff. That I believe. 

Gen. Spiritual pride ! 

Miff. Far be it from me ! 

Scene Third. 
The foregoing ; the Adjutant. 
Adj. General, I bring a sad message. 
Gen. (Hastily.) My son ? 

Adj. "Unfortunately, it concerns him. Collect yourself. 
Gen. I am a soldier. ISTo speeches. 

Adj. The detachment has returned, but your son 

Gen. Well? 

Adj. He is left behind. 

Gen. Ha! My William! (Tries to compose himself.) 

Where ? How ? 
Adj. The Quakers have killed him ! 
Gen. The Quakers ! 

Miff. Friend, thou art wrong. The Friends spill no blood. 
Adj. The soldiers are agreed. Still more, they have taken 

prisoner him who committed the deed upon your 

eon. 



v* V 



The Quaker: A Drama in One Act. 445 

Gen. The murderer of my sou in my power ! 

Miff. But not a member of our Society. 

Gen. That we shall find out. You see, Walter Mifflin, 
that this moment is unfavorable to your message. 
The next will show what I think of you and your 
Society, and how I shall treat you. Until then, 
you are my prisoner. 

Miff. I am a free man. 

Gen. Without contradiction, you go into this cabinet and 
there await your fate. Woe to you — woe to you 
all, if my son's blood cries to me for revenge ! 

Miff. Friend, be not precipitate. 

Gen. Go ; you are in my power. 

Miff. Only in the power of God. (Exit.) 

Gem. ISTow bring me the murderer. 

Adj. Why should you rend your heart by sight of him ? 

Gen. I must see him ! I must learn whether I may mourn 
my son. (Exit,the Adjutant. Continues, to himself.) 
A hard battle awaits me. I must dissever the father 
from the judge. Oh, William, William ! Thy 
bloody shade shall see these hypocrites unmasked. 

Scene Fourth. 

The General; Edward Mifflin ; the Adjutant. {Latter with a 
sword under his arm.) 

Gen. Thou art the murderer of my son ? 

Edw. I am no murderer. 

Gen. Speak, what happened ? And speak the truth, by thy 
life. 

Edw. I have never lied. In a quiet valley stood scattered 
houses, inhabited by industrious country folk. 
Yesterday, as morning broke, a cry woke me from 
my slumber. I leaped up ; I ran out ; the tones 
of terror came from a house near by, where dwelt 
my betrothed. I ran in, and others, awakened 
like myself, followed. The house was being 



v* 



446 The Quaker: A Drama in One Act. 

plundered by the soldiers. In a closed chamber 
near by I heard the screaming voice of my be- 
trothed. I burst open the door, and saw a young 
officer who sought to betray her unprotected 
innocence. Madness seized me ; I tore his sword 
from his side, he drew his pistol. In the moment 
that he sought to kill me, I struck him down. I 
am no murderer. 

Gen. (After a sorrowful pause.) Is this true ? 

Adj. (Shrugs his shoulders.) 

Gen. (Places his hands before his face. After a pause, he 
speaks with shame and sorrow.) Where is my 
son's sword ? 

Adj. Here. 

Gen. (Takes it, sighing, and lays it on the table. Then 
turns to Edward.) Speak on. 

Edw. My brethren had meantime armed themselves with 
whatever they could lay hands on. I joined them. 
In numbers, we did not equal them, but thieves 
are always cowards. They fled, we followed, I 
the first. Anger drove me too far. I was taken. 
]STow thou knowest all. 

Gen. Young man, let us suppose you have acted honourably 
by hurrying to the rescue of your betrothed. 

Edw. Only suppose ? 

Gen. What can excuse you, when her danger was averted, 
for following the troops of my King with a weapon 
in your hand ? 

Edw. I did wrong before God. 

Gen. Are you a Quaker ? 

Edw. Yes. 

Gen. Have you followed the teachings of your sect ? 

Edw. ISTo. 

Gen. Then are you doubly guilty. As a rebel, you stand 
before my judgment seat. You have borne arms 
against the Kin£. You must die. 

Edw. I have deserved death. Xot as a rebel, but as a 



The Quaker: A Drama in One Act 447 

sinner before God. Thou art but the means of 

fulfilling His righteous judgment. Fulfil it. 
. Gen. What is your name ? 
Edw. Edward Mifflin. 

Gen. Mifflin ? How ? I know a Walter Mifflin. 
Edw. He is my father. 
Gen. Ha ! This revenge I had not looked for, but it i3 

sweet ! Do you know where your father is at this 

moment ? 
Edw. He went to Philadelphia in order to take counsel 

with the brethren. 
Gen. He is here. 
Edw. Here ? 

Gen. In the next chamber. 
Edw. Alas ! For the first time, I must shun my father's 

glance ! Yet no ; lie will pity me. I shall leave 

the world with his blessing. Let me embrace my 

father's knees before I die ! 
Gen. Yes, you shall see him. JSTot alone shall I bear a 

father's sorrow. Eye for eye is your lesson, son 

for son. I shall hear his lamentations, see his 

tears, and his mourning shall lighten my own. 

(He opens the cabinet door.) Come out, Walter 

Mifflin. 

In the fifth scene, Walter Mifflin is introduced, and a 
touching reconciliation follows the son's explanation, after 
which, Howe remaining inflexible, the son is led out to die. 

The sixth scene, very brief, is a soliloquy of the General 
upon the greater degree of bravery required for moral 
struggles than to lead in battle. In the seventh, the Adju- 
tant hurriedly announces the return of the Lieutenant, 
desperately but not fatally wounded. He has come into 
camp upon a horse led by a young Quaker maiden, and 
seeks his father's forgiveness, and to be received again. The 
eighth scene unites the father and his son, who explains at 
length his experience, and his nursing and care at the 



448 The Quaker: A Drama in One Act. 

bauds of the betrothed of Edward, Marie, and bis mother. 
Fear lest his father suddenly punish his own supposed mur- 
derer brings him at the first possible moment, in the care of 
Marie, to the General. The latter sends for Edward 
Mifflin, and pronounces imprisonment and the loss -of his 
sword as punishment upon the Lieutenant, who submits. 
Marie is sent for. 

In the interview between the General and Marie in the 
ninth scene, after questioning her for some time upon her 
life, belief and future (she being all the time under the 
impression that her lover is already dead) the General 
informs her that for her services to him and to his son, he 
grants pardon to Edward. She expresses her gratitude in 
a few lines of verse. 

Gott ist gross ! Gott ist gut ! 
Wenn iiber dir in Leidenstagen 
Schon die Wellen zusammen schlagen, 
Halt' am Glauben ! Fasse Muth ! 
Gott ist gross ! Gott ist gut ! 

Scene Tenth. 

William ; Edward. The foregoing. 

Gen. Come, young man, you are forgiven, and there stands 

your pious Marie. 
William. My father, permit me— — . I have severed the 

noble pair; through me shall they again be united. 

Marie! Benefactress of thine enemy! Thou 

forgavest me when I could not stammer out my 

thanks. Receive them now, and from my hand 

take back thy lover. 
Edw. Marie! 
Marie. (Giving him her hand, blushingly). I greet thee, 

Edward. 
Edw. I have sinned grievously against thee. 
Gen. (Laughing.) He ventured his life for her. 



*V 



The Quaker : A Drama in One Act. 449 

Marie. Not against me, Edward, but against God and the 

Friends. 
JM-w, Repentance atones. 
Marie. Yes, Edward. 

Echo. Hold me no longer unworthy of thee. 
Marie. I have forgiven thee. 
Gen. "What people! Our young men would have been 

proud of such a deed, and our maidens of such a 

love. (Calls into the cabinet.) Walter Mifflin, 

come out. 

Scene Eleventh. 
Walter Mifflin. The foregoing . 

Gen. The storm is past, the sun shines. There stand our 

children. 
Walter Mifflin. Thy son still lives? 
Gen. He lives. 

Miff. God be thanked. The guilt is the less. 
Gen. This good girl whom he insulted, has saved him. 
Miff. She has done her duty. 
Gen. And your wife's nursing saved him. 
Miff. She but obeyed the Gospel command. 
Gen. I give you your son's life. 
Miff. Friend, thou doest right. 
Gen. Inform your people that they shall henceforth remain 

undisturbed. 
Miff. Friend, this does thee honour. 
Gen. Even in your rejoicing, this calmness? 
Miff. My heart rejoices, but in silence. 
Gen. Joy expressed, lightens the heart. 
Miff. We do not thus disturb ourselves, but are happy in 

quiet. 
Gm. Then depart in peace. 
Miff. Come, my daughter. 
Edw. Father, may I follow thee ? 
Miff, No, Edward Mifflin; thou goest into solitude until 

God and the Friends have forgiven thee. 
vol. xxix. — 29 



v% V 



450 The Quaker: A Drama in One Act. 

Edw. Marie, pray for me. 
Marie. With bloody tears. 
Edw. I will suffer, but let me hope 



Miff. Hope, my son. (To the General.) Friend, farewell. 
Gen. Say to the Friends that I also pray for your son. 
Miff. I will tell them. 
Gen. And that I will care for him as a father until his 

return. 
Miff. I will tell them. 

Gen. Thy own request will support my words ? 
Miff. No. 

Gen. Strong man, give me your hand. 
Miff. Here is my hand. 
Gen. Could you but give me your strong faith with this 

hand's pressure ! 
Miff. "Would God, my brother ! Then shouldst thou stand 

fast in sorrow or joy. Fare thee well ! And if 

thou comest into the County Kent, seek Walter 

Mifflin. 
Gen. God guide you. 

Miff. I hope He will ! Come, Marie. (Exit.) 
Gen. Ha ! what a people ! Could I conquer this half the 

world, should I be as happy as Walter Mifflin ? 

Finis. 



So?ne Selections from the Peters Papers. 451 



SOME SELECTIONS FROM THE "PETERS PAPERS," 
IN THE LIBRARY OF THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY 
OF PENNSYLVANIA. 

BY MISS J. C WTLIE, CUSTODIAN. 

Bichard Peters to Conrad Weiser* 

My good Friend 

The Governor is under some Concern least, as at your 
request the Indians were at the Count Zinzendorfs house, 
he may not have abridgd them of their Quantity of meat 
and Drink which they usually expect on these occasions— 
But if they have taken anything of this kind amiss it must 
be laid at your Door or indeed at their own since they were 
told it beforehand, The Governor asked them one day to 
dinner & made them their Present & they seemed well 
pleased w th their entertainment, I have given Caxayan 
such a Kettle as you requested & you will let him 
know that it is your Present tho I have placed it to the 
Proprietaries account, 

We have the Pleasure to hear of Mr Thomas Penns - - 
arrival in England, 

Fresh Forces are gone to Jamaica from England k it is- 
th ought with Intent to take Carthagena, 

I am sorry for the Indisposition of your Family k heart- 
ily wish their Recovery and the continuance of your health, 
as well from a principle of affection for yourself, as on 
account of the Publick Good w ch would suffer was any acci- 
dent to happen to you. I am sincerely 

Your respectful Friend 

Richard Peters 

February 28 th 1741 



452 Some Selections from the Peters Papers. 

Richard Peters to Conrad Weiser. 
My good Friend 

As the Count chooses that the Indians shall he conveyed 
from here to your house by the Moravian Brethren, the 
Governor woud have supplied them with Provisions for 
their journy, but the Count desird they might be main- 
taind at his Expence in order to recommend himself to 
their favour, 

I should be glad to know whether they are pleased with 
their Present and Treatment and I have it further in charge 
from the Governor to desire you will furnish Caxayan with 
such Provisions and necessaries as will bring him on his 
Journy from your house to his own Country, and I will 
thankfully repay you the Charges the next time I see you 
in Town, 

Do not let them want for anything that you shall judge 
convenient, I am 

Sir 

Your respectful Friend 

Bichard Peters 
Philadelphia 
2 March 1741 

Gov. George Thomas to Conrad Weiser. 

PhiladA, ffeb*. 26* 1741/2 
Honest Conrad 

Mr Peters put your Letter into my Hands which was 
deliver'd to him by Coxhayion with a String of wampon 
from the Onontagos, a3 an assurance that they with their 
Allies the five Nations, will be at Philadelphia in the 
Spring, according to the Proprietors Invitation, to receive 
the Goods for the Lands sold to him on the west side of 
Susquehanna, The String of wampon was deliver d to me, 
& I have laid it up without returning another, as you say, 
it is neither necessary nor expected, 

I know of nothing necessary to be said to the Indian 
Messenger, but that M r Penn being gone to England for a 



*v 



So?ne Selections from the Peters Papers. 453 

6hort time has left the Goods in my hands to be deliver'd 
to the Five Nations, when they come to Philad*, That I 
expect to see them in the Spring according to their Prom- 
ise, & that they shall meet with the same kind Reception & 
Entertainment from me, as if Mr. Penn himself were here; 
for this was his Desire & it is perfectly agreable to my own 
Inclinations, that it should be so, as I esteem the Six 
]STations as our very good & faithful Brethren & Allies, 

You will put this into such a Dress, as will be most agre- 
able to the People it is to be carried to, which you under- 
stand better than I do, Sc you may likewise make such addi- 
tions as you think proper on the occasion, 

The matchcoats, Powder & Lead are given as you desire, 
Sc such a Kettle as you promised to the Bearer in 1737 for 
his assistance to you, & is charged to the Proprietors 
account, as, I suppose, it was at his desire, that you made 
that Journey, 

I leave it you to provide Meal or anything else you shall 
think convenient & customary for these Indians, when they 
come in the Spring, for their Entertainment at your House, 
or on the way, & shall order yur payment for it, I hope 
nothing will happen to prevent your coming with them ; 
for I shall not know what to do without you, both on 
account of the Language & your knowledge of their 
Customs, 

I am sorry to hear your Family is ill & very heartily wish 
them .better Health, being 

Y r very sincere Friend 
& humble serv' 

Geo. Thomas. 
P.S: 

Although I have a very high opinion of Count Zinzen- 
dorfs Integrity Sc Religious Zeal, & consequently esteem 
him much, I was not altogether willing, that the messenger 
& his family should be at his House, lest his manner of 
treating them should not prove agreable & they should 
think that we failed in Civility to save Expence, k so make 



*v 



454 Some Selections from (he Peters Papers. 

a Report to our Prejudice, when they return to their 
Countrymen, I should be very well pleased, that the Count 
■"^could make them good Christians, but I would not have 
the Business of the Province depend upon his success 
with them, nor run the risque of their being disobliged 
by being put into the hands of a Gentleman, who out of 
good will would restrain them from what they think there 
is no Crime in making a moderate use of. Drunkenness is 
a very bad thing & I discourage it in Indians & others as 
much as I can ; but should they become Christians, if they 
are no better than Christians in common, they will be as 
drunk as some of them are apt to be at present, & be greater 
Thieves, Adulterers, Cheats &c than the worst of Indians 
are, The knowledge of God & Christ ought to make Men 
better, but how it happens I cannot tell, yet so it is, that 
the common sort of People amongst Christians are worse 
than the Indians, who are left to the Law of JSTature, that is 
to their own natural Reason, to guide them — If these Peo- 
ple are anyways dissatisfied, you must excuse me, & put it 
upon their own Consent or Choice, as you tell me it 
was, 

Yrs G. T. 



Bobert Tuite to William Peters. 



Sir 



At last I got an oppertunity of sending y° your bathing 
Tubb, there has been so much Ice for these two months 
past in the river that could not get it on board the Shallop 
till now, As it has been so long out of use it will want 
the Assistance of a Cooper before it will be fitt for yours. 
I hope the fishing season coming on shall soon have the 
pleasure of seeing you here I dare say it will be a fine 
Spring for Sport of all sorts & I assure you without com- 
pliment will be very much heightend to me by the pleasure 
of y r good company, Your Countryman Bob is very well 



*v 



Some Selections fr om the Peters Papers. 455 

as thank God we all are M w Tuite & I heartily salute you 
k your Bro, I am "with true Esteem 

S r 

Your Humb 1 : Serv* : 

Robt. Tuite 

the 27 th of ffeb' : 1741/2 

Richard Peters to Conrad, Weiser. 

Philadelphia 3 Sber 1750 
Sir 

Your news, tho extremely disagreable, does not surprize 
me, because Professor Calm, a Swedish Naturalist, sent here 
by y* King of Sweden & who has lately been at Niagara, 
told me as much, nay more indeed, for he says positively 
that the first attempt y* the English shall make of erecting 
a Fort on any of the Waters of the Mississippi will begin 
a War between the French Indians & our Indians k y fc as 
the Indians particularly the Senecas & those on Lake Erie 
are French we shall undoubtedly have the worst of it, 

The orders of the French Officers are, y* any Englishman 
on what Business soever appearing on Lake Erie must be 
cut off & the Indians, as it is said, have undertaken to bring 
their scalps, 

In short, our Indian affairs are in a most lamentable con- 
dition and therefore I am commanded by the Governor to 
desire most earnestly of you that you send your Journal to 
him with all possible Expedition k yt you be sure to give 
your Attendance at Philadelphia the 13 th of this Instant, 
when the Council will sit on Indian affairs, in order to fur- 
nish Information and advice for the Assembly, k likewise 
for a Remonstrance to be made to the other Governments 
on the Continents afterwards to his Majesty — And there is 
this necessity for your appearance k Testimony and advice 
that the Fall shipps will all be gone in the month of Octo- 
ber, k there will be no opportunity of sending Letters to 
England, 

Pray favour me with a Letter and tell me how I shall 



456 Some Selections from the Peters Papers. 

write to the Proprietaries by a Ship yt is going from here 
in Ten Days. 

*■ It seems to me that our only Game to play now is with 
the Ohio Indians & the Twierh twees & Owendocts who are 
numerous & may by proper & generous Treatment secure 
to us a Ballance of Indians, 

I most heartily congratulate you on your safe Eeturn & 
pray Heaven (if the had lives of y e generality of y e people 
will let him protect us) y* some method may he found to 
guard us against an Indian War, 

The People over the Hills are comhin'd against the Gov- 
ernment, are putting in new Cropps & bid us Defiance, 

Good & generous Spirits do not. sink in times of publick 
Calamity, but exercise a cool understanding, &, where it is 
proper, undergo whatever hardships they are expos'd to, 

I have already given the Proprietors an uncomfortable 
Detail of Indian Affairs y e last week by Mr. Hockley, who 
has left with me a Power of Attorney to sell or otherwise 
despose of his Lands about Reading, 

Your Patent for Makoniaky will be made out on De- 
mand ; But I dont mention this on any other Account than 
to shew you that previous to all this Change of affairs 1 
have done with the Proprietaries what I promisd you, that 
is, a Grant in Fee to you & your Heirs for those Lands 

I am at all times whether difficult or otherwise 
D r S r Your affectionate 
Friend 

Richard Peters 

Samuel Auchmuty to Richard Peters. 

New York July 29 th 1754 
Dear Sir 

I hope ere this you have got over the fatigue of your late 
Excursion & that your Health has no ways suffered by it; 
but on the contrary the Exercise you have had, has sup- 
plyed you with a new fund of Spirits and Activi ty, whereby 
you may proceed, (but with more Alacrity) as you have 



*v 



Some Selections from the Peters Papers. 457 

hitherto done, in serving mankind, & promoting the Honour 
& Reputation of your Govcrnm', 

s I was much concerned that I was prevented seeing you 
the Day you left STew York, I was twice at your Lodgings 
for that purpose, Besides being desirous in person of wish- 
ing you a good & pleasant Journey, Health & Happiness, I 
had the Lottery acct to settle with you, & the Ballance in 
my pocket to pay you ; but as I had not that satisfaction, I 
now begg you will let me know how I am to dispose of 
your money, whether I shall pay it to any one here, or send 
it to you ; & also thro' this Channel receive my [torn out] 
ardent prayers for your prosperity & Happiness, 

We have no news, unless it should be news to acquaint 
you that "Whitfield is here, ranting away every Evening in 
the Meeting House, Yesterday He held forth there three 
times, His audience hitherto has consisted chiefly of the 
Dregs of the City. He has neither visited our Church or 
Clergy, since he has been here — I hear that tomorrow he 
sets off for your City, 

I will not by adding anything further engross your time, 
therefore conclude with assuring you that 

I am D r S r with the utmost sincerity 
Y r much obliged Friend & Bro r 
Samuel Auchmuty 
P, S, — My Compliments to 
Farson Smith, Sturgeon 
k all Friends, 

Please in order to save postage, when you write to me to 
direct y r Letter as follows 

To E. £ficHOLLS Esq r 
in 
K Y 

Rev. William Smith to Richard Peters. 

PhiladA 22* Feb^ 1755 
D b Sr 

Mr. Allen and you having signified to Mr. Alison and 
me that the Trustees propose us the Honor of filling up the 



*v 






458 So7ne Selections from the Peters Papers. 

Blanks in the Charter with our names, & desired us to con- 
fer together on the Subject, we have complied with that 
""desire, & settled as follows, 

Mr. Alison readily agrees that to add the Duties of 
Provost to those of Latin master, would be more than one 
Man could manage ; more especially as the Superintendence 
of the Philosophy-Classes, which must naturally fall to the 
Provost, would be inconsistent with the Business of a pro- 
fessor of Languages, 

As to my sentiments they are in brief as follows, I need 
not tell you that I think Mr. Alison qualified for any Station 
in any College ; and 'tis to be hoped, as soon as the Cir- 
cumstances of the Academy will permit, the Trustees will 
give him some easier Professorship than the laborious one 
of Languages ; and till that is the Case he wishes too well 
to the Institution to desire it, In the mean Time as this 
Charter is granted chiefly to enable us, on a collegiate Plan, 
to govern & confer Honors upon Students in Philosophy, 
that good Intention would be wholly defeated, & the Pro- 
fessors in the Sciences rendered despicable in the Eyes of 
the Students, should the chief Dignity arising from the 
new Charter & new Institution, center in any inferior 
School. TVhat Professor of Genius or Spirit would be 
found willing to qualify Students in Philosophy for Degrees, 
if any other Master in an inferior School had the confer- 
ring such Degrees, and deprived him of the Honor due to 
his Labors ? Or who would undertake the Care of Philos- 
ophy Classes on such a Footing ? 

Thus we were determined in this whole affair of the 
Charter, solely by the Eeason of Thing3, & the future Suc- 
cess of the Institution ; without any private Biass, 

We have however thought fit to add one thing to the 

© © 

Charter, viz; that in Mr. Alison's Case, Hector of the 
Academy shall be added to the Xame of Viceprovost as 
synonimous. — The Reason is this, By your printed Consti- 
tutions, when your plan extended no higher than a Latin 
School, the Master of that School was Rector of the inferior 



Some Selections from the Peters Papers. 459 

ones, The world, reading this, without knowing any pri- 
vate Reasons between Mr. Alison & yon, believed him 
"Rector ex officio, & he was frequently addressed as such, 
Unless, therefore, Rector is added to the name Yiceprovost, 
lie is afraid the world might think he has rather lost than 
gained by the Enlargment of the Plan ; As this is a delicate 
Matter, and as we have conducted the whole affair of the 
Charter with the utmost Harmony, Calmness & Deliber- 
ation, I must beg leave to insist on that small alteration, 
without enquiring further into the Reasons of it; for till 
my worthy Friend & Colleague is fully satisfied I cannot be 
satisfied. But this Expedient, which himself proposed, 
makes all perfectly easy; and I hope the Trustees, far from 
refusing to indulge us in this, will rather approve of the 
Temper & Harmony with which we have consulted the 
Good of the Institution, in an affair which, with some Mas- 
ters, might have embarrassed them a little, The words can 
do no hurt in the Charter, because they stand in a clause 
that has no Connection with the Rest; & the name dies 
with Mr. Alison, unless the Trustees renew it, And in 
deed when the Philosophy Students grow numerous, it may 
be necessary to remove them to a separate house, & then a 
Rector of the Academy may again be necessary, tho' still 
in Subordination to the general Government of the Faculty, 
But it would be needless to put this in the Charter, since 
the Trustees have power to give such a subordinate Inspec- 
tion of any number of the Schools to any professor what- 
ever. — Mr. Alison and I communicated this scheme jointly 
to Mr. Allen, and severally to Mr. Francis & Mr. Franklin, 
I write this to you to enable you to explain the matter to the 
Trustees, as Mr. Alison thought it better for me to explain 
it than him, 

I am Sr. 
Your obed fc , humble Serv*, 

Will: Smith, 



*v 



4G0 Some Selections from the Peters Papers. 

Richard Peters to Thomas Penn. 

"JIoxourd Sir 

Mr. Cookson dying unexpectedly I was obliged to go to 
Lancaster, It was well he left me Executor, as I had then 
all his Papers in my Power, which I have sorted, putting 
the Surveying Business by itself, the Proprietary Business, 
the Prothonotarys and the Governors by themselves & 
bringing all with me except what related to his County 
Offices & that of Deputy Register, His Papers were not in 
the best order on account of his having removed into a new 
House & postponed thro Indisposition the putting them in 
order, Mr. Edward Shippen Senior succeeds him in all 
his offices except that of Deputy Surveyor, which, is given 
by Mr. Scull with the Governors Approbation & on my 
Recommendation to a Son of Mr. James Galbreath of Pax- 
tong, who has been a steady Friend to the Government & 
the Proprietary Interest ever since your Departure, I 
believe both Offices will be discharged faithfully and to 
general satisfaction, 

I acknowledge the Receit of your Duplicate of Vae 9 th 
January last, and an additional Letter of the 2 d February, 
The original of that of the 9 th January I reced by the 
Lyon the 23 d March, I have at last the pleasure to see Mr 
Joyce who delivered me yours of the 14 July, He has 
been all this while at Boston consuming his time in selling 
no more Goods than would bear his Expences & com- 
plaining mightily of the People, 

What I do not answer now, I will not fail to do fully by 
the next ship, having a cold upon me that will not let me 
hold down my head, 

I am pleased to hear that Lady Juliana is as well as 
could be expected and likely to give you an agreable In- 
crease of your Family, Mr Tench Francis declares very 
deliberately that your son is the finest Boy in the world, 
nor wonder at it, adds he with great seriousness, for I never 
saw the Peer of his mother for Grace and amiableness and 



So?ne Selections from (he Peters Papers. 461 

a fine Person, She docs me Honour to take notice of my 
mentioning the Joy I expressed on the happy State of your 
Family at the Birth of your Son, Such news every year 
would erive fresh delight if she shoud retain her health & 
you your Spirits, 

You rightly term my Letter of the 12 June a despairing 
Letter, tho I was not then so much cast down, as a little 
after my Letter of the 10 th August, At that] time Mr 
Francis & I had agreed to bring four Ejectments in a 
County, and to draw up a particular advertisement to be 
put into the Papers at the usual time of the Receiver Gen- 
erals giving his annual Xotice in January or the beginning 
of February : and I was to take the short method of Fine & 
Imprisonment on two or three of the most notorious Tres- 
passers on your appropriated Tracts, taking with me the 
Sheriff & two Magistrates, When all of a sudden for no 
reason in the world that I know of (but some foolish Body 
or another telling him that the Assembly would not give 
him his sallary, having a Xotion that he assisted the Gov- 
ernor who gave the House too much trouble by his advice, 
and that while he did so, he must never expect anything 
from the People) while I was preparing the Business for 
him He enterd into a mysterious Conversation in the close 
of which he told me he must altogether decline the Pro- 
prietaries Business, This allarmed me & stopt my Progress, 
afterwards he spoke doubtfully, & at other times woud ask 
about Kilsmillers Business, and then again relapse into 
doubts & uncertainty, Matters being in this ballancing 
way, sometimes in good humour & sometimes otherwise, I 
waited to see what issue it would take and especially as I 
found the Governor in the same Embarassment as myself, 
not knowing when he had & when he had him not, 

At last your Instruction arrive! & w" the time of the 
Assemblys sitting drew nigh, it was communicated to Mr 
Allen & Mr Francis. After one or two conferences on this 
subject he told the Governor, in the manner I wrote, that 
he coud no longer serve as Attorney General or be retaind 



*v 



462 Some Selectio?is from (he Peters Papers. 

for the Proprietaries & yet when lie knew that the Gover- 
nor woud follow Mr Aliens & his advice, he returned to 
his former state & thought much & well about the Busi- 
ness, . 

I gave him fifty Pounds as he had wrote all the Gover- 
nors Letters to the President of Maryland, & went up to 
York to the Trval of Kilsmiller, & he said it was enousrh — 
It was not, added he, money he wanted or desird, but he 
was growing into years & did business slower than in his 
youth, perhaps owing to greater Caution and a Retreat into 
something that would maintain him was a Prudence due to 
his Family, "Well, says I, shall I talk to you about Pro- 
prietary Business, I have along time wanted to say some- 
thing to you on their Concerns whereupon he very gravely 
said you have not stopd your hand for any thing I have 
said, discoursed upon my saying no Ejectments had been 
brought nor distresses made, nor coud I tell what to do, 
"What says he woud you advise me to — Since you ask me 
I think you shoud proceed to do business as usual, and take 
Fees for all extraordenary Business, & Let the £50 p. 
annum suffice for a Retainer k ordinary Business, And he 
has this under consideration, nor have I a positive answer 
yet, He then asked what he shoud do about the Attorney 
Generals place, I told him I made no doubt but the Gov- 
ernor woud satisfy him as to the Point of the Sallary, I 
coud not give you an Idea of my Situation but by a par- 
ticular Detail which will serve to show you, as it is every 
word matter of Fact, that whatever my Inclinations are, it 
has not been in my power to do anything that I promisd in 
my Letter to do, For what signified it to go on the 
appropriated Tracts without doing something, especially as 
I did not know what was your final determination as to 
Leases, and whenever I go over them it will be necessary 
to distinguish some, as well as punish others, & in short by 
prudent measures to gain some of the best of the people 
on your side, The Tenants on Callowhill & Springton 
manors have expressd their Inclinations to lease tho they 



v*V 



Some Selections from the Peters Papers. 463 

would chuso to purchase, & thro the indefatigable pains of 
Mr Richardson pay their Rents pretty regularly, 

I have had much Conversation with Mr, Allen & Mr 
Francis, & they do sincerely & after the best deliberation 
declare, that the Paper money Bill had better pass here 
with the usual appropriation by the Assembly, & be con- 
demnd at home by previous management for that very un- 
reasonable & unparliamentary method of appropriation : 
which they say may be done by a word speaking and that it 
is an honest & just & right & fair method, for you will never 
otherwise get it brought to a fair Issue, the People will be 
bo tumultuous & ungovernable, and they earnestly entreat 
I will place this matter in y c strongest Light to }'ou that I 
can, & recommend it with all the zeal possible, and they 
have really persuaded me into an Opinion of its being the 
proper method so far as that since it must at last after a 
long contention be referrd to his Majesty, it woud save 
abundance of vexatious wrangles if the matter shoud at 
first be brought to that Tribunal and the Disposal of the 
money there settled in the whole Legislature, 

Your reason for your stay this year in England is so 
unexceptionable, that if you can set out the next year, I 
shoud think the Governor, if askd, notwithstanding his 
notice, will stay till your arrival in the Government, tho 
the year after notice woud expire perhaps in March next, 
or April, according to the time of its being served on you, 
for the Governor thinks that he is obliged to give a full 
years notice which is to commence from the Day of Service. 

Mr. Francis offerd no alteration in the Method of doing 
Business so that you must have misunderstood my letter, 
Kor was any Mode talkd on except what I have before 
mentioned. 

As to the Prospect of Philadelphia, I understood your 
Letter right, y t it was to be for your private use, but Heap, 
tho I did not know it, had determind to do it by subscription 
& woud not be brought to any other terms, than those men- 
tiond in Mr Hockleys & my first Letter & in every step we 



v%V 



464 Some Selections from the Peters Papers. 

had the Governors advice, & and it is founded on this Truth, 
that no Copper Plate can be kept long a private Property, 
kJTor some or other of your Friends woud be shewing the 
Map & the moment the Map makers get hold of a Map 
and they are always prowling like Foxes they woud get it 
engraved and disperse it abroad, "We acted for the best and 
it gives us pain that our proceedings are so desagreable, 
Coud I be justified by your short direction to put you to the 
Expence of £200 ? 

You may, Honourd Sir, receive your Fifty Pounds back 
on demand I having secured it, or you may have the con- 
duct of the Engraving at Mr. Sculls expence & take your 
Fifty copys first & send the rest here, which last I think the 
best, and what will help Mr. Scull out of the Scrape I have 
led him into. 

I advisd Mr Scull to try all methods to get it from the 
widow of George Heap, a subtle crafty woman & he suc- 
ceeded beyond my Expectation at the Expence of a Present 
to her of £100 for her part. George had received £100 
more & "Winter since his death has reced £15, 

Be so good as to peruse the Instructions given to Mr. 
Wallace by Mr Scull and if you should not chuse to be a 
Subscriber, yet be pleased, as the Poor man has done all to 
serve you, and with a wonderful chearfulness, to recom- 
mend the Execution of the work to an honest & frugal man, 
or it may prove an heavier Burthen than Mr. Scull can go 
thro, 

In the Box are two Printed Books of the Newcastle Laws 
neatly bound here, An Exemplified Law being the one 
which you say w T as omitted, tho by a memorandum of 
Charles Brockdens it was sent at the time the Papers of the 
Maryland Com" went. If it shoud not have been sent as 
it was a single Act passed at that August Sessions 1750 it 
must have been owing to my Engagements in your Com- 
mission, 

I have likewise put up Copies of ZMr Aliens Leases & 
Mr Isaac Xorriss. 



s* V 



Some Selections from the Peters Papers, 465 

From the Instructions already given very good Lease 
may be drawn but your precise orders and the Covenants 
-to be expressd in the Leases and the Fines on the dropping 
of one two or the whole three Lives would be the most 
satisfactory. 

I am 
Philadelphia Honourd Sir 

18 Apr 1753 Your most obedient 

humble servant 

Richard Peters 

The Honourable Thomas Penn Esquire, 

P. S. — If notwithstanding what has been said about the 
Perspective, you shall be of opinion that you can preserve 
the Privacy of the Copper Plate, which may be done by 
^Patent, you may take the Draught to yourself, sending 
three hundred Copies to Mr Scull for the use of the sub- 
scribers so many having paid Ten Shillings a Piece, and 
enable Mr Scull to be repaid what is given to Mrs Heap, 
If a man be sent over on purpose, there will be no End of 
the Expence, 

I can be informed by Mr Joyce of every Point I want to 
know respecting Leases in England, as he me. Xo care 
however shall be wanting on my side previous to my exe- 
cuting your orders, nor in the Forms of the Leases, But 
people assign over their Property so often here that I am 
afraid of unavoidable confusion, If they assign over their 
Leases as frequently as they do their other Titles will it not 
occasion trouble, this may be done without the Privity k 
Consent of the Prop" & their Agents, and then as nine in 
ten dye Intestate and the Orphans Courts give orders for 
the Division & Sale of the Estates, what will be done with 
a Leasehold Estate ? I dont write this as an Answer to the 
several Parts of your Letters relating to this subject for I 
shall after my conferences w a Mr Joyce put ell I have to 
say in one letter & mix nothing with it. 
vol. xxix.-— 30 



v*V 



466 Some Selections from the Peters Papers, 

New York May 12, 1748 
Advertisement. 
^Ran away the Twenty Seventh of April last from 
William dimming of the City of Annapolis in Maryland 
a Servant Man named John Herbertson he is a Convict a 
North Country Man speaks broad Scotch, and has a rough 
Hoarse Voice he is a Middle siz'd Man, of a fresh Com- 
plextion Sandy colour d Hair and Beard with very white 
Eye Brows and is a Miller by Trade he was seen Two Days 
ago in this City of New York, and has on a Brown Suit ot 
Cloth Cloaths a ruffled Shirt, a pair of Check Trousers and 
a Leather Jocky Cap, he Chews Tobacco very much and 
walks heavily, it is supposed he has a false Pass. Whoever 
takes up and secures the said Servant so that his Master 
may have him again, shall have Five Pounds Reward, be- 
Bides what the Law allows, and all reasonable Charges, 
paid by-— 

William Cumming. 






v* V 



Delaware Bible Records. 467 



DBLAWAEE BIBLE .RECORDS. 

CONTRIBUTED BY REV. C. H. B. TURNER. 

[The following records are copied from the Bible in possession of Mrs. 
John Wilson, of Delaware. The first record reads, "Eliz. Clarkson — 
her Book — : was born in Cheshire, England, August 1 st 1720. The gift 
of her Father, William Becket, Missionary at Lewes."] 1 

John Futchcr son of William Futcher and Mary his wife 
was born May 7 th 1744 and departed this life December 5 th 
177 [torn] 

Thomas Futcher son of John Futclier and Sarah his wife 
was born on Wednesday the 21 st day of May 1766. And 
departed this life 6 th day of October 1769 

William Futcher son of John Futcher and Sarah his wife 
was born on Saturday 9 th day of January 1768. 
. Departed this life December 18 th 1836 

Mary Futcher daughter of John Futcher and Sarah his 
wife was born July 19 th 1769 

[torn] Futclier son of John Futcher and Sarah his wife 
was born of Tuesday 18 th day of December 1770 

Susan ah Futcher daughter of John Futcher and Sarah his 
wife was born of Thursday 11 th day of January 1773 

Elizabeth Futcher daughter of John Futcher and Sarah 
his wife was born on Wednesday August 23 d . 1775. De- 
parted this life February 1776 

W m Futcher son of John Futcher was married 28 th day 
of January 1795 2 

lr rhe will of the Rev. William Becket, bearing date 17 August, 1743, 
proved 29 August, 1743, recorded at Georgetown, Sussex County, de- 
scribes him as " Missionary of the Gospel at Lewes," expresses his de- 
sire to be buried in the church yard of St. Peter's at Lewes, between 
the graves of his wives, makes bequests to his daughters, Elizabeth and 
Susanna, and states that his son-in-law, William Futcher, and his wife 
have already had their portion of his estate. 

1 William Futcher married Martha Little, January, 1795. 



-s*V 



468 Delaware Bible Records. 

Sarah Futcher daughter of W m Futcher and Martha his 
wife was born of the 9 th day of December 1795 
s John Futcher son of W m Futcher and Martha his wife 
was born on Sunday the 8 th day of October 1797 

Mary Futcher daughter of W m Futcher and Mary his 
wife was born on the 5 th day of February 1800. Departed 
this life January 23 d 1 822-— The wife of W m Roades 1 

Peggy Futcher daughter of T\ rm . Futcher and Martha his 
wife was born Saturday the 10 th Day of December 1803. 
Departed this life October 1806 

W m . Roades son of W m Roades and Mary his wife was 
bom December 13 th 1821 

Margaret Futcher daughter of John Futcher and Hetty 
Ann his wife was born of Thursday the 25 th day of August 
1825 

Thomas Futcher son of John and Hetty Ann his wife 
was born September 20 th 1826 and departed this life the 
same day 

Mary West Futcher daughter of John and Hetty Ann his 
wife was born May 11 th 1828 

Erasmus Marsh Futcher son of John and Hetty Ann his 
wife was born January l !t 1830 

William Futcher son of John and Hetty Ann hi3 wife- 
was born March 16 th 1831 and departed this life the same 
day 

Adaline Futcher daughter of John and Hetty Ann his 
wife was born August 25- 1832, and departed this life the 
same day 

John Little Futcher son of John and Hetty Ann his wife 
was born March 17 th 1834 and departed this life the same 
day 

John Mitch elm ore Futcher son of John and Hetty Ann 
his wife was born February 14 th 1835 

Martha Ann daughter of John and Hetty Ann his wife 
was born February 13 th 1838 

1 William T. Rhodes married Mary Futcher, 18 January, 1821. Rec- 
ords of the United Presbyterian churches of Lewes, Rehoboth and Cool 
Spring, a copy of which is in The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Ed. 



*v 



Delaware Bible Records, 469 

Joseph Franklin Futclier son of John and Hetty Ann his 
wife was born August 2\ 1839 

Becket Futcher son of John and Hetty Ann his wife was 
born April 23 d 1841 and departed this life the same day 

Hetty Elinder Futeher daughter of John and Hetty Ann 
his wife was born February 6 th 1843 

Sarah Lamb daughter of W m Futcher and Martha his 
wife departed this life March 3 d . 1848, aged 52 years 2 
month 

John Little son of John Little and Sarah his wife was 
born June 6 th 1771 1 

Margaret Little daughter of John and Sarah his wife was 
born July 3 d . 1773 

Martha Little daughter of John and Sarah his wife was 
born June 27 th 1774 

1 John Little married Sarah Gill, 20 December, 1770. 



470 Orderly Book Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion y 1776. 



ORDERLY BOOK FOURTH PENNSYLVANIA BAT- 
TALION, COL. ANTHONY WAYNE, 1776. 

£A number of the Orders are in the handwriting of Col. Wayne.] 

Marcus Hook, Feb. 27, 1776. 
Parole Cambridge. 

A Guard to mount tomorrow consisting of one Serj* one 
Corporal and eight Privates. 

The two Companies quartered here to Parade together in 
order to exercise at 9 o'clock every morning and to exercise 
separate every afternoon. 

Great attention to be given by the officers of these two 
Companies that the men be allert on duty when Sentry and 
likewise to be careful in Training y 9 men. 

Marcus Hook, Feb. 28, 1776. 

Its the Colo 8 orders that the strictest regularity be ob- 
served, and harmony cultivated between the two companies 
stationed here that proper Serj t3 Guard be kept up consist- 
ing of 12 men who are always to hold themselves ready to 
turn out on any alarm and to keep in safe custody all such 
Prisoners that be given to them in charge by any officers, 
either commissioned or non-commissioned until discharged 
by the Commanding Officer for the time being. 

Its also the Colo 3 Orders that the Quarter Master Ser* do 
take particular care to see that the following Rations be 
duly and regularly served out to the Soldiers, & that they 
are of a good quality : viz. 

1 lb Beef or {- lb Pork, or 1 lb Salt fish pr day— 

1 lb Bread or flour p day — 

3 pints pea3 or beans p week, or vegetables equivalent at 
one Dollar p bushel for peas or beans. 

1 pint of milk p. man p. day, or at the rate of 1/72 of a 
Dollar. 



^v 



Orderly Book Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion^ 1776. 471 

1 Quart of Spruce beer or Cyder p man p. day, or nine 
gallons of Molasses p company of 100 men, p week. 
«.„ J pint rice, or 1 pint of Indian meal p. man p. week. 

3 lb Candlea to 100 men p. week, for Guards. 

24 lb. Soft or 8 lb. hard soap pr 100 men p. week. 

The Fifes & Drums are to be kept constantly in training, 
when off field duty. The officers are to permit no oppor- 
tunity in perfecting themselves in their duty. 

The Guards are not to be relieved until they deliver up 
their arms in as good Order as they ree'd them. 

No soldier is to be out of Quarters after 9 o'clock at night, 
at which time the Tattoo is to be beat and the Roll to be 
called. 

Marcus Hook, Feb 29 1776. 

Parole — Lancaster 

The Serjant of the Guard to fix a Sentry at the Com- 
mandants Quarters regularly every day. 

Ensign Wallace to visit the Barracks and Infirmary and 
report what necessaries are wanted. 

The Commanders of the Companies in Hook are imme- 
diately to recommend proper persons to fill the vacancies of 
Serjants and Corporals. 

Capt. Robinson returned — 

James Marchant Y o •■ . + 
Joseph Gray / u J 

William Ellis 
David Yalow 
Richard Mathews 
James Grubb 

The Col. has appointed them accordingly, whose com- 
mands are to be regularly obeyed as such. 
Capt. Taylor returns — 

James M c Culla, v . 
Robert Anderson J J 
Alex. M c Elhatton ) _ 
Xath. M-Oill } Corporals. 



Corporals. 



472 Orderly Book Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion, 1776. 

The Col. appointed them accordingly, whose commands 
are to be regularly obeyed as such. 

' [From March 1 to 8 inclusive no orders are entered.] 

Marcus Hook, March 9, 1776. 
Parole — Boston . 

Its the Commanding officers Particular orders that no 
officer in the two companies quartered at Hook absent 
themselves from their Quarters without leave from the 
Commanding officer. 

And no Soldier be permitted to go on Furlough without 
liberty from the Colonel. A morning report to be given to 
the Commanding officer every morning at nine o'clock and 
to mention the men's names if any are absent, and likewise, 
in the evening to report all that maybe absent from Parade. 

Iso officer to be absent from the parade without a suffi- 
cient reason and all officers to be careful while the men are 
marching in the Field to be steady and silent, and that the 
men keep their heads up and perform everything in a sol- 
dier like manner. 

pTo entries between March 9 and 14.] 

Hook, March 14 1776. 

Col desires Capt. Robinson to return proper Persons to fill 
vacancies of Serjants, — who returns 

Cor. AYill m Ellis as Serjant, and Robt. Anderson as Fourth 
Corporal in room of Will m Ellis preferred. 

[jSTo entries between March 14 and 28, while the com- 
panies were on the march to New York.] 

Head Quarters March 28, 1776. 

Evening Orders. 

Par ok — Maryland. 

The General expects and requires that the greatest care 

be taken by the Officers^ of the different Corps to prevent 

their soldiers from doing any injury to the Houses in which 



v*v 



Orderly Book Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion, 1776. 473 

they are quartered, and in order to guard against such prac- 
tices, a Subaltern officer once a day to inspect the lodging 
£>f their men and if any damage is done to the houses or 
furniture to report the delinquents that they may be severely 
punished. 

Field Officers of the Day for tomorrow — Major Doughty 
and Adj* M r Walker. 

Head Quarters March 29 1776. 
Evening Orders. 
Parole — Franklin. Countersign — Cheaves. 
The Troops that arrived yesterday to furnish their propor- 
tion of men for guards and fatigues tomorrow morning. A 
Garrison Court Martial consisting of one Captain, 4 Sub- 
alterns, to sit tomorrow at ten o'clock in the forenoon for 
the tryal of such persons as may be brought before them. 

One half of the men on Duty tomorrow are to parade at 
8 o'clock at the Grand Parade before Trinity Church, for 
Fatigue. 

Head Quarters, New York, March 30 1776. 
Evening Orders. 
Parole — Woodston. Countersign — Carroll. 
Guard and Fatigues as usual. 

The Field Officers tomorrow, Col. Hand, and the Adju- 
tant Mr. Singlar. 

Orders that all the Adjutants for the future are to attend 
for orders. 

Head Quarters, New York, March 31 1776. 
After Orders. 
Parole — Thompson — Conn iersign — Stirling. 
The Field Officers of the Day for tomorrow is Col. Bayley 
and the Adjutant Mr. Walker. 

Main Guard and Fatigue as usual, and reserve to consist 
of one Captain two Subalterns, 2 Serjants, 2 Corporals, 2 
Drummers and fifty men. 

East Eiver North Upper Barracks Guard to furnish one 



474 Orderly Book Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion, 1776. 

Parole every hour from Tattoo to Revelly. Reserve Guards 
to furnish four Paroles every hour of the night. 

«.Jn future all orders, except on special occasions, will issue 
at Orderly Time in the morning. 

Head Quarters April 1, 177G. 

Parole — Boston. Countersign — Amboy. 

Field Officers of the day for tomorrow is Col. Bayley, and 
the Adjutant, Mr. Cramer. 

As the buildings in which the Troops are Baracked are 
very good, particular care must be taken to prevent them 
being damaged, and where there is furniture, it must be 
carefully preserved. 

Each Regiment in the City will at Revelly Beating mount 
a Piquet Guard consisting of one Captain, 2 Subalterns, 2 
Serjants, a Drum, a Fife, and fifty rank and file. Their 
arms must be carefully inspected — afterwhile they are to lie 
on their arms in respective Quarters during the night and 
are not to be absent from their Quarters in the day time. 
The Picquet is under the Command of the Field Officer of 
the Day, and on any emergency will follow his directions. 

Those Regiments lately arrived in this City, from the East- 
ward will do duty after this day, both on Guard and 
Fatigues. 

His Excellency General Washington having some time 
since, for the distinction of the several rates of Officers in 
the Army, directed that the Field Officers wear in their hats 
Red Cockades, the Captains, Yellow and Subalterns, Green 
— the officers will conform to these orders, and all others are 
forbid wearing of these colors. 

All Guards and the Regiments and Corps in Camp, will 
be under arms in their Regimental orders, and the Guards 
before the respective Guard Houses at Revellee and there 
remain until Sunrise. Alarm posts will soon be assigned 
to each Regiment, which will contain [torn] at the afore- 
mentioned time all the Resriments to furnish one Subaltern 



v*V 






Orderly Book Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion, 1776. 475 

one Serjaut 1 Corporal, and 24 men for Guards and 
Fatigues. 

Head Quarters New York April 2, 1776. 
Morning Orders. 
Parole, Cambridge — ■ Countersign — Salem. 

The Field Officer of the Day tomorrow is Major Dellart, 
and the Adjutant Mr. Sinclair. 

The Commanding officer of Regiments and Corps will 
send to the Town Major tomorrow at Orderly time the 
name of the Ward and Street in which the Regim* or 
Corps is quartered. The Commanding officer of each of 
the established Regiments will pay particular attention its 
Dbipline and the men off .Duty must be daily exersised as 
the AVeather is Fine. 

Starks, "Webbs, Pattersons, Yreatons, and Bonds Regi- 
ments, will be under arms this afternoon at three O'clock on 
the Common (except those on duty). One Subaltern, one 
Serjant and twelve Privates, of Cap*. Davis company of Ar- 
tilery, to be ready tomorrow to March on Command for 
twelve Days. One Cap tn 2 Bubal, 2 Serj nt , Fife & Drum & 
fifty Rank and File to be Draughted from the Brigade late 
from Boston for the same Command. In order to prevent 
the Breaking out of Fire in the City, the chimneys must be 
kept clean. 

Particular care must be taken that the sweeps are not ob- 
structed in sweeping the chimnies and when] the chimnies 
of any Barracks is swept the Officer in such Barracks will 
give the sweeper a Certificate of his haveing performed this 
Service. 

Head Quarters New York April 3. 1776. 
Morning Orders. 
Parole — Lee. Coun tersign — Moore. 

Colonels Quarters near jSTew York April 10 th 1776. 
Orders for the detachment of the L ht Batalion cf Penn- 
sylvania troops now commanded by Major Hauseggar at 



*v 



476 Orderly Book Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion, 1770. 

Revellee Beating at break of Day, all Officers and Soldiers 
to be under arms at that time and remain there till sunrise. 
^ The Camp to be left clean, and if any man is found to 
make any nastiness anywhere else but at that place, that 
man shall be severly punished. The Rolls to be called 
twice a day, in the morning & in the evening, & it any man 
be absent of roll calling he shall be severly punished. Xo 
noncommissioned Officer or Soldier is to leave the Camp 
without leave of the Officer commanding the detachment ; 
no fences or trees to be cut down or damaged on any account 
what ever; if any man be found guilty he shall be confined 
and punished accordingly. jSTo man shall fire his gun 
without leave of the Commanding officer of the Comp 7 ; if 
any piece Should be loaded & the lead could not be drawn, 
the officer commanding the Comp 7 to which he belongs is 
to be acquainted immediately therewith. The tents must 
be taken care of, and nothing is more necessary than to see 
that the men lay's their Guns upon forks & particular care- 
fall that the sticks touch not the tents. 

Orders is given at Chester that there shall be a weekly 
Officer, a Serj't — and they are not to Absent themselves 
from the Camp on any pretence whatsoever. 

Head Quarters April 3. 1776. 
Pa-role — Lee. Conn tersign — Moore. 

The Field Officer of the Day tomorrow is Col. Stark & 
Adjut Mr. Candelin. The General thanks Major Dehart 
and soldiers of the iSTew Jersey Batt n . who so readily offered 
their services and effected the Burning the Building and 
defacing the works and bringing off the intrenshing Tools, 
the last night on the Island under the very guns of the 
Asia man of Tv"ar. 

As the Army is considerably reinforced by the troops 
lately arrived in Town— 

The General thanks the Officers and Soldiers of the City 
Militia of Col. Earn son, Jays and Lotts Eegt s for their vigi- 
lance in assisting in fortifying the City, and excuses them 



*v 



Orderly Book Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion, 1776. 477 

from any future Fatague at present, being fully assured that 

in any emmergency their assistance will be immediately 

offered. 

The soldiers are not to be absent from their Quarters 

after Tattoo. 

Captain Lacy to furnish for gaurd one Cap. and four 
men, and one Cap. and nine men for fatigue. 

Head Quarters April 4. 1776. 
Morning Orders. 
Parole — Cambridge. Countersign — Boxbury. 

The Field officers for the day tomorrow Col: Patterson 
and the Adjutant Mr. Walker. 

Guards as usual. Fatagues as many men as the Engineer 
can employ to advantage in order to scale the Cannon. 
At Morning and Evening guns is to be Fired every day 
until the whole are cleaned. 

Guards for tomorrow 1 Corporal 4 privits ; Fatigues as 
usual. 

Head Quarters New York April 5. 1776. 
Morning Orders. 
Parole — Dorchester — Coun tersign — Castle. 

General Orders by the Hon: Major Gen. Putnam, the 
General finding it necessary for the sake of good order and 
discipline, that there should be no strowling through the 
streets after Tattoo beating, for the purpose has acquainted 
the inhabitants they cannot pass the centries without the 
Countersign. The Officers are immediately to acquaint 
their men that at the beating of tattoo, they are to retire to 
and remain in their Barracks. All soldiers found strowling 
are to be confined and may depend will be made examples 
of. 

The Officers of the Standing army are to continue to 
enlist from the Militia such able bodied men as are willing 
to serve during the Campaign. 

The General strictly enjoins the Officers to live in the 



478 Orderly Book Fourth Pennsylvania Battalion, 1776. 

Strictest peace and annuity with the inhabitants and to pre- 
vent any insult being offered them by the Soldiers. 

Agreeable to the orders of the 2 d instant 1 Lieut., 1 Serj. 
and 12 Privites of Cap 4 . Davis Comp. of Artily. & 1 Cap*. 
2 Lut. 2 Serj, fife and drum, and 50 Eank and file to march 
tomorrow morning to Fort Montgomery; they are imme- 
diately to apply to the Quarter Master General who will 
use a Vessell to convey them up the River. 

Cap 4 . Dicksons, of Daytons Reg*., with his Com d to 
march tomorrow to take post at Powles Hook. 

The Adjutants to be punctual at giving in their Returns 
tomorrow to the Major of Brigades and of paradeing their 
men at the usual hour for guard and Fatigue. 

Tattoo to beat precisely at half past nine o'clock; each 
Regiment is to beat Tattoo at their own Parade. At the 
time the Drums are beating from Head Quarters round the 
Town. The centries not to demand the Countersign from 
the inhabitants till Saturday Night. 

A General Court Martial to sit tomorrow morning at 10 
o'clock at Fraunee's Tavern; all Evidences and persons 
concerned to attend the court. Mr. "Willcocks to sit as 
Judge Advocate till further orders. 

The Field Officer of the Day Tomorrow is to furnish 7 
men and one sub. For Fatigue 1 Sej. and fifteen, men. 

(To be continued.) 



*v 



How the Site of Carlisle, Pennsylvania, was Purchased. 479 



HOW THE SITE OF CARLISLE, CUMBERLAND 
COUNTY, PENNA., WAS PURCHASED. 

[Letter of Thomas Cookson to Thomas Perm, in "Perm Papers/' Li- 
brary of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania.] 

Honourd Sir 

On fixing the Seat of the Town of Carlisle at Letorts Spring, 
I furnished the Governor with a draught of the Lands pur- 
chased to he transmitted to your Honour. I douht not but 
most of them woud appear high rated, as indeed they are, 
which may render it necessary for me to mention the Reasons 
I purchased at such rates, After the Governor had been well 
informed of the Conveniences of the different Situations in 
the County of Cumberland proposed for a County Town, and 
had determined to fix it at Letorts Spring, I then received 
my directions to purchase two or three Plantations upon 
the Spring for the seat of the Town, having surveyd two 
pretty good Tracts near it, for Timber Out Lots or such 
other Accommodations as you shoud think fit to apply them 
and accordingly with all the Privacy and Dispatch imagi- 
nable I endeavoured to get the Purchases made before it 
was made publick, I took a Ride to the Place and bought 
Patrick Davison's & "William Davison's Plantations which 
are very good ones and most convenient for the centre of 
the Town, I then bought James Gilcores and wanted the 
Plantation late Peter Wilkies, when I enquired about that, 
I found that Peter Wilkie had made a Will and had left 
that Plantation for the maintenance of his wife and children 
during her widowhood To be sold nevertheless on her mar- 
riage This put a stop for a time to our Proceedings I 
acquainted the Governor with the difficulties thrown in our 
Way and on shewing him a Draught of the Lands pur- 
chased and of the adjacent Plantations He resolved not to 
proceed to fix the Town there unless this Tract of W r ilkies 



*v 



480 Plow the Site of Girlish, Pennsylvania, was Purchased. 

that of John M e Clare's and the others since purchased could 
be got for your Honour looking upon them as Plantations, 
L that in time, if in other Hands, woud interfere with the 
most advantageous Part of your Scheme, as he has found in 
his late Purchases about the Town of Lancaster, being 
obliged to give rive times the money he might have had 
them for ten or twelve years ago, Upon this I immedeately 
returnd to Letorts to endeavour to make all the Purchases 
thought necessary, The Widow "Wilkie was about to marry, 
and I treated with the Executors about the price, these were 
very high, as were the others I acquainted M r Peters with 
the large Demands made for these Plantations, as I 
imagined you woud think them very extravagant in that 
Part of the Country, but cheaper I could not get them, the 
Country were waiting for a Town to be laid out, and the 
Governor thought it would be for your Interest to have 
those Lands even at the rates they insisted on rather than 
leave them in their Possessions, thus they were purchased as 
speedily and as cheap as was in my Power, I have now 
sent another copy of the Draught of those Lands wherein 
I have marked the centre of the town and the names of the 
persons from whom the several Plantations were purchased 
and the Prices I have also noted a Part convenient for Out 
Lots, I mentioned the Letting them on Leases for Lives, 
but the People at present settled there coud not be brought 
to think of any other tenure than a Fee Simple and were of 
the Rents first ;settled at Lancaster viz 7/ sterl for 5 acres, 
However they will think much to give above ten or twelve 
sliill sterl, at the most, M r Peters by me promised the 
Settlers out Lots, but no terms were agreed upon, I there- 
fore desired Mr Armstrong the Deputy Surveyor there to 
measure out 20 or 30 Out Lots, and to be very particular in 
noting the Quality of each as to Soil Timber &c and to send 
down the draught of them to Mr, Peters that some mode of 
granting or letting them shoud be agreed upon, and the first 
adventurers in the Town accommodated which will much 
encourage others, The Tavernkeepers in Town are kept 



■^^ 



How the Site of Carlisle, Pennsylvania, was Purchased. 481 

easy at present by having the Meadow Ground on the Spring 
rented out amongst them, the Town is improving as much 
as can well he expected, and I hope by the fall you will 
have a farther agreeable account altho they are far short of 
the Town of Reading which has rose up most surprizingly, 
I am sorry we had not the Plan of the Centre Scpiare in 
time I think it a very beautiful one But we coud none of 
us hit upon it and the Town having been long kept back 
the Governor directed M r Scull to form the Plan upon your 
letter as near your design as he coud which was done, and 
carried into Execution, I have sent also copies of the 
Draughts of the other Surveys made for your Family on the 
"West Side Sasquehannah, The Settlement of Marsh Creek 
to be surveyed into a manor called Maske is filled with a set 
of People of the same Temper and Principles with the first 
settlers of it who are mostly removed and who had opposed 
the surveying that Land for the use of your Family, The 
Secretary and Surveyor General with some Magistrates 
were up to attempt it but in vain, during the late War and 
since, the Province has been in Broil3, and the People read- 
ier to join with such Rioters, than to assist the officers of 
Justice to suppress them, for that whole settlement has been 
brought in at the' time of an Election with the popular cry 
and no one would or durst touch them, tho' Out Lawries 
against some of them, therefore I think it will be better to 
wait for a more favourable opportunity in such extraordi- 
nary cases as these when there may be a better Prospect of 
carrying into execution any design of either removing or 
laying Terms on them. The Town of York is well im- 
proved several good Houses of Brick or Stone built within 
these two years I shall take an account from Mr, Stevenson 
of the present State of it and transmit it with the Plan by 
the next opportunity. Mr. Lardner mentioned to me your 
inclination to ease him of the trouble of receiving your Quit 
Rents in the Counties of York and Cumberland and that 
you should be willing that I should receive those Rents and 
yearly account to him or the Receiver General for the time 
vol. xxix.— 31 



482 Mow the Site of Carlisle, Pennsylvania, was Purchased. 

being, I desired him to return your Honour my Thanks 
for his Confidence and good Opinion and that I should under- 
take anything within my capacity for your Service when he 
shall think fit to put me into some method for entering upon 
the Business, Theres a good deal of Arrears of Rent due 
in York, the Terms the Lots were taken up first were to 
have 'em two years Rent free, I must also beg leave to 
return my thanks for the honour you did me in naming 
me one of vour Commissioners for running the lines, I 
should be well pleased to have been serviceable on the 
occasion 

I am 
Hoir 4 Sir 

Y r Honours 

Most obed fc Serv* 

Tiio: Cookson 
Lancaster 
8* June 1752 



v* V 



Notes and Queries. 483 



NOTES AND QUERIES. 

Botes. 

James Armstrong. — I should be glad to get all information on the 
parentage, family, and later history of Capt. James Armstrong of 
'•Light Horse Harry" Lee's Legion. A query in the "Virginia 
Magazine of History " and a lengthy one in the {i Atlanta Constitution " 
unfortunately brought no new facts to light, nor any proof or well 
founded tradition of relationships. According to the records heretofore 
published there seemed to be two or three officers of the name James 
Armstrong in Pennsylvania regular troops, but all the items are now 
proved to refer to a single individual, as shown in the following account 
of James Armstrong of Lee's Legion. If there were others, they must 
have served only in the militia of the western counties. 

James Armstrong was Quartermaster (Feb. 29, 1776), Ensign (May 
21, 1770), 2d Lieut. (Nov. 11, 1776), all in the 2d Perma. Battalion; 
and 1st Lieut. (April 1, 1777), in the 3d Penna. Line, which wa3 
formerly the 2d Penna. Battalion. (Penna. Archives, 2d series, vol. 10, 
and vol. 15, p. 432 ; also War Dep't, Washington). At Peekskill, 
July 16, 1778, Lt. James Armstrong of the 3d Penna., was tried by 
court martial, and "notwithstanding his good character as an officer 
and soldier," was reprimanded by Washington. (Penna. Arch., 2d 
series, vol. 11, p. 294). At White Plains, Sept. 15, 1778, Lt. James 
Armstrong was, with other 3d Reg't officers, one of the forty-one signers 
of a petition to Washington, expressing dissatisfaction with recent 
methods of promotion in the army. (Washington MSS., Library of 
Congress.) 

With this reference James Armstrong disappears from the 3d Penna. 
Line entirely, and was transferred from it to Lee's Legion. He appears 
on the rolls of the 2d Troop of the Legion as Lieutenant, January 1, 
1779. His identity with the 3d Reg't officer is established by the 
rolls of Lee's Legion, where under the head "State of Penna. against 
tJ. S. for depreciation on pay of the Army," Lieut. James Armstrong's 
promotion as Lieutenant is dated back to April 1, 1777, which was the 
date of his promotion to that rank in the 3d Penna. Line. Lee's com- 
mand did not come into existence until April-May, 1778. (The above 
records are in the War Dep't at Washington). James Armstrong's 
promotion to Captain took place sometime between January 26, 1780, 
when Lee applied to Pennsylvania for clothing for Lieutenant Arm- 
strong, (Penna. Col. Records, xii, 235), and Nov. 7, 1780, when Lee 
again made similar application for Capt. James Armstrong, (Penna. 
Arch., vol. 8, p. 599). (A roll of the 3d Penna. Line, containing the 
name Lt. James Armstrong, in Penna. Archives, 2d series, vol. 15, is 
incorrectly dated 1780, for none of the officers named therein are given 
the promotions which many of them had as early as 1778 and 1779. 
Hcitman, giving the dates that belonged to Lee's officer, erroneously 
assigns James Armstrong to Pulaski's Legion and later to Armand's 
Legion, with which Pulaski's was merged, the obvious mistake arising 



*V 



484 Notes and Queries. 

no doubt from his assuming that the Second was Pulaski's Legion, when 
in reality it was Lee's). 

In 17 S3 Capt. James Armstrong joined the Penna. Society of the 
Cincinnati, and signed two lists of the members, once as "James 
Armstrong Can' 2nd P(artisan) Legion," (Lee's being the 2d Legion), 
and the other time as "James Armstrong Cap 1 Lee's Legion." The 
two original signatures are identical. I am inclined to think that sub- 
sequent to his joining the Cincinnati he received the rank of Major (by 
brevet), but this is only speculation. The 500 acres of Donation Lands 
(in Donation district No. 8, Crawford and Warren Counties ; see map 
Penna. Arch., 3d series, vol. 3), to which James Armstrong was entitled 
as a Captain from Pennsylvania, he assigned to Charles Julian de 
Longchamps, the return of patenting the tract bearing date Sept. 7, 
1787. . (Penna. Arch., 3d series, vol. 7.) The Chevalier de Long- 
champs figured, conspicuously in Philadelphia about that time. 

After 1783, when James Armstrong was in Philadelphia, it is 
difficult to trace him with absolute definiteness. 

According to Heitman's Register he was the same who, at the time of 
threatened war with France, was appointed Major in the 5th U. S. 
Infantry, July 12, 1799, and honorably discharged June 15, 1S00. 
This is probably correct. The officers chosen at the augmentation of 
the army in 1799 were for the most part Revolutionary veterans. The 
fame of James Armstrong, known as one of the two or three most 
celebrated dragoons in the American army in the Revolution, extended 
through both armies and "was long remembered, as attested by numerous 
references in the writings of his contemporaries. Two of the best 
accounts of his services are those by Major Alexander Garden in his 
*' Anecdotes of the Revolutionary War," and by " Light Horse Harry " 
3Lee himself in his "War in the Southern Department." The latter' s 
son, Henry Lee, in his "Campaign of 1781," refers to his father's 
version of one of Captain Armstrong's exploits, "which imparts such 
high moral interest to the courage of Armstrong, and elevates it from 
the bravery of a dragoon to the valour of a knight." Others of Lee's 
Pennsylvania officers, as Manning and Irvine, settled in the South after 
the war, and in further support of the belief that James Armstrong 
settled in Georgia, it may be added that a James Armstrong (called 
Major) became a member of the Georgia Society of the Cincinnati as 
late as 1787, and that in the first national election of 17S9, James 
Armstrong of Georgia, whose history is now unknown to the historians 
of that state, was one of the ten prominent Americans of the day who 
received complimentary votes for Vice-President of the L T nited States. 

The career of the Legion officer is thus with little reasonable doubt 
carried into Georgia and down to his discharge from the 5th Infantry in 
1800, but the date and place of his death are unknown, and we have 
only Major Garden's statement, (in his book printed at Charleston, 
S. C, 1822), that "ever high in the esteem and affection of his 
associates, admired and respected in every society, he lived beloved and 
died lamented." 

Diligent inquiry has failed to discover anything definite about 
Captain James Armstrong's family connections. The remarkable 
parallel, however, between his history and the facts regarding John 
Armstrong's elder brother James, as given below from John Armstrong's 
papers, offers strong presumptive evidence that the two were identical. 



v*V 



Notes and Queries. 485 

I submit the record (now printed for the first time) in the hope that 
it will call forth absolute proof or denial of the fact. 

John Armstrong and James Armstrong (later of the Legion) were 
rjSth Lieutenants in the 3d Peuna. Line at the same time, but John 
continued in the regiment until the close of the war, when he joined the 
Cincinnati, and was afterwards made a Captain by brevet. He entered 
the regular army in 1783-4 and served in the West until his resignation 
in March, 1793, after his appointment as Major of the 1st U. S. 
Infantry. A coolness seems to have existed for many years between 
him anil his brother James, which accounts for an ignorance among his 
descendants of even so much knowledge regarding James Armstrong as 
is to be inferred from the letter to him here quoted. It is, however, 
tradition that he settled in the South (Virginia or Georgia), and a less 
reliable tradition says that like his brothers he was an officer in the 
Revolution, The following statement outlines the history of this 
particular family of Armstrongs, and reveals the grounds for a separation 
of th e brothers. 

Thomas Armstrong, son of John Armstrong of the parish of Donag- 
beady, County Tyrone, Ireland, married Jane, daughter of Michael 
Hamilton, and emigrating to America (1753-4, shortly before the birth 
of his son John), settled at or near Bethlehem, New Jersey. Thence he 
removed to Northumberland County, Penna. , where he was a resident 
of Mahoning Township, at his death in 1783. In his will, dated Sept. 
25, 1783, while naming his daughters Mary Armstrong, Nancy 
McAdams, Elizabeth Wilson, and his son Hamilton Armstrong for 
small amounts, he leaves the bulk of his estate to " my son John/' and 
to " my eldest son James," but five shillings. Hence possibly arose the 
coolness. He also names "my dear beloved wife Magdalena," whose 
marriage to Thomas Armstrong is said to have displeased some of his 
children. In a letter of March 29, 1784, to Frederick Antes, one of his 
father's executors, John Armstrong says : "My step-mother is entitled 
to a living out of the estate — that I wish her as becomes the wife of my 
deceased parent." 

On the back of a bill drawn against John Armstrong by Samuel 
Nicholas-, and dated Philadelphia, Nov. 8, 1785, is a note in the hand- 
writing of John Armstrong stating that Major Nicholas has received on 
this account £3-0-0 from Capt. James Armstrong and Six dollars from 
Mr. Maxwell "who lives at Lee's." 

After the above there is no reference to James Armstrong in the 
voluminous papers of his brother for twenty-five years, when, after an 
evident silence of many years, James Armstrong wrote to his brother 
John on the 22d of April, 1810. The letter and address have un- 
fortunately disappeared, but from the rough draft of John's reply, still 
found among his papers, it seems that James Armstrong, ignorant of 
his brother's aiiairs, had offered to give him any financial aid he might 
need. Extracts from John Armstrong's letter follow. 

"Columbia [now part of Cincinnati, Ohio,] June 22*, 1810. 
Dear brother, 

Your affectionate letter of the 22 of April was handed me 
a few days since. I put it into the hands of your Sister Nancy that her 
husband and family might each have the perusal thereof. They beg me 
to offer their best wishes for the health and happiness of your family. 



v* V 



486 Notes and Queries. 

The old Gentleman is very infirm. ... I am happy to learn your 
family are placed in an independent situation. Your friends (in this 
quarter all however that are within my reach) are placed above want, 
for my own part from my extensive speculations am involved a few 
thousand dollars in debt but have wherewith to extricate myself. . . . 
in 1807 I was gone to the Missouri country for several months ; in the 
years '97 & '98 I spent two summers in the woods without seeing any 
white man but those of our parties. Your friend Daniel McCain did 
not call on me as you expected." . . . 

It is evident that James Armstrong lived somewhere in the seaboard 
states where the conditions of pioneer life were unknown, or his brother 
would not have written of them in this way. If he was the Legion 
officer his obituary should be found between 1810 and 1822. 

Not long after the date of the above letter John Armstrong became a 
paralytic and remained so until his death, which occurred while his 
children were young. 

An old letter of 1843, from a son of John Armstrong, states that, 
Thomas Armstrong had children by both his marriages, but gives only 
four by the first wife. 

Ann Armstrong, born 1750, in Londonderry, Ireland ; died April 11, 
1818, at Columbia, Ohio; married January 30, 1766, at Kingwood, 
(New Jersey?), John McAdams, a native of Co. Antrim, Ireland. 

James Armstrong, eldest son, born probably in Ireland; living 1810. 
John Armstrong, born April 20, 1755, in New Jersey; died Feb. 4, 
1816, at "Spring Hill," Clark County, Indiana. Lieutenant and 
Captain, 3d Penna. Line Regiment ; Captain and Major, 1st U. S. 
Infantry ; Treasurer of the Northwest Territory, a Judge in Ohio, &c. 
He had some dealings in western lands with '• Light Horse Harry " Lee. 
Hamilton Armstrong, Captain in 1st U. S. Infantry ; died May 22, 
1801, at Fort Wayne, Indiana Territory. 

No James Armstrong was taxed in Northumberland County, Penna., 
from 1778 to 1786, although James, John, and Hamilton Armstrong 
are on record as each having a warrant for land in the county, all 
bearing date July 1, 1784 (Penna. Arch., 3d series.) No evidence 
has ever been found that the Legion officer belonged to the distinguished 
Armstrong family of Carlisle, Penna., and its branches, although much 
genealogical investigation has been carried on with reference to that 
line. General John Armstrong had a son Dr. James Armstrong who 
served as Surgeon in the Revolution, 1776, but his subsequent history 
is well known. There was a prominent man of the name in Northum- 
berland County a short time after 1786, who married (1) Eleanor 
Pollock, (2) Eleanor Scull, but he was not a military man and is dis- 
tinctly known not to have been the Legion officer. John, James and 
Thomas are the common names in most of the Armstrong families from 
remote times, and have little significance in this connection unless 
supported by additional evidence. 

John Armstrong of the 3d. Penna. Line, like Jame3 Armstrong of 
the Legion, was remarkable for his feats of personal bravery, though in 
a less conspicuous degree. 

I shall be glad to receive information on any of the above points, 
either through this magazine, or to my address. 

F. C. Cochran, 
107 East Marshall Street, 

Ithaca, New York. 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 487 

Stage route between Philadelphia and New York, shortened 
five miles in 1S06. — 

Mail and Commercial Stages. 

THE Proprietors of the Mail Commercial 
Stages, between New- York and Phila- 
delphia, would inform the Public, that by an 
arrangement made with their former partners, 
they have got relieved from carrying the way 
mail, always so disagreeable to passengers, 
being obliged to wait at each office on the 
road for it to be examined, and in conse- 
quence of their not being hereafter obliged to 
stop at the different Post Offices they will 
continue directly on all the Turnpike roads 
between the two cities, by which the travel- 
ler will have the benefit of a better road as 
well as the distance shortened at least 5 miles. 
No consideration will induce the proprie- 
tors to suffer more than six passengers in the 
stage. 

They will also on Monday the 1 1 th of 
April, commence running a New Line, to 
be called the Commercial, with new carriages, 
good horses and sober drivers. 

THOMAS WARD, 
ABEL CLARKSON, 
WILLIAM GULIE, 
JOS. THOMPSON, 
ALLEN ROGERS. 

April 8, 1S06. 

Ohmeod's Plan of Philadelphia, 1801. — 
A NEW PLAN 

or THX 

City of Philadelphia and its Vicinity, 

This day publifhed and for fale by 

J. ORMROD, No. 41, Chefnut-ftreet, 

Price One Dollar only. 

' I ""HIS new plan, taken from actual furvey, 
is 25 inches in length and 18 in 
breadth, and exhibits an accurate view of 
city, points out the boundaries and fituation 
of the New Wards, as recently regulated by 
law, Water Works, and every other modern 
improvement, down to the prefent period. 



v*V 



T 1 



488 Notes and Queries. 

Likewife, the Northern and Southern Lib- 
erties, in their prefent improved (tate, the 
plan of WEST \TLLE, a new town laid 
out on the Weftern banks of Schuylkill, alfo, 
the face of the country, the Roads, Farms 
and Gentlemens' Country Seats, included in 
a fpace of four miles of the circumjacent 
vicinity. 

Chestxut Street Property eoe Sale, 1814. — 
FOR SALE, 

'HE Subscriber's House, No. 266 Ches- 
nut street. The lot is 20 feet wide 
and 235 feet deep to George street, on which 
street it has a front of 21 feet 8 inches — a 
few feet north of George street, the lot widens 
to 27 feet 8 inches, on which are erected a 
Brick Compting House and Stable and Coach 
House, &c. The Lot has also the privilege 
of a four feet alley leading into Tenth street. 

Thos. Cadwalader. 

feb 1, 1814. 

Merchants of Philadelphia remove their goods to German- 
town during the Yellow Fever Epidemic of 1798. — 

MERCHANTS 

Removed to Germantown. 

The fubferibers have removed their goods 
from Philadelphia to this place, where they 
have for fale their ufual general affortments, 
and expect further fupplies by the fall veffels. 

Germantown is conveniently fituated to the 
navigation of Delaware, being not more than 
5 miles from the tide- water of Frankford 
Creek. Letters addreffed as ufual to Phila- 
delphia, will be duly received. 

BAKER & COMEGYS, bet. 6 & 7 mile ftonei. 
THOMAS W. ARM AT, Do. 

HARVEY & WORTH, Do. 

BENJAMIN BAILEY, Do. 

RICHARD BAILY, Do. 

WILLIAM FROMBERGER, Do. (oppofitc 
the Market houfe. ) 
HENRY MANLY, (fhoe merchant) near the 

6 mile ftone. 
JAMES STOKES, Do. 

PHILIP DETTO, Do. 

SETH CRAIG, (faddler) It alfo near 7 mile ft. 
Germantown, Sept. 21, 1758. 






% V 



:*. 



Notes and Queries, 489 

Notice of Military Parade July 4, 1801. — 
GENERAL ORDERS. 

Philadelphia, June 30, 1S01. 

' I A HE officers compofing the first divifion 
of militia belonging to the city and 
diftrifts of Philadelphia, and not immediately 
attached to the Legionary corps commanded 
by brigadier general John Shee, are hereby 
requefted to be and appear in compleat mili- 
tary uniform with fide arms, at the ftate 
houfe, 10 o'clock A. M. July the 4th enfu- 
ing, in order to celebrate the ever memorable 
4th of July, 1776, as the birth right day to 
the Independence of the United States of 
America, againft all the intrufions of all its 
foreign and domefdc enemies, wherefoever 
affembled. At the hour of eleven o'clock, 
the whole of the military (then prefent) will 
form in the fquare of the ftate houfe yard, 
taking relative rank of promotion from the 
right to the left of the line — And at the hour 
of I 2 o'clock the line of march will proceed 
down Chefnut-ftreet to 4th ftreet, thence 
down 4th ftreet to Lombard ftreet and 3d 
ftreet, where the commander in chief of the 
ftate, governor Thomas M'Kean, will at his 
manfion receive the marching falute from the 
line at large, in honor of the day — From the 
Governors, will proceed up Third ftreet to 
Market-ftreet, thence to Seventh ftreet and 
the State-houfe yard — then the line will be 
difmifled and the officers will return to their 
refpective place of entertainment of the day. 
THOMAS PROCTOR, Maj. Gen. 
1 ft divifion militia, &c. 
Signed by order, 
William Serjeant, ift aid de camp. 

Clowes Family Record. — From original, now in possession of M rf . 

\\ atson, of Milford, Delaware, and said to have been copied from 

the diary of the Rev. William Beckett. 

[In the Episcopal burning-ground of Jamaica is the grave of Samuel 

Clowes, the first lawyer settled upon Long Island, who died 27 August, 

1760 ; that of his wife Catherine Donne, who died 7 August, 1740, and 

that of hi3 son, Samuel, a lawyer also, who died 19 May, 1759. 

Thompson's History of Long Island says of him, that he was born at 

Derbyshire, England, March 16, 1674, and was instructed in mathematics 



'^ V 



490 Notes and Queries. 

by Flamstead, for whose use the Greenwich Observatory was erected ; 
that he came to New York in 1G97, accompanied Lord Cornbury to 
Jamaica in 1702, and was forthwith appointed clerk of the county, 
which he held until 1710, when his professional business compelled him 
to resign it. If his will, printed in the Collections of the New York 
Historical Society, Volume XXIX, pp. 423-4, be correctly transcribed, 
he was born in 1664, as at the making thereof, 24 July, 1750, and 
"written with my own hand," he begins with, "I, Samuel Clowes, of 
Jamaica, in Queens County, Gent., being now 85 years and 5 months 
old, and infirm of body, but Praised be God, of sound mind." His 
son, Samuel Clowes, Jun r ., was for many years Surrogate of Queens 
County, his son, Peter Clowes, was a physician in practice in Broadkill 
Hundred, Sussex County, Delaware, before 1735, and was elected high- 
sheriff of that county in 174S, and his son, John Clowes, to whose 
family this record appertains, was commissioned Justice of the Peace of 
Sussex County in 1752.] 

Samuel Clowes the oldest on this record was born in 1684, and died 
in 1760, being seventy-six years old. He was buried at Jamaica, where 
his tomb still stands. He was alternately a Lawyer and Judge. His 
wife's name was Catherine. They left six sons. Peter, their first, left 
no children who settled in Lewestown, Delaware. John their son left 
sons. Caleb the third son left no children. Joseph no children. 
Samuel, their fifth son, left no children. Gerardus, their sixth son left 
three sons, whose names are Samuel, Timothy and John Clowes, all of 
these lived on Long Island, at Hampstead, and at the City of New York. 
Many of the above-named persons' descendants were still living in 1823, 
in those places ; a few of [whose] names we will give here : Thomas, 
Samuel, Isaac, Gerardus, John, Joseph, Benjamin, Timothy, Theodore, 
Edward, Charles and William. 

John Clowes, second son of the aforesaid Samuel Clowes, settled in 
the State of Delaware, anno domini 1727, August the twenty-fifth, at 
five o'clock. John Clowes was married to Mary, his wife, at Lewes 
Town, in the County of Sussex in Delaware, by the Kev. William 
Beckett, missionary from the Society for propagating the gospel. 

On 1728, June 28 cb , at four o'clock in the morning, was born William 
Clowes, eldest son of the said John and Mary his wife, was born at 
Broadkill in the County of Sussex, and was Christened by the above 
Becket, privately at Lewestown on the 23 lh August, M* Becket, 
Jonathan Bayley, Jane and M rs Becket his sponsors. 

1730, November 5 th , at eleven in the morning, John Clowes their 
second son was born at Lewistown, and there Christened by the same 
M r Beckett, on the 11 th of December following. His Sponsors were: 
M 7 Ryves Holt, John Welbor and M n Holt. 

1732, August 28 th at one o'clock in the morning, their first daughter, 
Aletta Clowes was born at Lewes, and on the 5 th September was 
Christened by the said M r Becket privately, being very sick and on the 
sixth inst died at eight o'clock in the morning, and was buried in the 
Churchyard at Lewestown. 

1733, September 16 th , at five o'clock in the morning, David Clowes, 
the third son was born at Lewistown and christened there by M r Becket, 
28 April, 1734; his sponsors M r Rives Holt, M r Peter Clowes and M ri 
Comfort Clowes. 

1736, July 9 th , at nine in the morning, Catherine Clowes, their 



*v 



Notes and Queries. . 491 

second daughter was born at Lewistown and there christened by the 
said M r Becket the fifth of September following. Her sponsors were 
Daniel Nunez, M r * Mary Nunez and M rs Eliza Price 

1737, December 31 st at six in the morning, their fourth son, Samuel 
Clowes was born at Lewestown and there christened on the 5 March 
following. His sponsors were Simon Kolloek, Edward Naws and M ri 
Comfort Kolloek. He lived until 19 th March, 175S and was buried at 
Broadkill in the burying-ground of his mother's relations, lamented by 
his relations 

1730, February 7 th at five in the morning, their third daughter Mary 
Clowes was born at Lewes and there christened by M r Beckett on 27 th of 
April following. Her sponsors were Cornelius Wiltbank, Margaret 
Kolloek and M rs Hester Phillips. 

1742, May 19 th , at seven in the evening, the fourth daughter, Lydia 
Clowes was born at Lewestown, and there christened by M r Beckett, on 
the first of August, following. Her sponsors were Ilyves Holt, M ri 
Catherine Holt and M rs Nunez. 

1747, March 12 Lb at ten o'clock in the morning the fifth son, Gerardu3 
Clowes was born at Parkton, on the Broadkill, Sussex County, and was 
Christened by the Be v. M r Usher, Missionary at Lewestown on the 
eighteenth of September following. His sponsors were the said M r 
Usher, M r Daniel Nunez and his own mother. 

1700, October 26 th , the eldest son William departed this life ot 
pleurisy, and was interred at Eliza Staton's at Broadkill, where his 
former wife was buried, his four children : First was Catherine. 
♦Second was Mary. Third, Lvdia born 15 November, 1762. Fourth, 
John, born 18 "March, 1765. In 1763, March 14 th , the fifth son 
Gerardus Clowes perished to death in a most violent storm of snow on 
Aceoqunamen Beach, being drove in a vessel there, and was decently 
buried there, in an old Burying Ground much lamented by all his 
Friends. 

1769, April 24 th , at twelve o'clock in the day, John Clowe3 Esq 1- ., 
second son of the aforesaid Samuel Clowes departed this life on the 
ninth day of pleurisy aged sixty-six years and nine days. The corpse 
was laid in an open grave on the 27 th inst., and on the fifth of June was 
interred in a new vault, built at his request at Heaveloes Landing. M r 
Andrews preached his Funeral [Sermon]. 

177<J, February 5 th , at eleven o'clock at night, Mary Clowes widow 
of the above John Clowes departed this life on the eighth day of her 
illness, with pleurisy aged about sixty-three years, and on the eighth 
instant was enterred in the aforesaid Vault. M r Lyons Preached her 
F'uneral Sermon. 

1770, May 25 th , at nine o'clock in the morning David Clowes departed 
this life of a disorder that had continued nearly four years, and on the 
27^ instant was interred in the aforesaid vault," M r Lyon Preached his 
Funeral Sermon. He left but one Child, a daughter. She was born at 
Nanticoke on the 22 nl day of April, 1767, and called Hannah Clowes. 
[She died] 1783, December 9 th at twelve o'clock at night. Died of 
quinsey and was interred in the above Vault, 

1781, November 25 th on Sunday, at three o'clock in the morning 
Lydia Clowes, fourth daughter of John and Mary Clowes and wife of 
Lett Clark, departed this life of nervous fever, and on the 27 th her 
remains were laid in the vault, and on the 4' h December, M r Tillney 



492 Notes and Queries. 

preached her funeral sermon. She left six children three by her first 
_and three by her last husband, viz : Shephard Conwell, born 23 July, 
"1765. Gerardus Conwell, born 12 November, 1707. John Conwell, 
born 29 January, 1770. 
Milieent Clark, born 29 September, 1776 
Anna Clark, born 27 April, 177S 
Charlotte Clark, born 12 February, 17 SO. 

1790, February 2-i ;h , at five o'clock in the morning, on Wednesday, 
John Clowes Esq r , judge of the Court, died the ninth day of his sickness 
with a violent pleurisy and inflamat'ion of the Lungs, aged 59 years, 
3 months and 18 days and was buried at the south-side of the Vault. 
M r Wilson preached his funeral sermon. He objected to being laid in 
the Vault. He left his beloved wife and three children out often. He 
was a son of the above mentioned John Clowes, who died in 1769 and 
grandson of the aforesaid Samuel Clowes who died in 1760. 

Catherine Clowes, second daughter of John and Mary, born July 9 tb 
at nine in the morning, 1736 and now the widow of John Young has 
but one child living, viz : John, born on the 28 th February, 1772. 
Mary Clowes, the third daughter of John and Mary Clowes, born 
February 7 th at rive o'clock, now the wife of John Sheldren Dorman 
has four children, viz three sons and one daughter : 

Gerardus Dorman, born 23 rd August, 1772 

Nehemiah Dorman, 31 July, 177-1 

Elizabeth Dorman, born 29 July, 1776 

John Dorman, 22 May, 1779. 
Mary Dorman, wife of John Sheldren Dorman, departed this life 
about three o'clock on Tuesday morning, 18 January, 1791 

1758, September 7*-, John Clowes Jun r was married to Mary Draper, 
by the Rev. Mathias Harris at John Spencer Esq r 's, her step-father, in 
the afternoon of the above. Mary Draper, daughter of Isaac and Sarah 
Draper was born the 10 tb day of November in the year 1739. The 
above Sarah Draper after the death of Isaac Spencer married the above 
said John Spencer. Her maiden name was Hines. 

1759, August 17 th , on Friday, was born Sarah Clowes, between 
12 and one o'clock, daughter of John and Mary baptized on Monday 
privately by the Rev. Mathias Harris ; and on Thursday, the first day 
of January 1767 at two o'clock in the afternoon was seized with a 
choking-fitt which ended her life in 9 or 10 hours. She was buried at 
John Heaveloe's Landing. 

1762 March 22 nd , on Monday, between one and two o'clock in the 
afternoon was born Samuel Clowes, son of John and Mary Clowes, 
baptized on Saturday following by the Rev. Mathias Harris at 
Pilott-town. 

1764, on Sunday the 7 th of October at two o'clock in the afternoon, 
was born John Clowes, son of John and Mary Clowes was baptized on 
Sunday, 29 September. 1765, at St Georges Chappell by the Rev. 
Mathias Harris, and on Sunday 21 September, 1766. departed this life 
at half past four in the afternoon with a flux of four days continuance. 

1767 on Tuesday, the seventh of April at half past nine in the morn- 
ing was born Aletta Clowes, daughter of John and Mary Clowes, and 
was baptized the 13* h of May at home by the Rev. Mathias Harris. — 
Note. He baptized eighty-five children here this day, forty-six girls and 
thirty-nine boys. 



v* V 



Notes and Queries. 493 

1769, on Monday, the 12- h of June, at half after eight in the morn- 
ing, Sarah Clowes was horn, daughter of John and Mary Clowes, and 
on Monday, the lS vh September, following was baptized by the Rev. 
John Andrews. 

1771, on Tuesday, 16 July, at eight in the morning was born John 
Clowes, son of John and Mary Clowe?, and on Monday, the 5' h August 
following was baptized by the Rev John Lyons, and on the 7 th inst his 
body was interred in the vault at Haveloes Landing 

1780, November 21 st the first son Samuel was lost in the Delaware 
Bay, in a violent storm of wind together with all the others on the 
Teasel. We heard on the 3 ri June following that he was buried on the 
Murderkill Beach, and on digging down to the body believed it to 
be his. 

1772, on Thursday the 20 th August, at half after three in the after- 
noon, was born Isaac Clowes, son of John and Mary Clowes, and was 
baptized by the Reverend John Lyons, the 28 th November following. 

1775. on Thursday, the 2 nd day of February, at twelve o'clock, was 
born Peter Clowes, son of John and Mary Clowes, and on the 22 May 
following he was baptized by the Rev. Samuel Tingle. He was a pious 
and good man, and a Doctor of Medicine. He lived thirty-one years 
and seven months and died of a billious fever leaving one son Ezekiel 
"William Clowes 

1777, on Friday, the 12 tb of September, at one o'clock in the morning, 
was born John Clowes, son of John and Mary, and was baptized by the 
Rev. Samuel Tinley on Saturday, 28 th November, in 1778, at our own 
house. The reason why the Baptism was delayed, it was the time that 
Toryism prevailed. It was dangerous to go to Church and the Parson 
Beldomed called on us then. 

17 SO, on Friday, the 17 th of May was born at 11 o'clock in the morn- 
ing, was born Mary Clowes, daughter of John and Mary, and was 
baptized by the Rev. Samuel Tinley, on Saturday, 26 th August, at our 
house, myself from home, and on July 17 th , 1781, she was taken with 
the diorea which continued with her till the 3 rl of September, when she 
died, and on the 4 tb her remains were laid in the Vault. 

1784, January 27 th . our third son John departed this life of trial and 
Probation at twelve o'clock of a malignant quinsey, or the Putrid Sore 
Throat of only three days continuance on the 29' h . We laid his remains 
in the Vault. 

1789, December 9 th , the second daughter, Sarah, wife of John Clarke, 
died on the fourth day of her sickness on Wednesday, at ten o'clock in 
the morning with a violent head-pleuriser or inflamation of the Brain. 
On the ll lh we laid her in the ground at the south-end of the Vault. 
>l r Wilson preached her funeral sermon on the 14 th . She was aged 
twenty years and six months lacking three days. She left one daughter, 
born October the 4 th , 1787, by the name of Joanna Clark, married 
Martin Duwaeli in 1809, and the said Sarah Clark left one son by the 
name of John Clark, born the 6 lh day of December 1789 and departed 
this life in January, 1812. 

Tucker's Pottery, Philadelphia. — The following extracts from 
a letter of Thomas Tucker to the Secretary of The Historical Society of 
Pennsylvania, dated May 13 th , 1863, are interesting, as they give data 
relating to the first manufacture of porcelain in the United States : 



^ V 



494 Notes and Queries. 

" William Ellis Tucker, my brother, was the first to make Porcelain in 
the United States. My father, Benjamin Tucker, had a china store on 
Market Street, in the city of Philadelphia, in the year 1S1G. He built 
a'kiln for William, in the yard back of the Store, when he painted in 
the white china, and burnt it on in the Kiln, which gave him a taste for 
that kind of Work. After that, he commenced experimenting with 
different kinds of clays, to see if he could not make the Ware. He suc- 
ceeded in making a very good opaque ware, called Queens Ware, and then 
commenced experimenting with Feld Spar and Kaolin to make Porce- 
lain. After much labor he succeeded in making a few small articles of 
very good Porcelain ; and then secured the Old Water Works, at the 
N.W. corner of Schuylkill Front, and Chestnut Streets, Philadelphia, 
where he erected a large Glazing Kiln, Enamelling Kiln, Mills, &c. He 
burnt Kiln after Kiln, with very poor success ; the Glazing would crack, 
and the body would blister, and besides we discovered that we had a 
man who placed the Ware in the Kiln who was employed by some inter- 
ested parties in England to impede our success. Most of the handles 
were found in the bottom of the Saggars, [articles made of fire-clay to 
place the china in when it is being burnt] after the Kiln was burnt. 
We could not account for it, until a deaf and dumb man, whom we had 
in our employ, detected him run his knife around each handle as he 
placed them in the Kiln. At another time, every piece of china had 
to be broken before it could be taken out of the Saggars. We always 
washed the round o's, the article on which the china was placed in the 
Kiln, with Silix, but this man had washed them with Feld Spar, which 
of course melted, and fastened every article to the bottom. William 
discharged him, and we got over that difficulty. In the year 1827 he 
received a silver medal from the Franklin Institute of Pennsylvania, and 
in 1831 one from the Institute of New York. In 1828, I commenced 
to learn the different branches of the business. On the 22nd of August 
1832, my brother William died. Sometime before he connected him- 
self with the late Judge Hemphill, and they purchased the Property at 
the S.W. corner of Schuylkill Sixth and Chestnut Streets, Philadelphia,' 
where they built a large Factory and Store house, which they filled 
with Porcelain. After the death of my brother, Judge Hemphill and 
myself continued the making of Porcelain for some years, until he sold 
out his interest to a company of eastern Gentlemen, but being unfortu- 
nate in their other operations, they were not able to give the Porcelain 
any attention. In the year 1S37, I undertook to carry it on alone, and 
did so for about one year, making a large quantity of very fine Porce- 
lain, many pieces of which I still have ; the gilding and painting are as 
perfect as when first done." 

Letter of John Alsop to Thomas Wharton of Philadel- 
phia. — 

Eliza Town, 19 Sep* 1776. 

My dear friend 

I have just room in the Corner barr room to set down and write you 
a few lines. Gen 11 Prescott & M c Donnell [M c Dougall] are both quar- 
ter'd at this house with the guards &c. which Crowd it much. 

As you will Doubtless ere this comes to hand have heard the particu- 
lars of the battle on Monday last near Bloomandale [Harlem Heights]. 
I shall Omit decending into them, and only give you Joy with the Sue- 



*v 



Notes and Queries. 495 

cess of the Americans, who kept the field, killed & wounded 300. "We 
had only 52 killed & wounded — Gen. Putnam Commanded. 

I cannot hear one word about my family since I left yo